ARTEMAS  WARD 


THE  FIRST  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF 

OF  THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION 


GIFT   OF 


THE  LIFE  OF 
ARTEMAS  WARD 


ARTEMAS  WARD 


Al  Ihe  ui>e  o(  Sixty-Seven 


fllvn  oxa/i  in  dtn 


THE  LIFE 

OF 

ARTEMAS  WARD 

THE   FIRST   COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF 
OF   THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION 


A  man  "universally  esteemed,  beloved 
and  confided  in  by  his  army  and  their 
country." John  Adams. 


BY 

CHARLES   MARTYN 


NEW  YORK 

ARTEMAS  WARD 
1921 


Copyright,   1921,  by 
ARTEMAS  WARD 


]/i^ 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  pAGE 

i     THE  BIRTH  OF  ARTEMAS  WARD.    His  BOYHOOD      3 
ii     1744-1763.      AT    HARVARD    COLLEGE.      THE 

FIRST  YEARS  OF  His  PUBLIC  CAREER     .      .       7 

m  FEBRUARY,  I763-MAY,  1774.  THE  STAMP  ACT 
BRINGS  WARD  INTO  PROMINENCE  AS  A  "PA 
TRIOT."  THE  GROWTH  OF  RESISTANCE  TO 
THE  AUTHORITY  OF  THE  ENGLISH  PARLIA 
MENT  30 

iv  MAY  10,  1774-ApRiL  19,  1775.  MOVING  TO 
WARD  REBELLION.  WARD  APPOINTED  SEC 
OND  GENERAL  OFFICER.  THE  BATTLE  OF 
APRIL  19 55 

v  APRIL  20- JUNE  15,  1775.  THE  SIEGE  OF  BOS 
TON.  WARD  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  OF  THE 
FIRST  ARMY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION  ...  89 

vi     JUNE  16-17,  1775.    THE  BATTLE  OF  BUNKER 

HILL 122 

vii     CRITICISMS  OF  THE  BATTLE  OF  BUNKER  HILL     .    139 
vni     JUNE  1 8- JULY  3,  1775.    THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON 

AFTER  THE  BATTLE  OF  BUNKER  HlLL         .        .144 

ix     CRITICISMS  OF  WARD  AS  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  154 

x     JULY  4,  1775 -JANUARY  15,  1776.    THE  SIEGE 

OF  BOSTON  AFTER  WASHINGTON'S   ARRIVAL  165 

xi  JANUARY  16,  1776-MARCH  27,  1776.  THE 
FORTIFICATION  OF  DORCHESTER  HEIGHTS. 
THE  EVACUATION  OF  BOSTON  .  .  .  .  190 


vi  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

xii     MARCH  18,  1776-MARCii  20,  1777.    WARD  IN 

COMMAND  OF  THE  EASTERN  DEPARTMENT     .   216 

xm     1777-1783.     THE  STRAIN  OF  THE  LONG  WAR. 

THE  CONCLUSION  OF  PEACE 241 

xiv     1784-1787.     SHAYS'  REBELLION       ....    272 

xv  1787-1800.  WARD  AS  A  FEDERALIST  IN  THE 
UNITED  STATES  CONGRESS.  His  RETIREMENT 
FROM  PUBLIC  LIFE.  His  DEATH  .  .  .  300 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

Artemas  Ward  at  the  age  of  sixty-seven      .       .       Frontispiece 

From   the  portrait  by   Charles    Willson  Pcale  In  Independence  Hall. 

FACING  PAGE 

The  questions  to  be  debated  by  the  candidates  for  the 

degree  of  A.M.,  Harvard  College,  1751  10 

Hastings'  House  (the  ''Holmes  House"),  headquarters 
of  General  Ward  and  the  Committee  of  Safety 
during  the  first  months  of  the  siege  of  Boston  .  .  90 

Boston  and  its  environs  in  1775    (map)       ....      92 

The  first  American  resolution  for  the  seizure  of  Dor 
chester  Neck,  May  9,  1775 102 

Ward's  letter  to  President  Joseph  Warren  urging  the 

Provincial  Congress  to  action,  May  19,   1775      .    108 

Ward's    commission    as    Commander-in-chief    of    the 

Massachusetts  forces 108 

The  resolution  of  the  Council  of  War,  June  15,  1775, 

to  occupy  both  Bunker  Hill  and  Dorchester  Neck   118 

Ward's  order  for  the  relief  of  the  Bunker  Hill  de 
tachment  124 

Ward's  demand  that  the  troops  be  protected  from  the 

weather 146 

President  Hancock's  letter  transmitting  Ward's  com 
mission  as  First  Major-General  of  the  continental 
army 150 

Ward's  letter  accepting  his  commission  as  First  Major- 
General  of  the  continental  army 150 


viii  ILLUSTRATIONS 

FACING  PAGE 

Ward's  order  for  the  fortification  of  Dorchester  Heights  202 

Colonel  Whitcomb's  letter  telling  of  the  expulsion  of 

the  English  ships  from  Boston  harbor      .       .       .    226 

The  Artemas  Ward  House,  Shrewsbury,  Mass.      .       .282 

Governor  Bowdoin's  letter  asking  Ward's  advice  on  the 

suppression  of  Shays'  Rebellion 294 

The    Artemas    Ward    Memorial    Entrance,    Mountain 

View  Cemetery,  Shrewsbury,  Mass 322 


PUBLISHER'S  PREFACE 

FROM  my  childhood  I  had  hoped  to  write  the  biography 
of  my  great-grandfather,  Artemas  Ward,  the  first  com- 
mander-in-chief  of  the  American  Revolution,  and  I  have 
always  promised  myself  that  some  day  I  would  publish  a 
life  story  that  would  give  him  his  rightful  place  among 
Revolutionary  leaders. 

I  have  not  been  alone  in  my  uneasy  conviction  that 
Artemas  Ward's  memory  has  been  unjustly  neglected. 
Others,  though  lacking  the  impulse  of  relationship,  have  felt 
that  in  the  history  of  the  founding  of  the  United  States 
there  is  a  blank  that  should  be  filled  with  the  story  of  his 
life.  Even  so  long  as  eighty-one  years  ago,  Emory  Wash- 
burn  expressed  a  hope  that  some  one  would  "yet"  prepare 
a  biography  of  General  Ward  that  would  "do  justice  to 
the  memory  of  one  of  the  earliest  and  bravest  of  the  patriots 
of  the  Revolution." 

If  a  commonplace  biography  would  have  contented  me, 
it  could  have  been  produced  very  easily  by  interweaving  some 
of  the  original  material  in  the  Artemas  Ward  Manuscripts 
with  a  conventional  account  of  the  American  Revolution  and 
the  establishment  of  the  United  States,  but  I  had  no  desire 
to  write  or  publish  such  a  biography. 

To  accomplish  what  I  desired  involved  a  great  amount 
of  research — it  was  plainly  a  labor  of  years.  I  continually 
hoped  to  be  able  to  set  aside  all  other  claims  upon  my  time 
and  to  devote  my  whole  attention  to  the  task,  but  the  op 
portunity  always  evaded  me,  and,  finally,  I  turned  to  Mr. 
Charles  Martyn  and  commissioned  him  to  do  the  research 
for  me.  I  knew  that  he  would  spare  no  effort  in  the  hunt 

ix 


x  PUBLISHER'S  PREFACE 

for  original  pertinent  material,  and,  further,  that  there  was 
not  the  slightest  danger  that  he  would  gild  a  point  or  dodge 
an  issue  for  the  sake  of  making  a  palatable  story. 

In  giving  this  commission,  my  intention  had  been  to  write 
the  biography  myself  on  the  foundation  of  the  material  that 
Mr.  Martyn  should  gather,  but  as  he  progressed  and  turned 
up  record  after  record  that  threw  new  light  on  the  ancestor 
whom  I  so  greatly  admire,  and  from  these  records  pre 
sented  me  with  a  living  portrait  of  Artemas  Ward  as  his 
contemporaries  knew  him,  I  increasingly  felt  that  his  memory 
would  be  better  served  if  his  biography  were  written  by  the 
man  who  had  made  so  intensive  a  study  of  his  career. 

Therefore  I  finally  decided  to  entrust  the  entire  work 
to  Mr.  Martyn,  and  I  feel  that  this  volume  is  both  my 
justification  and  reward.  Its  accuracy,  its  completeness,  and 
its  many  newly  presented  points  will,  I  am  confident,  win 
for  it  a  permanent  place  among  standard  histories.  I  do 
not  think  that  any  reader  will  take  exception  to  the  statement 
that  no  one  can  obtain  a  correct  understanding  of  the  siege 
of  Boston  unless  he  supplements  other  authorities  with  a 
perusal  of  the  several  chapters  devoted  to  it  in  this  biography. 

ARTEMAS  WARD. 


INTRODUCTION 

THIS  volume,  modest  though  its  size,  represents  a  great 
deal  of  labor.  It  has  involved  a  personal  scrutiny  of 
the  original  official  records  of  half  a  century,  and  of  a  great 
quantity  of  other  material,  printed  and  manuscript,  in  scores 
of  public  and  private  depositories. 

Its  story  is  of  the  high  elevation  of  an  eighteenth-century 
Massachusetts  country-township  leader.  In  Artemas  Ward  it 
presents  a  type  as  clear-cut  and  distinct  as  that  of  the  Samuel 
Adams  of  the  Boston  town-meeting  and  the  wealthy  Wash 
ington  of  Virginia;  and  it  tells  of  a  life  lived  in  the  strength 
of  an  unquestioning  faith  in  the  Puritan  religion,  of  an  in 
telligence  of  high  order  "directed  chiefly  to  the  practical 
interests  of  mankind,"  of  a  character  distinguished  by  in 
dustry,  and  patience,  and  forgetfulness  of  self,  by  tenacity  of 
conviction  and  complete  integrity. 

I  have  worked  throughout  with  the  intent  to  produce  a 
biography  faithful  to  accuracy.  I  have  kept  ever  in  mind 
the  title  of  historians  and  students  to  the  full  evidence  with 
out  interpolation,  omission,  or  evasion;  and  I  have  ruth 
lessly  discarded  pleasing  family  traditions  except  when  I 
have  found  them  to  be  supported  by  impartial  authorities. 

I  gratefully  acknowledge  the  invaluable  assistance  of 
many  individuals. 

Chief  among  them  is  Mr.  Artemas  Ward  of  New  York, 
publisher  of  the  biography,  whose  whole-hearted  cooperation 
has  been  extended  every  step  of  the  way,  who  stimulated 
enthusiasm  when  the  task  grew  wearisome — who  never  be 
grudged  expense,  and  who  sturdily  agreed  with  me  on  an 


xii  INTRODUCTION 

unswerving  policy  of  the  truth, — only  the  truth, — and  the 
whole  truth. 

Next  came  Miss  Clara  Denny  Ward  of  Shrewsbury, 
Mass.,  custodian  of  the  Artemas  Ward  Manuscripts.  It 
is  my  one  regret  that  she  did  not  survive  to  read  the  story 
in  which  she  was  so  keenly  interested. 

Lengthening  the  list  are  the  other  descendants  of  General 
Ward  who  opened  family  collections  for  my  use,  and  officers 
of  archives,  historical  societies,  and  libraries. 

A  great  deal  of  my  material  was  obtained  from  the  rich 
store  of  manuscripts  in  the  Massachusetts  Archives.  Most  of 
my  research  there  was  done  while  Mr.  James  J.  Tracy  was 
Chief,  and  he  accorded  me  every  possible  aid  and  facility. 
I  found  the  same  earnest  effort  to  be  of  service  when  Mr. 
John  H.  Edmonds  succeeded  Mr.  Tracy.  A  special  tribute 
is  due  to  Miss  Alice  R.  Farnum,  First  Assistant,  for  much 
long-continued  painstaking  investigation. 

I  have  frequently  delved  also  in  the  collections  of  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society  and  the  American  An 
tiquarian  Society;  and  Mr.  Julius  H.  Tuttle,  librarian  of  the 
former,  and  Mr.  Clarence  S.  Brigham,  librarian  of  the  lat 
ter,  have  always  met  me  with  most  kindly  helpfulness. 

I  have,  in  addition,  spent  months  in  the  New  York  Pub 
lic  Library  and  have  enjoyed  the  consistent  courtesy  of  its 
officials;  and  I  have  been  the  recipient  of  many  favors  from 
the  Manuscript  Division  of  the  Library  of  Congress,  from 
the  Boston  Public  Library,  and  from  Mr.  William  C.  Lane, 
librarian  of  Harvard  College. 

Finally,  I  acknowledge  my  indebtedness  to  Lord  Dart 
mouth,  great-great-grandson  of  the  Lord  Dartmouth  of  this 
biography,  for  generously  free  access  to  the  famous  Dart 
mouth  Manuscripts;  and  to  Mrs.  Harriette  M.  Forbes  for 
having  placed  at  my  service  the  manuscript  of  her  forthcom 
ing  Bibliography  of  Early  New  England  Diaries. 

For  the  convenience  of  students  and  in  support  of  state 
ments,  I  have  given  copious  references,  except  that  I  have 


INTRODUCTION  xiii 

omitted  all  references  to  executive  and  legislative  journals. 
Every  statement  made  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Massachu 
setts  General  Court,  the  Provincial  Congresses,  the  Conti 
nental  Congress,  and  the  United  States  Congress  has — 
unless  otherwise  especially  noted — been  taken  from  the 
official  journals,  and,  being  dated,  can  be  found  almost  as 
easily  without,  as  with,  page  numbers.  To  have  given  refer 
ences  for  all  such  statements  would  have  greatly  increased  the 
number  of  foot-notes,  and  would  have  been  of  only  trifling 
assistance  to  students. 

CHARLES  MARTYN. 


ARTEMAS   WARD 


CHAPTER  I 

The  Birth  of  Artemas  Ward.    His  Boyhood 

MASSACHUSETTS  was  in  the  throes  of  a  religious 
awakening  when  on  Sunday,  November  26,1  1727,  in 
the  new  settlement  of  Shrewsbury,  a  boy  was  born  "unto 
Nahum  Ward  and  Martha,  his  wife."  They  christened  him 
"Artemas,"  having  drawn  the  name  from  the  Bible  in  the  old 
New  England  way.  This  book  is  his  biography. 

In  1727  we  are  still  but  a  little  way  beyond  our  first  century 
in  North  America. 

The  English  colonies  have  waxed  strong  despite  their 
losses  and  tribulations  in  conflict  with  nature,  the  French,  and 
the  Indians;  despite  their  struggles  with  fiscal  problems;  de 
spite  the  mixed  blessings  of  the  imperial  control  of  the  seven 
teenth  (and  eighteenth)  centuries.  Their  farms  and  planta 
tions  are  productive,  their  ships  and  boats  are  many,  and  their 
commerce  has  steadily  grown. 

Their  dominion  comprises,  however,  a  mere  ribbon  of  ter 
ritory  along  the  Atlantic  seaboard.  And  if  one  add  to  it  the 
French  settlements  and  outposts  to  the  north  and  west,  and 
the  Spanish  efforts  to  the  south  and  southwest,  the  total  thus 
attained  of  all  the  works  of  European  hands  and  brains  on 
the  North  American  continent  is  still  utterly  overshadowed 
by  the  immensity  of  the  unconquered  spaces — the  millions  of 
miles  of  wild  land  peopled  by  savages.  The  French  and 
English  bloodily  disputed  the  ownership  of  a  continent 
upon  whose  surface  all  their  forces  were  but  as  toy  soldiers 
on  a  prairie. 

1  Shreiv sbury   Toivn  Meeting  Records,  I,  300.     Not  November  2J ,  as  generally  stated. 


4  ARTEMAS  WARD 

This  was  less  than  two  hundred  years  ago — yet  there  are 
today  within  the  United  States  a  number  of  cities  which  have 
each  a  greater  population  than  the  total,  then,  of  all  the  white 
people  in  North  America. 

The  house  in  which  Artemas  Ward  was  born,  and  in  which 
he  grew  to  manhood,  stood  back  from  the  Connecticut  Road 
—later  known  as  the  Great  Country  Road  (frequently  ab 
breviated  to  the  Great  Road  or  the  Country  Road),  the  Post 
Road,  the  County  Road,  and  (now)  the  State  Road — nearly 
opposite  the  present  Artemas  Ward  House.  It  was  a  square 
frame  structure,  with  a  big  stone  chimney  and  home-hewn 
oaken  timbers.2 

His  father — known  generally  at  that  time  as  "Lieutenant 
Ward"  from  his  militia  rank — was  a  man  of  importance 
in  the  little  group  of  farmers  which  constituted  the  Shrews 
bury  community.  He  had  been  one  of  the  founders  of  the 
township — as,  early  in  the  history  of  New  England,  his  grand 
father,  William  Ward,  a  Puritan  exodist,  had  shared  in  the 
founding  of  Sudbury  and  Marlboro.  He  was  Shrewsbury's 
first  moderator  and  its  first  selectman,  and,  as  years  went  by, 
he  filled  every  other  town  office — sometimes  several  of  them 
simultaneously.  On  the  incorporation  of  Worcester  County, 
he  became  a  justice  of  the  peace  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar. 
Later,  he  was  commissioned  as  a  colonel  in  the  colony  service 
and  a  judge  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas.  As  a  youth  he 
had  followed  the  sea,  and  as  a  young  man  in  his  early  twen 
ties  he  had  been  master  of  a  merchantman  in  the  West  Indian 
service. 

Lieutenant  Ward's  wife,  Martha,  was  a  daughter  of  Cap 
tain  Daniel  How  and  Elizabeth  Kerley.  She  was  his  first 
cousin,  once  removed:  a  great-granddaughter  of  William 
Ward,  the  exodist,  through  his  daughter  Hannah,  and  a 
granddaughter  of  Abraham  How,  another  of  the  early  "pro 
prietors"  of  Marlboro. 

"After  the  death   (1754)   of  Nahum  Ward,  the  house  was  sold  to  Henry  Baldwin  and 
achieved  local  fame  as  the  Baldwin  Tavern. 


HIS  BOYHOOD  5 

The  child  life  of  little  Artemas  was  that  of  the  average 
eighteenth-century  Massachusetts  country  boy  in  a  family  of 
comfortable  circumstances.  He  was  one  of  six  children:  four 
of  them  older,  one  of  them  younger.  He  attended  school  dur 
ing  the  short  periods  that  "school  kept"  in  Shrewsbury,  and 
supplemented  this  instruction  by  home  studies  under  the 
supervision  of  the  minister,  the  Reverend  Job  Gushing;  he  did 
his  share  of  the  farm  chores;  he  got  into  a  moderate  amount 
of  boyish  mischief.  He  rode  to  the  neighboring  towns  on  his 
father's  errands :  with  greatest  frequency  to  the  little  county- 
town,  Worcester.  As  his  penmanship  acquired  neatness  and 
steadiness,  he  helped  his  father  in  the  filling  out  of  writs  and 
other  legal  papers — an  apprenticeship  to  the  judicial  career 
which  later  so  well  became  him.  And  on  the  Sabbath  he  sat 
and  stood  through  the  long  sermons  and  long  prayers  which 
consumed  the  greater  part  of  the  day. 

Nor,  for  their  influence  on  an  imaginative  young  mind,  let 
us  forget  the  evenings  of  the  New  England  winters  as  the  fam 
ily  sat  within  the  glow  of  the  big  log  fire,  and  Lieutenant  Ward 
(or  Colonel  Ward,  as  his  father  became  while  Artemas  was 
still  a  small  boy)  told  of  the  dangers  and  adventures  and 
hardships  encountered  and  overcome  during  the  first  century 
of  the  history  of  Massachusetts:  dwelling  much  on  the  early 
Puritan  days,  and  what  had  been  lost,  and  what  had  been 
saved,  of  their  works  and  faith;  and  recounting  tales  of  the 
French  and  Indian  wars  which  had  blazed  and  devastated. 

He  told  of  his  grandfather's  house  in  Marlboro,  garri 
soned  as  a  fort  in  King  Philip's  War;  and  of  his  uncle, 
Eleazer,  who  in  the  same  conflict  was  killed  by  Indians  on  the 
highway  between  Marlboro  and  Sudbury.  Of  the  township 
of  Worcester,  only  five  miles  away,  twice  abandoned  because 
of  the  redskin  danger:  Lieutenant  Ward  was  twenty-nine 
years  of  age  when  it  was  finally  resettled  in  1713,  and  for  yet 
another  dozen  years  it  was  intermittently  in  peril  of  being 
again  blotted  out.  Of  the  slaying  or  capture  of  his  brother 
Elisha  by  Indians,  and  how  his  mother  never  gave  up  hope  of 


6  ARTEMAS  WARD 

Elisha's  return:  when  she  died,  eleven  years  later,  her  will 
contained  a  remembrance  for  him  if  he  "shall  ever  come 
again."  Of  other  relatives  and  many  friends  who  had  lost 
their  lives  in  frontier  skirmishes  or  along  the  Indian  trail. 

Thus  the  boy  grew  up,  the  history  of  an  eventful  century 
strong  in  his  ears  and  mind,  and  blending  therein  with  the 
lore  of  township  and  provincial  politics  universally  and  per 
petually  discussed  by  those  around  him. 

As  he  passed  into  his  teens  the  development  of  his  charac 
ter  set  him  somewhat  apart  from  his  brothers,  and  suggested 
and  justified  his  father's  decision  to  send  him  to  Harvard 
College.  So  to  the  Reverend  Gushing  was  assigned  the  duty 
of  preparing  him  for  entrance. 

For  home  reading,  he  had  the  benefit  of  his  father's  library 
— twoscore  books  and  several  dozen  pamphlets,  chiefly  on 
religious  subjects  and  the  law;  a  very  small  library  by  modern 
standards,  but  much  above  the  average  of  the  time. 


CHAPTER  II 

16-35 


Enters  Harvard  College  1744.  Is  graduated,  A.B.,  1748.  Goes  to 
Groton  to  "teach  school."  Returns  to  Shrewsbury  and  opens  a 
general  store.  Marries  Sarah  Trowbridge.  Elected  to  various 
township  offices.  Commissioned  as  Justice  of  the  Peace.  A.M., 
1751.  Captain  and  Major  in  the  county  militia.  Elected  Repre 
sentative  for  Shrewsbury,  and  repeatedly  reflected.  Marches  on 
the  alarm  after  the  capture  of  Fort  William  Henry  by  the  French. 
Major  in  a  regiment  raised  for  the  Ticonderoga  campaign.  Pro 
moted  to  Lieutenant-Colonel.  The  Battle  of  Ticonderoga.  Com 
missioned  as  Colonel.  Appointed  Judge  of  the  Court  of  Common 
Pleas  for  Worcester  County.  Moves  his  family  into  the  "Old 
Part"  of  the  present  Artemas  Ward  House. 

THE  full  chronicle  of  the  life  of  Artemas  Ward  com 
mences  with  his  admission  to  Harvard  College  in  1744. 
He  was  then  sixteen  years  old.  Prior  to  that  time,  testimony 
is  scant;  after  it,  his  footsteps  may  be  clearly  followed. 

The  tutor  for  Ward's  class  was  Thomas  Marsh,  a  gradu 
ate  of  1731.  From  1737  to  1741  he  had  been  college  libra 
rian  and  in  1755  he  became  a  Fellow  of  the  Corporation. 

Marsh,  as  was  then  the  custom  at  Harvard,  took  his  class 
through  the  entire  course  from  freshman  to  senior,  except 
ing  divinity,  Hebrew,  higher  mathematics,  astronomy,  and 
natural  philosophy.  It  was  not  until  1767  that  the  four 
tutors  began  to  divide  the  subjects  instead  of  the  pupils  they 
taught. 

Much  time  was  spent  on  theology  and  the  classics,  and 
Hebrew  was  an  important  item  of  the  curriculum. 

The  Professor  of  Divinity  was  the  Reverend  Edward 
Wigglesworth,  of  the  class  of  1710  and  S.T.D.  Edinburgh 


8  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  16-20 

University,  1730.  Higher  mathematics,  natural  philosophy, 
and  astronomy  were  taught  by  Professor  John  Winthrop, 
1732,  a  man  of  broad  acquirements  who  became  an 
authority  on  astronomy  and  seismology.  Hebrew  classes 
were  conducted  by  Judah  Monis,  a  converted  Jew  of  Italian 
birth  who  served  as  a  Harvard  instructor  for  nearly  forty 
years. 

In  Ward's  day  the  number  of  students  at  Harvard  aver 
aged  about  a  hundred,  against  the  several  thousands  of 
recent  years. 

Customs  differed  also — the  breakfast  served  at  Commons 
then  consisted  of  bread  and  a  "cue  of  beer"  I  Equally  dis 
tinctive  was  the  "placing"  of  students  by  the  social  rank  of 
their  families — a  custom  closely  related  to  the  New  England 
practice  of  "dignifying"  the  meeting-house.  The  stations 
thus  assigned  held  good  everywhere  within  college  jurisdic 
tion:  in  chapel,  at  recitations,  at  Commons,  etc.  Of  the 
twenty-nine  freshmen  of  1744,  Ward  was  "placed"  as  sev 
enth. 

Ward's  record  at  college  is  very  clean.  During  his  term  a 
number  of  the  students  were  brought  before  the  faculty  on 
various  charges, — for  not  returning  on  time  at  the  close  of 
vacations,  for  drinking  liquors,  for  being  absent  from  Com 
mons  without  leave,  and  for  disorderly  conduct  of  various 
degrees, — but  Ward's  name  never  appears  among  the  delin 
quents. 

In  1747  (November  21),  a  senior  sophister,  he  is  second 
on  the  list  of  twenty-two  students  who  volunteered  to  assist 
the  president  of  the  college  in  a  crusade  against  "swearing 
and  cursing." 

Profanity  was  a  common  failing  of  the  times.  In  later 
years,  as  justice  of  the  peace,  Ward  individually  supple 
mented  this  students'  crusade  by  fines  freely  and  frequently 
laid  upon  offenders  I 

Those  twenty-two  student  volunteers  held  no  conception  of 
profanity  as  merely  "disorderly  speech"  or  "vulgarity."  For 


1744-1748]      AT  HARVARD  COLLEGE  9 

them,  it  held  its  original  significance  in  the  fullest  force:  it 
was  a  sinful  taking  in  vain  of  "the  great  and  holy  name  of 
God";  a  breach  of  one  of  the  Commandments  on  which  their 
forefathers  had  founded  the  laws  of  a  new  country;  a  crime 
against  their  supreme  Sovereign,  the  dread  Ruler  of  the  uni 
verse.  The  Puritan  religion  had  lost  its  earlier  harsh  inhu 
manity  and  had  dropped  much  of  its  bigotry,  but  it  remained 
a  very  virile  creed,  not  at  all  given  to  euphemistic  glossing. 

Ward  was  between  twenty  and  twenty-one  years  of  age 
when  he  was  graduated  on  July  6,  1748.  A  great  occasion 
for  him  and  his  classmates  when  they  marched,  two  abreast, 
to  the  meeting-house  to  receive  their  Bachelor  degrees.1  And 
the  little  town  of  Cambridge  echoed  the  thought,  for  it  over 
flowed  with  dignitaries  and  lesser  visitors  from  far  and  near, 
Commencement  Day  being  then  the  chief  of  Massachusetts 
holidays. 

Four  of  Ward's  classmates  were  to  achieve  political  promi 
nence  in  the  province.  Two  of  them  took  their  stand  on  the 
patriot  side  when  the  break  came;  two  of  them  adhered  to  the 
tory,  or  prerogative,  party. 

After  graduation  Ward  went  to  Groton,  Mass.,  to  "teach 
school." 

He  boarded  with  the  Groton  minister,  the  Reverend  Caleb 
Trowbridge,  well  known  in  his  own  right  and  with  a  wife  who 
represented  a  line  of  famous  Massachusetts  theologians:  she 
was  a  daughter  of  the  Reverend  Nehemiah  Walter,  a  grand 
daughter  of  the  Reverend  Increase  Mather,  and  a  great- 
granddaughter  of  the  Reverend  John  Cotton. 

1  Because  no  names  are  attached  to  the  theses  by  the  candidates  for  the  Bachelor's 
degree,  it  is  impossible  to  determine  which  was  Ward's,  but  in  1751  when  he  came  up 
for  his  Master's  degree  he  was  Affirmat  Respondens  on  the  Quaestlo,  "An  conscientia 
constituat  Identitatem  personalem." 

The  defense  of  theses  by  A.B.  candidates,  and  of  the  positions  assumed  on  quaestiones 
by  A.M.  candidates,  had  descended  as  a  custom  from  previous  generations.  Each  candi 
date  was  supposed  to  be  ready  to  uphold  his  proposition  or  standpoint,  but  in  the  course 
of  time  it  had  come  about  that  in  most  cases  the  listing  was  both  the  beginning  and  the 
end  of  the  subject:  he  was  an  exceptional  candidate  who  spoke  at  the  commencement  exer 
cises.  Ward  was  one  of  the  exceptions  in  1751 — he  was  one  of  the  three  candidates  for 
the  Master's  degree  who  actually  defended  their  standpoints.  The  other  two  were  Perez 
Marsh  and  Thomas  Sanders. 


io  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  20-23 

The  Trowbridge  house,  a  square  two-story  building,  then 
stood  on  the  site  of  the  present  High  School. 

Young  Ward's  room  was  on  the  second  floor  rear,  over 
looking  the  meadow  which  stretched  away  from  the  base  of 
the  high  ground  of  the  house  location.  Within  easy  range 
was  a  pond  which  attracted  wild  ducks  on  their  migrations. 
The  tradition  is  that  the  young  school-teacher — at  a  future 
year  to  be  the  first  commander-in-chief  of  the  American  Revo 
lution — used  to  amuse  himself  by  "potting"  ducks  from  his 
chamber  window. 

Not  all  of  his  spare  moments  were,  however,  devoted  to 
duck  shooting,  or  otherwise  spent  in  the  privacy  of  his  own 
room.  Some  were  given  to  courtship,  for  it  was  not  long  be 
fore  he  found  himself  attracted  to  the  minister's  oldest  daugh 
ter,  Sarah,  a  young  woman  of  twenty-five  years,  three  years 
his  senior. 

There  remains  no  description  of  Sarah  Trowbridge  as  a 
girl,  but  as  remembered  in  later  life  she  was  a  "calm,  self- 
possessed  woman."  Family  tradition  has  it  that  she  "in 
herited  some  of  the  firm  characteristics  of  her  Mather  ances 
tors."  Her  strength  of  mind  was  probably  pleasing  to 
Artemas  Ward,  for  there  was  nothing  light  or  frivolous  in 
his  composition! 

With  matrimony  in  prospect  Ward  resigned  his  position  as 
schoolmaster  and  returned  to  Shrewsbury  early  in  1750  to 
establish  himself  in  the  house  known  to  tradition  both  as  the 
Yellow  House  and  the  (first)  Sumner  House,  standing 
westerly  of  the  meeting-house  and  facing  toward  the  Great 
Country  Road. 

The  boundaries  of  the  property,  of  inverted-L  shape, 
enclosed  about  thirty-four  acres  of  farm-land,  fronting  about 
five  hundred  feet  on  the  road.2 

*  The  Yellow  House  and  farm  were  purchased  by  his  father,  Colonel  Nahum  Ward, 
in  three  lots  on  April  4  and  7,  1750:  the  house,  two  acres  of  land,  and  a  barn  on  the 
adjoining  "meeting-house  land,"  from  Moses  Hastings;  about  nine  acres  to  the  west  and 
north  of  the  Hastings  plot,  from  Asa  Bowker ;  and  twenty-three  acres  adjoining  the 


E   S   T  I  O   N  E  S 

Pro  Modulo  Difcutienda?, 
SUB     REV E REN DO 

D.  €D\)attio  Hfolpofce, 

COLLEGII-H^  RF  A  RD  I N  I, 

Quod  eft,  Divina   Providentia 

Cantabrigiae  Nov-Anglorum, 
PRESIDE. 

In  Comitiis  Publicis  a  Laurcse  Magiftralis  Candidatis,  Shinto  Nonarum  S^eintil 
M    D    C    C    L    I. 


N   Bcllum,  feu  Continuatio  Belli,  Pace  dubii  tutior  fit. 

Jffinxat  Rtfpendnt     E  D  V  A  R  D  U  S    H  U  T  C  H  I  N  S  O  N. 
II.  An  in  Mercatura,   Commodum  immutabiie,  Jufticia  poftulet. 

Mg*   Rtfpondens    DUDLJEUS    ATKINS. 

III.  An  u'.la  Occupitio   fit  'Rcipublicae  tam  beneficial!?,  quam  Agriculture. 

Ntgat  Rtfpondens    GEORGIUS    LEONARD. 

IV.  An  Status  civilis  oriatur  nc  PacYis. 

Affirm*   Refpondens    CAROLUS    CHAUNCY. 

V.  An  ornnis  moralii  qgens,  moralcm  Lcgem  obfervare  obligetur. 

7      .  /Iffirmat  Rejpandens    TIMOTHEUS    PAINE. 

VI.  An  Confcientia  conftituat  Identitatem  perfonalem. 

4ffirmat  Refpordcns    ARTEMAS    WARD. 

VII.  An  Confifcatio  Bonorum  Parentis  ob  Crimen  laefz  Majcftratis,  Liberns  innocentis  Damnum  injcftc 

afficiat.  Jffirmat  Refpndcns    JOSEPHUS     ADAMS. 

MIL  An  origo  Mali  folvi  pofiit  falvis  Dei  Attributis. 

Affirm* Rtfoondtus    JAHAKOBUS    GUSHING. 

IX.  An  Idea  adzquata  juftitiz  in  Deo,  a  nobis  fonnari  poflit. 

Ntg*  Refpmiau    GULIELMUS    COOKE. 

X.  An  in  Amicitii  inxquali,  ftt  plus  tribuendum  et  retribuendum  majori,  et  minus  minor!. 

Affirm*  Refpondem    JONATHAN    SEWALL. 

XI.  An  detur  Mows  immediate  aVentriculo  ad  Vcficam. 

Negat  Rifpondtns    RICHARDUS    PERKINS. 

XII.  An  Pncfcicnda  divina  tollat  Ubertatcm  agendi. 

Negat  Rtfpondtns    GULIELMUS    BALDWIN. 

XIII.  An  Bellum  aliquod  fit  Juftum  jure  Naturae. 

^ffirmat  Refpondcns    PEREZ    MARSH. 

XIV.  An  Fides  data  in  imperio  civili  Magiftratum  fummum  obliget. 

Affirmat  Refpondens    THOMAS    SANDER'S. 

XV.  An  Vocatio  ad  Miniftcrium  in  Ecclefiis  Sacnim  his  Tcmporibus,  fit  immediate 

Ncgat  Rtfftndau    SAMUEL    ANGIER. 

XVI.  An  Timor  in  Amorc  neceflarie  includatur. 

Affirm*  Refpondtns    SAMUEL    WOODWARD. 

XVII.  An  Decreta  divina  Cnt  omnino  abfoluta. 

Affirmet  Rtfpotdens    JOSEPHUS    BEAN. 

XVTu.  An  Pofitura  humani  Corpora  credb,  requirat,  Pericardium  ct  feptum  tranverfbm  coaltfccre. 
Affirm*  Refptmdtns    JOHANNES    RAND. 

XIX.  An  Leges  Morales  ex  relatione  cntium  Neceflirio   nafcnntur. 

Affirm*    Refpondcns     THOMAS     H  I  B  B  E  R  T. 

XX.  An  Fruftum  prohibitum,  Mortis  Adami  fuiife  Caufam  Phyficam,  probabile  fit. 

Jffirnat   Rrfpoxdcni    JACOBUS    HOBBS. 

XXI.  An  Deus  ex  Seipfo  CauCditcr,  »'.  e.  ut  a  Cauf.i  ex'rftat. 

Ntga  Refpondms    GEORGIUS    LESSLIE. 


HisSuccedit  OR  ATI  O  Valedi&oria. 


From  an  original    (9)4  x  IS 5^)    in  Harvard  College  Library 

THE  QUESTIONS  TO  BE  DEBATED  BY  THE  CANDIDATES 
FOR  THE  DEGREE  OF  A.M.,  HARVARD  COLLEGE,  1751 


BEGINNING  OF  PUBLIC  CAREER     n 

The  house  had  a  rear  lean-to  which  had  been  used  as  a 
shoemaker's  shop,  and  in  this,  on  April  21,  Ward  opened  a 
small  general  store.  His  stock  ranged  from  dry-goods  to 
rum. 

Rum,  be  it  remembered,  was  then  an  article  of  thoroughly 
good  standing  in  New  England,  and  a  part  of  every  man's 
diet,  whether  preacher  or  layman;  as  essential  at  church-rais 
ings  and  ordinations  as  on  strictly  secular  occasions.  "Tem 
perance  societies"  did  not  come  into  being  for  another  half 
century,  and  total  abstinence  and  prohibition  were  still  longer 
delayed. 

Most  of  his  accounts  were  with  men  of  Shrewsbury;  a  few 
were  with  residents  of  neighboring  towns. 

Some  of  his  customers  paid  in  cash.  Others  by  merchan 
dise — homespun  cloth,  "cyder,"  fish,  etc.;  or  in  labor — "mak 
ing  a  saw,  staples,  etc.,'*  "making  a  pair  of  [leather] 
breeches,"  "dressing  one  deer  skin,"  carting,  etc. 

His  marriage  quickly  succeeded  the  opening  of  his  store. 
It  was  solemnized  on  July  31  at  the  Trowbridge  home  in 
Groton. 

The  following  spring  (March  4,  1751)  the  Shrewsbury 
farmers  made  him  tax  assessor — the  first  of  his  many  civic 
appointments,  and  an  office  to  which  he  was  reflected  a 
score  of  times. 

Three  months  later  (June  22),  though  only  twenty-three 
years  old,  he  entered  upon  his  long  service  as  justice  of  the 
peace — an  official  of  dignity  and  importance  in  that  genera 
tion.  It  was  undoubtedly  with  much  pride  that  he  received 
his  commission  issued  "By  order  of  the  Lieutenant-Governor 
with  the  Advice  and  Consent  of  the  Council" :  an  imposing 
document  with  its  round  red  seal,  its  conventional  "greeting" 
by  "George  the  Second,  By  the  Grace  of  God,  of  Great 

Bowker  plot  on  the  north,  from  Moses  Hastings.     The  house  stood  a  little  to  the  west  of 
the  original  structure  of  the  present  Sumner  House,  and  nearer  the  road. 

Three  years  later  (February  15,  1753),  Colonel  Ward  transferred  the  property  as 
a  gift  to  Artemas  Ward  ("in  consideration  of  the  love,  good  will  and  affection  which 
I  have  and  do  bear  towards  my  well  beloved  son  Artemas  Ward"). 


12  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  24-27 

Britain,  France,  and  Ireland,  KING,  Defender  of  the  Faith, 
etc.,"  and  its  signature  by  Spencer  Phips,  Lieutenant-Gov 
ernor  and  Commander-in-chief  of  the  Province  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay. 

The  next  year  (1752)  the  town  clerk's  duties  were  added 
to  his  responsibilities,  and  he  was  also  voted  into  the  full 
dignity  of  a  selectman:  his  first  of  twenty  terms  as  such. 

These  township  offices  developed  and  shaped  Ward's 
character  and  career. 

Of  special  influence  was  the  experience  gained  as  one  of 
the  selectmen, — the  executive  officers  of  the  township, — for  he 
thus  encountered  the  many-sided  problems  of  human  govern 
ment. 

Improving  this  experience  was  that  as  justice  of  the  peace: 
both  locally  and  in  General  Sessions  at  Worcester.  The  sit 
ting-room  of  the  Yellow  House  was  his  home  court,  and  in  it 
he  married  many  couples,  tried  a  large  class  of  minor  offend 
ers,  and  balanced  the  scales  of  justice  between  disputant 
neighbors. 

By  province  laws  a  justice  of  the  peace  had  wide  discre 
tion  in  many  cases — up  to  the  point  of  sentencing  a  culprit 
to  be  whipped  or  to  be  put  in  the  stocks.  Drunkards,  pro- 
faners  of  the  Sabbath,  and  peace  breakers  were  among  those 
who  could  thus  be  punished. 

A  uprofaner  of  the  Sabbath"  included  any  rash  or  self- 
indulgent  person  who  essayed  to  travel  on  Sunday  except  on 
a  very  real  and  easily  demonstrable  emergency.  And  this 
law  was  strictly  enforced  in  Shrewsbury — as,  generally,  in  the 
other  country  districts  of  Massachusetts.  Nor  did  Ward 
ever  relax  his  early  sabbatical  vigilance :  we  find  him,  a  gen 
eration  later,  a  man  of  sixty-one  years,  a  general  and  a  chief 
justice,  standing  in  the  Shrewsbury  highway  to  halt  infractors 
of  the  Sunday  law. 

That  these  functions  as  selectman,  justice  of  the  peace, 
etc.,  were  performed  upon  a  small  stage,  gave  them  addi 
tional  educative  value,  for  the  audience  sat  very  close  to 


BEGINNING  OF  PUBLIC  CAREER     13 

the  actors  and  was  prompt  to  note  and  quick  to  protest  any 
false  step  or  sentiment. 

Local  opinion  was  very  strong.  It  was  indeed  more  than 
that — it  was  almost  omnipotent  in  local  affairs,  for  the  town- 
meeting  appointed  all  town  officials  and  had  the  making  or 
approval  of  all  local  laws  and  orders,  subject  only  to  the 
authority  of  the  General  Court;3  and  in  town-meeting  every 
inhabitant  had  an  equal  voice  and  spoke  his  mind — proposing, 
arguing,  and  disputing  as  his  interests  and  sentiments  moved 
him. 

Ward's  repeated  reelection  as  selectman  and  the  con 
tinuous  acquiescence  of  the  townspeople  in  his  tenure  as  jus 
tice  of  the  peace,  testify  both  to  his  willingness  to  assume  re 
sponsibility  and  to  his  intelligent  grasp  of  human  relations : 
to  a  knowledge  of,  and  respect  for,  local  needs,  sentiments, 
and  traditions;  and  to  a  reputation  for  even-handed  justice. 

The  cumulative  responsibilities  undertaken  also  testify  to 
the  industry  which  distinguished  him.  The  combination  of 
duties,  clerical  and  otherwise,  as  selectman,  town  clerk,  and 
assessor,  added  to  those  of  justice  of  the  peace,  with  the 
incidental  drawing  up  of  documents,  letters,  etc.,  which  ac 
crued  from  that  office — all  imposed  upon  the  conduct  of  his 
store — must  have  made  him  the  busiest  young  man  in  Shrews 
bury ! 

On  May  7,  1754,  his  father  died,  closing  a  much  respected 
and  enterprising  life  at  the  age  of  sixty-nine.  His  will,  after 
carefully  providing  for  his  widow,  divided  his  estate  among 
his  four  surviving  children  and  his  two  grandchildren  by  his 
eldest  son  Nahum,  who  had  died  in  1738. 

Artemas  and  his  brother  Elisha  were  named  as  executors 
and  residuary  legatees. 

On  January  28  of  the  following  year  (1755),  Ward  was 
commissioned  major  of  the  Third  Regiment  of  Militia  in 

8  "General  Court"  was  the  customary  abbreviation  of  "Great  and  General  Court" — the 
title  of  the  Massachusetts  legislature  under  both  the  first  and  second  charters.  With  the 
adoption  of  the  state  constitution,  the  abbreviation  became  the  title. 


i4  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  29-30 

the  counties  of  Middlesex  and  Worcester,  and  captain  of 
the  First  Company  in  the  town  of  Shrewsbury. 

Two  years  later  (May  16,  1757)  he  was  elected  for  the 
first  of  many  terms  as  the  township's  representative  in  the 
General  Court,  and  nine  days  thereafter  he  was  in  the  capital 
for  the  short  spring  session. 

The  Boston  to  which  he  came  as  a  provincial  legislator, 
had  led  the  continent  for  more  than  a  century.  It  was  only  a 
little  town  of  about  16,000  inhabitants,  but  it  hummed  with 
trade,  and  shipping,  and  shipbuilding.  Its  social  life,  too, 
was  varied  and  attractive,  and  it  treasured  no  small  amount 
of  luxury  in  the  homes  of  its  many  well-to-do  citizens.  It  was 
capable  of  a  substantial  brilliancy  in  display  and  entertain 
ment,  and  on  gala  dates,  such  as  the  anniversary  of  the 
King's  birthday,  and  Accession  and  Coronation  days,  it  minia 
tured  London  with  excellent  effect. 

It  was  at  this  time  even  more  than  ordinarily  full  of  life 
and  bustle,  its  normal  industry  enhanced  by  the  activities  of 
war.  The  Seven  Years'  conflict  was  flaming  across  the 
civilized  world  and,  crossing  the  Atlantic,  had  locked  France 
and  England  in  the  final  struggle  for  supremacy  in  North 
America. 

The  Representatives'  Chamber  in  which  Ward  took  his  seat 
under  the  carved  wooden  codfish,  was  on  the  second  floor  of 
the  Old  State  House — the  same  building  which  stands  today 
at  the  head  of  State  Street,  though  then  known  as  the  Court 
House,  or,  locally,  as  the  Town  House. 

Ward's  assignments  during  his  initial  term  were  confined 
to  committees  to  consider  soldiers'  petitions. 

In  the  following  August  came  his  first  call  to  arms  in  the 
excitement  which  swept  Massachusetts  on  news  of  the  fall  of 
Fort  William  Henry  to  the  French  and  their  Indian  allies — 
the  story  made  lurid  by  the  Indian  atrocities  which  stained 
the  French  victory. 

There  was  widespread  fear  that  Montcalm  would  follow 
up  his  success:  first  with  an  assault  on  Fort  Edward  and  then 


1757-1758]     THE  TICONDEROGA  CAMPAIGN     15 

a  general  eastward  invasion.  Thousands  of  militiamen 
grasped  their  firelocks  and  marched  west  and  north  toward 
the  fort  to  meet  the  enemy.  Among  them  were  Major  Ward 
and  his  companies. 

Montcalm,  however,  displayed  no  intent  to  attack,  and 
General  Webb,  commander  at  Fort  Edward,  dispatched 
orders  halting  all  militiamen  on  their  way  toward  it.  So 
Ward  marched  his  men  back  to  their  homes  after  a  very 
brief  absence.  And  Montcalm,  satisfied  with  his  capture  of 
all  the  supplies  at  Fort  William  Henry  and  his  total  de 
struction  of  the  post,  retired  to  Montreal,  releasing  his 
Canadians  for  the  harvest. 

Ward  had  thus  missed  the  summer  meeting  of  the  legis 
lature,  but  he  was  promptly  on  hand  for  the  opening  of  its 
third  session  on  November  23,  and  during  the  two  months 
following  he  was  again  on  committees  to  consider  soldiers' 
petitions,  and  on  others  respecting  army  supply  claims  and 
subsistence  payments,  and  town  and  guardianship  detail. 

He  returned  to  Shrewsbury  on  January  26,  1758,  and 
shortly  after  was  enlisting  men  for  a  regiment  to  be  com 
manded  by  Colonel  William  Williams  in  a  new  and  for 
midable  expedition  against  the  French  forces  and  positions  at 
Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point — designated  by  Pitt  as  part  of 
his  threefold  plan  for  the  destruction  of  French  power  in 
North  America.  The  Ticonderoga-Crown  Point  army  was 
to  be  headed  by  Abercromby,  the  King's  commander-in-chief 
on  the  continent. 

Ward  was  commissioned  as  a  major  in  Williams'  regi 
ment. 

He  was  in  Boston  again  on  March  3  for  the  opening  of 
the  last  session  of  the  1757-1758  legislature. 

On  the  fourteenth  he  was  named  on  a  committee  to  exam 
ine  a  militia  act  passed  January  25,  and  ''Report  whether  it 
may  not  be  expedient  to  suspend  the  Operation  of  some 
Parts  thereof  for  some  Time,  and  to  prepare  the  Draught  of 
a  Vote  accordingly."  The  Abercromby  campaign  would 


1 6  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  30 

draw  so  many  men  away  from  farms  and  other  callings  that 
public  opinion  was  opposed  to  the  further  interruption  of  es 
sential  labor  by  the  general  assembling  of  militia  companies 
on  "training-days"  as  required  by  the  act. 

On  March  20  the  committee  reported  a  bill  which  the 
governor  refused  to  sign.  After  much  effort,  a  substitute 
bill  came  out  as  Chapter  26,  Acts  of  1757-1758. 

Three  days  later,  Ward  was  back  in  Shrewsbury  to  con 
tinue  his  enlistments. 

The  General  Court  had,  on  March  17,  fixed  the  rate  of 
pay  for  privates  at  £i  165.  a  month.  In  addition  it  resolved 
that  "each  able  bodied  effective  Man  who  shall  voluntarily 
inlist  .  .  .  shall  be  intitled  to  Thirty  Shillings  and  upon 
his  passing  Muster  shall  receive  a  good  Blanket  and  Fifty 
Shillings  more  for  furnishing  himself  with  Cloaths." 

The  Council  had,  next,  on  March  25  and  27,  "advised  and 
consented"  that  warrants  be  made  out  for  the  payment  of 
bounties,  but  the  men's  receipts  show  that  in  his  anxiety  to 
fill  his  companies  Ward  advanced  some  of  his  recruits  part  of 
their  bounty  money  without  waiting  for  the  warrants. 

Notice  of  the  Council's  action  necessitated  a  return  to 
Boston  to  draw  the  first  £300  assigned  to  him. 

With  town,  legislative,  and  military  duties  thus  crowding 
his  hours,  Ward  had  little  time  to  devote  to  the  less  congenial 
vocation  of  storekeeping,  and  it  is  not  surprising  that  his 
profitable  merchandise  business  rapidly  fell  away  during  1757 
and  disappeared  in  May,  1758.  Nor  did  he  ever  attempt  to 
revive  it. 

This  new  "general  invasion  of  Canada"  had  been  planned 
on  a  large  scale,  but  the  preliminary  arrangements  were 
faulty.  Ward  was  one  of  nine  officers  who  in  April  addressed 
Governor  Pownall  stating  that  they  esteemed  it  "absolutely 
necessary"  to  receive  a  proper  equipment  of  "camp  fur 
niture" — particularly  kettles  and  haversacks;  to  increase  the 
pay  offered  to  surgeons  so  that  men  of  sufficient  ability  could 
be  obtained;  to  have  an  armorer  with  at  least  one  assistant 


THE  TICONDEROGA  CAMPAIGN  17 

for  each  regiment,  as  "Upon  the  Strictest  Inquiry  we  find  the 
Provincial  Troops  may  not  depend  upon  the  King's  Armorers 
for  the  repair  of  their  Arms" ;  to  obtain  an  increase  in  the 
pay  offered  to  chaplains  "in  order  to  engage  gentlemen  of 
the  best  character" ;  to  have  a  courier  to  carry  dispatches.  It 
was  also  desired  that  particular  care  be  exercised  "that  in 
effective  persons  may  not  be  suffered  to  go  in  the  army." 

April  saw  Ward  for  a  few  days  in  Boston  in  his  seat  as 
a  Representative,  but  by  the  end  of  the  month  he  was  back  in 
Shrewsbury  to  make  the  final  arrangements  for  his  com 
panies.4 

On  May  i  Colonel  Williams  dispatched  orders5  to  "The 
Honble  John  Wheelwright,"  Boston,  for  supplies  for  his 
regiment.  It  included  one  to  deliver 

"60  Arms 

228   Blankets 

228  Haversacks         To  Majr  Artemas  Ward's  Man  that 

228   Flasks  comes  with  a  Team.     Shruesberry." 

42  kettles 

42  axes 

On  May  6  Governor  Pownall  ordered  Colonel  Williams  to 
collect  his  men  without  delay  and  to  get  everything  in  readi 
ness  for  marching,  giving  regulations  concerning  the  cartage 
of  supplies  and  the  subsistence  of  the  men  en  route,  etc. 

Ward  was  obliged  to  make  three  additional  journeys  to 
Boston  to  draw  the  balance  of  the  £770  125.  bounty  money 
for  his  men  and  £440  of  "billiting"  money — the  latter  an  al 
lowance  of  sixpence  a  day  for  each  provincial  soldier  for  sub 
sistence  until  his  arrival  at  Northampton,  where  he  would  be 
placed  on  the  commissary  of  the  "regulars." 

Ward's  very  moderate  expense  account  for  seven  round 

4  On  April  28  it  was  ordered  in  the  House  "that  Capt.  Barrett  be  of  the  committee 
appointed  the  I5th  of  December  last  on  the  petition  of  Jonathan  Stone,  and  others,  in 
the  Room  of  Major  Ward,  who  is  engaged  in  the  intended  Expedition  against  Canada." 

s  Williams  Papers,  172,  Berkshire  Athenaeum,  Pittsfield,  Mass. 


1 8  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  30 

trips  to  Boston  on  this  business  (including  three  trips  for  the 
vacating  of  the  bonds  given)  was  only  £8. 

Then  quickly  followed  orders  to  march  his  four  companies 
to  Worcester  and  thence  to  Northampton  to  join  the  balance 
of  the  regiment. 

The  military  machinery  had  been  cumbrous  in  getting 
started  and  the  army  equipment  was  still  deficient,6  but  the 
expedition  was  at  last  officially  under  way. 

Abercromby  had  under  him  the  largest  army  of  white 
men  ever  to  that  date  gathered  in  a  single  command  on 
American  soil:  a  total  of  more  than  15,000 — 9024  provin 
cials  and  6367  regulars.  Among  its  officers  were  several  who 
were  to  be  closely  associated  with  Ward  in  later  years: 
Charles  Lee,  four  years  his  junior,  captain  of  a  company  of 
His  Majesty's  Grenadiers  of  the  44th  Regiment;  and  Brig 
adier-General  Timothy  Ruggles,  Lieutenant-Colonel  John 
Whitcomb,  Major  Israel  Putnam,  and  Captain  John  Stark 
of  the  provincial  forces. 

Hope  and  confidence  ran  high.  Success  seemed  certain. 
Newspapers  contained  rosy  reports  of  what  was  going  to 
happen  at  uTi." 

Those  who  knew  him,  held  Abercromby  in  slight  respect, 
but  that  mattered  little,  for  next  in  command  was  Lord 
George  Howe,  beloved  and  respected  by  both  regulars  and 
provincials — a  man  of  high  military  ability  and  great  personal 
charm,  blessed  with  a  true  understanding  of  both  the  value 
and  the  peculiarities  of  the  colonial  troops;  a  man  whose 
adaptability  was  such  that  he  not  only  eagerly  absorbed  what 
provincial  leaders  could  teach  him,  but,  in  return,  after  thus 
learning  from  them,  could  devise  and  impart  methods  in  for 
est  and  back-country  travel  which  improved  on  his  instructors. 
There  is  no  danger  of  over-statement  in  paying  tribute  to 

9  There  was  a  "great  deficiency  in  the  number  of  Arms  belonging  to  the  Province."  It 
was  hoped  to  complete  the  equipment  of  the  regiments  out  of  arms  "ordered  over  by  the 
Crown."  The  latter  had,  however,  not  arrived  up  to  May  19  though  they  were  "every 
day  expected  from  Great  Britain." — Governor  Pownall  to  Colonel  Williams,  May  19, 
1758,  Williams  Papers,  181,  Berkshire  Athenaeum,  Pittsfield,  Mass. 


THE  TICONDEROGA  CAMPAIGN  19 

Lord  Howe.  Contemporary  evidence  is  irresistible.  Wolfe 
called  him  "the  noblest  Englishman  that  has  appeared  in  my 
time,  and  the  best  soldier  in  the  British  army."  Pitt  spoke  of 
him  as  ua  character  of  ancient  times;  a  complete  model  of 
military  virtue."  And  in  Westminster  Abbey  stands  the 
monument  which  Massachusetts  Bay  erected  to  his  memory. 

Major  Ward  set  out  with  his  companies  on  the  morning 
of  May  30  and  had  made  the  twenty  miles  to  Brookfield  be 
fore  sunset. 

His  transcript  of  his  diary  of  the  expedition  has  been  pre 
served.7  It  throws  no  new  light  on  the  campaign,  but  it  con 
tains  much  interesting  detail. 

It  records  June  17  and  18,  after  the  arrival  at  Fort 
Edward,  the  building  of  a  breastwork  by  his  men  "on  ye  west 
end  of  ye  encampment." 

On  the  day  following,  the  visit  of  Abercromby  and  his 
aides-de-camp  is  noted,  and  that  the  general  "was  pleased 
with  Colo.  Williams  encampment." 

We  find  a  similar  entry  on  June  22  :  "Ruggles  &  Williams's 
Regiment  mustered  by  Brigdr.  Genl.  Gage  who  did  Colo. 
Williams  ye  Honor  to  say  was  his  Regt.  in  uniform  it  wo'd 
be  one  of  the  finest  he  ever  saw."8 

June  28,  Williams'  regiment  reached  the  southern  ex 
tremity  of  Lake  George  and  encamped  there. 

July  2,  boats  were  assigned  to  the  provincial  troops  to  be 
loaded  by  them  with  "flour,  pork,  etc.,"  for  the  voyage  down 
Lake  George  toward  Ticonderoga. 

July  3,  succeeding  a  parade  of  all  the  regiments  for  a 
general  review,  Ward  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  lieutenant- 
colonel. 

The  next  day  all  "ye  heavy  baggage"  was  put  on  board, 
and  the  following  morning  the  whole  army  embarked. 

T  Owned  (1921)  by  Florence  Ward,  Shrewsbury,  Mass. 

8  Parkman,  Montcalm  and  Wolfe,  II,  93,  says  that  the  provincials  were  "uniformed  in 
blue,"  but  Ward's  diary  is  evidence  that  uniforming  did  not  reach  to  all  the  Massachusetts 
regiments. 


20  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  30 

"The  arrangements  were  perfect.  Each  corps  marched 
without  confusion  to  its  appointed  station  on  the  beach,  and 
the  sun  was  scarcely  above  the  ridge  of  French  Mountain 
when  all  were  afloat.  A  spectator  watching  them  from  the 
shore  says  that  when  the  fleet  was  three  miles  on  its  way, 
the  surface  of  the  lake  at  that  distance  was  completely  hid 
den  from  sight.  There  were  nine  hundred  bateaux,  a  hun 
dred  and  thirty-five  whaleboats,  and  a  large  number  of  heavy 
flatboats  carrying  the  artillery.  The  whole  advanced  in  three 
divisions,  the  regulars  in  the  center,  and  the  provincials  on 
the  flanks.  Each  corps  had  its  flags  and  its  music.  The  day 
was  fair  and  men  and  officers  were  in  the  highest  spirits."9 

They  rowed  northward  all  that  day;  and  then,  as  "the 
Genl  gave  out  orders  we  sho'd  push  on,"10  all  the  night  fol 
lowing  also. 

The  "second  narrows"  was  reached  at  daybreak.  A  few 
hours  later  the  entire  army  had  debarked  at  the  north  end  of 
the  lake  and  commenced  the  march  through  the  forest  to  lay 
siege  to  Ticonderoga.  Montcalm  still  held  there,  though 
debating  hourly  whether  to  make  a  stand — and  if  so,  on  what 
line ;  or  whether  to  abandon  the  fort  in  the  face  of  the  formid 
able  army  coming  to  its  attack. 

The  afternoon  brought  a  calamitous  victory  to  the  Eng 
lish — the  death  of  Howe11  in  a  blind  skirmish  with  a  French 
advance  party  in  the  dense  thicket. 

The  Frenchmen  were  routed — with  many  killed  and  taken 
prisoners,  but  the  English  army  was  thrown  completely  out 

9  Parkman,  Montcalm  and  Wolfe,  II,  92. 

"Colonel  Partridge  to  his  wife,  July  12,  1758,  Israel  WilUami  Papers,  II,  77, 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 

11  The  news  of  the  death  of  Lord  Howe  was  everywhere  received  as  a  calamity  and 
aroused  much  apprehension.  "As  to  the  Progress  and  Effect  of  these  Successes,  we  must 
suspend  our  Accounts  'til  further  News — the  losing  Lord  Howe  is  paying  too  dear  for 
the  advantages  we  have  yet  gain'd  for  nothing  can  compensate  for  so  dear  a  Sacrifice, 
hut  the  Total  Reduction  of  Canada." — Boston  Gazette,  July  17,  1758. 

On  his  loss,  both  provincial  and  regular  officers  blamed  the  disasters  which  followed. 
With  him,  declared  Thomas  Mante,  "the  soul  of  General  Abercromby's  army  seemed 
to  expire.  From  the  unhappy  moment  the  general  was  deprived  of  his  advice,  neither 
order  nor  discipline  was  observed,  and  a  strange  kind  of  infatuation  usurped  the  place 
of  resolution." — Parkman,  Montcalm  and  IPolfe,  II,  97. 


175*]      THE  TICONDEROGA  CAMPAIGN  21 

of  gear.  "All  in  confusion,"  wrote  Ward.  Howe  was  dead, 
and  Abercromby  lost  touch  with  his  command.  He  collected 
"such  parts  of  it"  as  were  within  his  reach  "and  posted  them 
under  the  trees,  where  they  remained  all  night  under  arms."12 
The  others,  Williams'  regiment  among  them,  made  their  way 
out  of  the  forest  as  best  they  could  and  "returned  to  ye  place 
we  landed  at  with  160  prisoners  and  incamped."13 

The  next  morning  (July  7),  still  ignorant  of  the  where 
abouts  of  a  large  part  of  his  force,  Abercromby  also  re 
turned  to  the  landing  place,  there  to  find  it  awaiting  him.14 

His  army  reunited,  the  English  commander-in-chief  took 
up  his  plans  anew.  First  to  set  out  was  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Bradstreet  with  a  detachment  of  redcoats  and  provincials — 
Williams'  regiment  among  them.  They  "marched  and  took 
possession  of  ye  mills" — the  sawmill  at  the  Falls,  an  ad 
vanced  French  post  which  Montcalm  had  held  in  strong  force 
until  the  preceding  day.  Thence,  the  Williams,  Preble,  and 
Doty  regiments,  and  Partridge's  battalion,  went  forward  to 

12  Abercromby's    Report    to    William    Pitt,    Secretary    of    State,    July    12,    1758,    Public 
Record  Office,  London,  C.  O.  5,  Volume  50,  page  353    (page  259  in  British  Transcripts  in 
Library  of  Congress). 

13  Ward's  Diary. 

14  Parkman,  Montcalm  and  Wolfe,  II,  98,  says  "the  effect  of  the  loss    [of  Howe]    was 
seen  at  once.      The  army  was  needlessly  kept  under  arms  all  night  in  the  forest,   and  in 
the  morning  was  ordered  back  to  the  landing  place  whence  it  came."      The  same  state 
ments  appear  in  the  accounts  by  Bancroft  and  others.     The  impression  thus  conveyed  is 
inaccurate.     The  conditions  were  considerably  worse.     Instead  of  merely  an  army  "need 
lessly  kept  under  arms  all  night,"  it  was,  as  noted  above,   a  disjointed  army  largely  out 
of    touch    with    its    commander-in-chief.      A    number    of    regiments    were    "missing"    and 
Abercromby's  aides  did  not  know  where  to  look  for  them. 

Contemporary  accounts  tell  the  story.  Ward's  diary  entry  I  have  quoted  above. 
See  also:  the  diary  of  Lemuel  Lyon,  of  Fitch's  Connecticut  regiment  (The  Military 
Journals  of  Tivo  Private  Soldiers,  22),  July  6 — "at  Sondown  .  .  .  our  men  came 
back  again  to  the  Landing  place  and  Lodged  their";  Colonel  Partridge's  letter,  July 
12  (Israel  Williams  Papers,  II,  77,  Massachusetts  Historical  Society) — "The  Regt. 
got  so  dispersed  we  were  obliged  to  retire  to  open  ground  to  Form  anew  where  we 
camped" ;  and  the  continuation  of  Abercromby's  report — "The  7th,  in  the  Morning, 
having  yet  no  Intelligence  of  the  Troops  that  were  missing,  (being  several  Regiments,) 
not  knowing  which  Way  they  had  gone;  Our  Intelligence  uncertain,  Our  Guides  ignorant, 
&  the  Troops  with  me  greatly  fatigued,  by  having  been  one  whole  Night  on  the  Water, 
the  following  Day  constantly  on  Foot,  and  the  next  Night  under  Arms,  added  to  their 
being  in  Want  of  Provision,  having  dropped  what  they  had  brought  with  them,  in  Order 
to  lighten  themselves,  it  was  thought  most  Adviseable  to  return  to  the  Landing  Place, 
which  we  accordingly  did,  and  upon  Our  Arrival  there,  about  8  that  Morning,  found  the 
Remainder  of  the  Army." 


22  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  30 


"within  J4  mile  of  ye  french"  and  there  built  a  breastwork 
and  encamped. 

Bradstreet  also  "rebuilt  the  bridges  destroyed  by  the 
retiring  enemy,  and  sent  word  to  his  commander  that  the 
way  was  open;  on  which  Abercromby  again  put  his  army  in 
motion  [and]  reached  the  Falls  late  in  the  afternoon."15 

Montcalm  resolves  to  hold  Ticonderoga  despite  the  dan 
gers  of  the  position  and  his  lesser  numbers,  and  to  make 
his  stand  upon  the  ridge  immediately  to  the  west  of  his 
stronghold.  The  decision  reached,  his  Frenchmen  ply  their 
axes  with  furious  energy,  felling  trees  by  scores,  by  hundreds, 
by  thousands. 

The  fort  stood  at  the  point  of  a  tongue  of  land  —  a  rocky 
plateau,  with  low  ground  on  both  sides  —  washed  on  the  east 
by  the  head  of  Lake  Champlain  and  on  the  west  by  the  out 
let  of  Lake  George.  Its  new  defenses  so  hurriedly  being 
prepared  stretch  across  the  tongue  from  water  to  water. 
The  ridge  chosen  for  the  main  defense  crowns  the  plateau 
at  a  distance  of  about  half  a  mile  from  the  fort,  and  upon 
it  swiftly  rises  a  mighty  log  breastwork  zigzagging  along  its 
entire  length.  In  front  of  this  is  set  a  barrier  of  heavy  boughs 
interwoven  with  sharp  points  bristling  everywhere.  Again 
in  front,  on  the  descending  slope  —  as  also  on  the  low  ground 
to  the  sides  —  lie  the  trees  as  they  fall,  crowding  each  other 
in  a  thicket  of  underbrush:  acres  of  trunks  presenting  a 
myriad  obstructions  :  a  vast  abattis  —  a  position  of  a  thousand 
man-traps,  and  every  trap  a  target  for  the  Frenchmen  posted 
behind  the  zigzag  breastwork. 

On  the  next  day  (July  8)  Abercromby,  misled  by  his  own 
incompetence  and  an  engineer's  faulty  report,  ordered  the 
taking  of  the  position  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.  Any  one 
of  several  other  methods  would  have  spelled  the  certain  de 
feat  or  capitulation  of  the  French  —  with,  probably,  slight 
English  losses.  But  Abercromby  and  his  officers,  possessed 

15  Parkman.  Montcalm  and  Wolfe,  II,  98. 


THE  TICONDEROGA  CAMPAIGN  23 

by  the  devils  of  unreasoned  recklessness  and  gross  ill-judg 
ment,  must  hurl  their  men  at  the  French  breastwork  in  a 
frontal  assault.  Hurry,  hurry — reinforcements  are  coming 
to  Montcalm!  No  time  to  bring  up  the  cannon!  Charge 
with  the  bayonet! 

In  the  van,  driving  in  the  French  outposts  as  the  army 
moves  forward  through  the  forest,  are  Rogers'  rangers, 
"Bradstreet's  armed  boatmen,"  and  a  detachment  of  regulars 
(Gage's  Light  Infantry). 

Next  come  several  thousand  provincials,  halting  just  with 
in  the  concealment  of  the  trees  and  underbrush16  and  taking 
up  positions  at  intervals,  extending  thus  across  the  tongue 
from  shore  to  shore — Williams'  regiment  to  the  right  of  the 
center. 

Then — the  main  body  of  the  English  regulars.  Forming 
in  "columns  of  attack"  they  pass  between  the  provincial 
regiments,  march  briskly  out  of  the  obscurity  of  the  forest, 
and  push  forward  to  the  attack. 

"Across  the  rough  ground,  with  its  maze  of  fallen  trees 
whose  leaves  hung  withering  in  the  July  sun,"  the  Englishmen 
"could  see  the  top  of  the  breastwork,  but  not  the  men  behind 
it;  when,  in  an  instant,  all  the  line  was  obscured  by  a  gush  of 
smoke,  a  crash  of  exploding  firearms  tore  the  air,  and  grape- 
shot  and  musket-balls  swept  the  whole  space  like  a  tempest; 
'a  damnable  fire,'  says  an  officer  who  heard  them  screaming 
about  his  ears.  The  English  had  been  ordered  to  carry  the 
works  with  the  bayonet;  but  their  ranks  were  broken  by  the 
obstructions  through  which  they  struggled  in  vain  to  force 
their  way,  and  they  soon  began  to  fire  in  turn.  The  stQrm 
raged  in  full  fury  for  an  hour.  The  assailants  pushed  close 
to  the  breastwork;  but  there  they  were  stopped  by  the  bristling 
mass  of  sharpened  branches,  which  they  could  not  pass  under 
the  murderous  cross-fires  that  swept  them  from  front  and 

"Colonel    Partridge    to    his    wife,    July    12,    1758,    Israel    Williams    Papers,    II,    77, 
Massachusetts   Historical   Society. 


24  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  30 

flank.  At  length  they  fell  back,  exclaiming  that  the  works 
were  impregnable."17 

Abercromby  sent  orders  to  attack  again — and  again  they 
set  themselves  to  the  task. 

"The  scene  was  frightful:  masses  of  infuriated  men  who 
could  not  go  forward  and  would  not  go  back;  straining  for 
an  enemy  they  could  not  reach,  and  firing  on  an  enemy  they 
could  not  see;  caught  in  the  entanglement  of  fallen  trees; 
tripped  by  briers,  stumbling  over  logs,  tearing  through 
boughs;  shouting,  yelling,  cursing,  and  pelted  all  the  while 
with  bullets  that  killed  them  by  scores,  stretched  them  on  the 
ground,  or  hung  them  on  jagged  branches  in  strange  attitudes 
of  death."18 

The  provincial  troops  poured  from  their  concealment  in 
the  forest  and  crowded  forward  to  the  aid  of  the  redcoats— 
but  without  avail,  for  the  flank  fires  of  musketry  and  grape 
beat  down  every  approach. 

Several  times  the  English  attacked  with  the  most  desperate 
courage,  but  their  officers  had  set  them  an  impossible  task. 
The  last  assault  was  made  at  about  six  o'clock:  it  was  as 
fruitless  as  those  which  had  preceded  it. 

"From  this  time  till  half-past  seven  a  lingering  fight  was 
kept  up  by  the  rangers  and  other  provincials,  firing  from  the 
edge  of  the  woods  and  from  behind  the  stumps,  bushes,  and 
fallen  trees  in  front  of  the  lines.  Its  only  objects  were  to 
cover  their  comrades,  who  were  collecting  and  bringing  off 
the  wounded,  and  to  protect  the  retreat  of  the  regulars,  who 
fell  back  in  disorder  to  the  Falls.  As  twilight  came  on  the 
last  combatant  withdrew,  and  none  were  left  but  the  dead. 
Abercromby  had  lost  in  killed,  wounded,  and  missing  nineteen 
hundred  and  forty-four  officers  and  men."19 

The  regulars  had  suffered  the  most  severely — their  dead 
and  wounded  reached  a  full  fourth  of  their  entire  strength; 

17  Parkman,  Montcalm  and  Wolfe,  II,   105-106. 
"Ibid.,  1 06. 
"Ibid.,  MO. 


175*]      THE  TICONDEROGA  CAMPAIGN  25 

but  the  provincial  casualties  were  also  considerable,  nearly 
equaling  the  total  of  the  French  losses. 

Captain  Charles  Lee  was  one  of  the  many  English  officers 
wounded — a  musket-ball  passing  through  his  body  and  break 
ing  two  of  his  ribs. 

A  start  had  been  made  to  build  breastworks  to  check  the 
enemy  if  he  should  follow  up  his  victory,  but  Ward's  diary 
tells  us  that  the  work  was  soon  abandoned  and  that  the 
army  "shamefully  retreated." 

Williams'  regiment  fell  back  only  a  short  distance,  how 
ever,  halting  and  encamping,  together  with  Partridge's  bat 
talion,  at  their  uold  Breastwork"  between  the  French  lines 
and  the  mill. 

The  English  were  still  strong  in  numbers  and  well  able  to 
hold  their  own  even  if  Montcalm  should  receive  his  expected 
reinforcements,  but  Abercromby  had  been  completely  un 
nerved  by  the  losses  he  had  sustained.  His  rashness  "before 
the  fight,  was  matched  by  his  poltroonery  after  it."20  At 
about  midnight  Colonel  Williams  and  Colonel  Partridge  acci 
dentally  discovered  "to  our  great  surprise"  that  the  army  was 
in  full  flight  southward  to  its  boats,  and  they  perforce  again 
set  out  to  follow  it.21 

The  troops  "arrived  at  ye  battoos"  in  the  morning  and 
went  on  board — then  south  the  length  of  Lake  George,  re 
turning  humbled,  disgusted,  and  defeated  to  the  encamp 
ment  which  they  had  left  a  few  days  earlier  full  of  confidence 
and  national  pride. 

The  New  England  provincials  thenceforth  referred  to 
Abercromby  as  "Mrs.  Nabbycrombie"  ("Nabby"  being  the 
familiar  of  Abigail) .  And  Charles  Lee's  sharp  tongue  speaks 
of  him  as  "our  Booby  in  Chief." 

For  another  three  months  the  southern  extremity  of  Lake 
George  served  as  the  main  basis  of  the  army.  A  camp  of  ill- 

20  Parkman,  Montcalm  and  Wolfe,  II,    114. 

"Colonel    Partridge    to    his    wife,    July    12,     1758,    Israel    Williams    Papers,    II,    77, 
Massachusetts   Historical   Society. 


26  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  30-32 

fortune,  its  depleted  ranks  stricken  by  fever  and  dysentery. 
Sanitary  conditions  were  bad,  the  food  often  unwholesome, 
and  hospital  supplies  frequently  lacking.22  On  September 
24  Ward  recorded,  "This  day  according  to  ye  returns  given 
in,  there  are  but  1657  R.  F.  [rank  and  file]  of  the  Provincials 
fit  for  duty." 

There  were,  however,  occasional  bright  spots  in  those 
dreary  months.  The  camp  drew  great  satisfaction  from  the 
victory  of  Rogers'  detachment  in  a  hot  skirmish  with  Marin. 
Ward  wrote,  "ye  truth  is  they  gave  ye  Enemy  a  good  drubing 
this  time!" 

Again,  on  August  20,  glorious  news  came  to  headquarters 
by  a  letter  from  Lieutenant-Governor  Hutchinson  of  "ye 
surrender  of  Cape  Breton  that  it  surrendered  ye  26th  of  July 
last" ;  and,  later,  word  of  the  capture  and  destruction  of  Fort 
Frontenac  by  Bradstreet  and  3000  men,  nearly  all  of  them 
provincials  of  the  Ticonderoga  army. 

Yet  more  weeks  passed,  then  "Amherst,  with  five  regi 
ments,  from  Louisbourg,  came  ...  to  join  Abercromby  at 
Lake  George,  and  the  two  commanders  discussed  the  ques 
tion  of  again  attacking  Ticonderoga.  Both  thought  the  sea 
son  too  late.  A  fortnight  after,  a  deserter  brought  news  that 
Montcalm  was  breaking  up  his  camp."23 

Abercromby  followed  his  example.  The  regulars  were 
withdrawn  and  the  specially  raised  provincial  regiments  were 
marched  homeward  and  disbanded:  Williams'  regiment,  to 
gether  with  Treble's  and  Nichols',  setting  out  on  October  24. 

The  campaign  had  ended,  and  during  the  following  winter 
"only  a  few  scouting  parties  kept  alive  the  embers  of  war  on 
the  waters  and  mountains  of  Lake  George." 

On  his  return,  Ward  made  a  brief  stay  in  Shrewsbury  and 

3  "Our  sick,  destitute  of  everything  proper  for  them ;  an  empty  medicine-chest ;  noth 
ing  hut  their  dirty  blankets  for  bed  and  bedding  in  malignant  and  slow  fevers;  Dr. 
Ashley  dead,  Dr.  Wright  gone  home  low  eno',  Bille  worn  off  of  his  legs.  Such  is 
our  case.  ...  I  have  near  100  sick." — Colonel  Williams,  Sept.  4,  1758,  Israel  Wil 
liams  Papers,  II,  84,  Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 
*  Ptrkman,  Montcalm  and  Wolfe,  II,  129—130. 


1758-1760]     HIS   HEALTH    IMPAIRED  27 

then  proceeded  to  Boston  for  the  discharge  of  his  bounty  and 
billeting-money  bonds. 

This  concluded  a  campaign  of  such  dangers  and  difficulties 
as  test  not  only  a  man's  physical  courage,  but  also  his  moral 
fortitude  in  the  face  of  disease  and  disorder,  and  his  patience 
and  constancy  when  suffering  from  delays  bred  both  by  ill 
circumstances  and  by  the  incompetence  of  military  and  civilian 
superiors. 

Quick  recognition  of  the  excellence  of  Ward's  record  dur 
ing  that  trying  year  is  seen  in  another  upward  step  in  military 
title.  In  the  field  he  had  earned  promotion  from  major  to 
lieutenant-colonel.  Within  two  months  of  his  return  he 
was  commissioned  as  colonel — his  command  being  the  Third 
Middlesex  and  Worcester  County  Regiment,  in  which  he  had 
formerly  served  as  captain  and  major. 

The  Ticonderoga  expedition  had  proved  little  short  of  an 
utter  failure,  but  England's  honor  had  been  retrieved  by 
Amherst  and  Wolfe  at  Louisburg;  and  1759 — the  year  in 
which  both  Montcalm  and  Wolfe  gave  their  lives  for  their 
countries — tendered  rich  promise  that  thereafter  England 
was  to  be  overlord  in  North  America. 

These  successes  must  be  permanently  secured.  And  1760 
again  saw  preparation  for  the  "complete  reduction  of  Canada." 

The  Ticonderoga  campaign  had  seriously  impaired  Ward's 
health,  and  during  1759  he  had  made  no  effort  to  return  to 
service  in  the  field;  but  he  was  ready  for  the  call  in  1760, 
was  commissioned  colonel  of  a  provincial  expeditionary  regi 
ment,  and  was  active  in  enlisting  men  to  fill  its  ranks. 

His  constitution  had,  however,  been  more  seriously  un 
dermined  than  he  had  supposed,  and  he  was  compelled  to  re 
linquish  the  expeditionary  command  and  to  content  himself 
with  that  of  his  standing  militia  regiment  and  the  inspection 
of  expeditionary  enlistments  in  the  post  of  Commissary  of 
Musters.  He  indeed  never  regained  robust  health,  and  cal 
culus,  his  arch-enemy  henceforth,  plagued  him  intermittently 
all  his  life. 


28  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  32-35 

In  civil  affairs  he  steadily  gained  stature  both  in  county  and 
township.  In  the  latter  he  had  become  the  accepted  leader 
of  the  community. 

To  his  township  offices  were  added  those  of  town  mod 
erator  (in  1761,  and  somewhat  later  for  a  series  of  terms)  ; 
church  moderator,  in  1760,  1761,  and  1762,  following  the 
death  of  the  Reverend  Job  Gushing,  his  old  tutor,  and  until 
arrangements  were  completed  for  the  settlement  of  the  Rev 
erend  Joseph  Sumner;  and  treasurer — commencing  with 
1760,  and  thereafter  every  year  except  one  until  the  Revolu 
tionary  War. 

As  Representative  he  was  reelected  without  intermission, 
save  only  the  year  of  the  Ticonderoga  campaign  and  1762 
(when  no  Representative  was  sent  from  Shrewsbury),  until 
he  entered  the  Council. 

And  he  was  on  January  21,  1762,  appointed  a  judge  of  the 
Worcester  County  Court  of  Common  Pleas;24  and  commis 
sioned  as  a  justice  of  the  peace  uof  the  quorum." 

In  the  House,  Ward  was  known  to  his  colleagues  as  an  in 
defatigable  worker,  and  we  find  him,  both  at  this  period  and 
in  succeeding  years,  shouldering  a  great  deal  of  committee 
work:  considering  all  manner  of  applications  and  petitions; 
preparing  currency  and  tax  bills,  etc.  He  also  served  by 
House  authority  as  trustee  for  the  Hassanamisco  Indians. 

It  was  in  1763  (January  12),  the  year  following  his  ap 
pointment  as  judge  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas,  that 
Colonel  Ward  purchased  from  his  brother  Elisha  the  house 
opposite  the  old  Nahum  Ward  home  which  their  father  had 
erected  early  in  the  history  of  Shrewsbury.  The  sale  included 
seventy  acres  of  land  fronting  on  the  Great  Country 
Road.25 

Into  this  house,  a  frame  structure  of  seven  rooms    (the 

24  The  chief  justice  was  Brigadier-General   Timothy  Ruggles. 

'a  Ward  had,  on  December  28,  1762,  sold  his  home,  the  Yellow  House  and  farm 
(page  10,  note),  to  the  Reverend  Joseph  Sumner,  the  new  minister.  Mr.  Sumner  moved 
in  on  June  8,  1763. 


1760-1763]          IS  MADE  A  JUDGE  29 

"Old  Part"  of  the  present  Artemas  Ward  House),  he  soon 
after  moved  his  family  (already  a  typical  old-time  Massa 
chusetts  family  of  six  children),  and  under  its  roof  he  held 
court  and  dispensed  law  and  order  for  more  than  a  score  of 
years. 


CHAPTER  III 

February,  ijdj-May,  1774:  Age  35-46 

Massachusetts  after  1763.  The  Stamp  Act  dispute  arouses  Colonel 
Ward.  Governor  Bernard  cancels  his  commission.  On  many 
committees  of  political  protest.  Elected  to  the  Council  in  a  contest 
with  Lieutenant-Governor  Hutchinson.  Rejected  by  Governor 
Bernard.  One  of  the  "Glorious  Ninety-Two."  Again  elected  to 
the  Council  and  again  vetoed.  A  third  time  elected— and  at  last 
grudgingly  admitted  to  the  Board.  General  Charles  Lee  arrives 
in  New  York.  The  "Tea  Party"  of  1773  and  the  Boston  Port 
Act. 

WITH  the  signing  of  the  Treaty  of  Paris,  on  February 
10,  1763,  we  enter  a  new  era.  English  arms  have 
driven  the  French  flag  from  the  North  American  continent. 
They  have  triumphed  also  in  Asia.  England  has  won  the 
supremacy  of  the  seas  and  has  become  the  greatest  of  colonial 
powers. 

The  English  colonies  in  North  America  have  increased 
from  the  scant  half  million  whites  of  Artemas  Ward's  birth- 
date,  thirty-five  years  before,  to  a  total  of  one  and  a  half 
million.  And  many  thoughtful  minds  contemplatively  regard 
the  vast  undeveloped  Indian-peopled  regions  which  the  for 
tune  of  war  has  passed  from  French  to  English  dominion. 

The  crushing  of  French  sovereignty  quickened  the  hun 
dred  converging  causes  which  formed  the  river  that  within 
a  few  short  years  swept  all  before  it  in  its  course  to  the  wide 
seas  of  American  independence. 

The  outcome  might  have  been  long  delayed  if  it  had  been 
possible  to  make  the  men  directing  England's  policy  com 
prehend  that  her  North  American  colonies  held  in  full  the 

30 


1763-1765]  THE  STAMP  ACT  31 

English  tradition  that  the  right  of  self-taxation  is  the  funda 
mental  of  liberty. 

In  1765  came  the  historic  Stamp  Act — both  the  levying 
and  the  expenditure  to  be  under  the  control  of  the  English 
Parliament.  Every  student  is  familiar  with  the  storm  that 
it  raised  during  its  short  and  impotent  life. 

The  whole  subject  of  overseas  authority  was  suddenly  and 
violently  illuminated.  Here  was  a  clear,  clean  issue,  un 
complicated  by  the  generations  of  mercantile  compromises 
and  evasions  which  befogged  the  operation  of  the  Naviga 
tion  and  Trade  acts.  Here  was  an  act,  in  no  way  related 
to  the  regulation  of  the  commerce  of  the  empire,  designed  to 
collect  a  tax  specifically  for  revenue.  The  revenue  was  to  be 
employed  to  assist  in  defraying  "the  necessary  expenses  of 
defending,  protecting,  and  securing"  the  colonies;  but  this 
provision  did  not  soften  the  American  attitude  toward  the 
two  questions:  Had  Parliament  the  right  to  levy  the  tax? 
Shall  it  be  paid?  The  answer  to  both  questions  was  an  em 
phatic  negative. 

In  Massachusetts,  the  Stamp  Act  aroused  thousands  who 
had  taken  only  a  fitful  interest  in  the  Sugar  and  Molasses 
disputes,  and  had  not  been  enduringly  stirred  even  by  the 
"Writs  of  Assistance."  It  blew  to  a  white  heat  the  flame  relit 
in  the  brilliant  erratic  mind  of  James  Otis,1  at  this  date  still 
bearing  the  title  of  the  "great  incendiary"  of  the  patriot 
party.  It  initiated  the  political  activity  of  several  men  who 
figured  prominently  in  the  struggle  for  independence. 

Artemas  Ward  was  among  those  inspired.  He  had  been 
little  affected  by  the  disturbances  bred  by  the  Navigation  and 
Trade  acts,  and  had  taken  no  part  in  either  provincial  or 
local  quarrels  with  holders  or  supporters  of  the  preroga 
tive — but  the  Stamp  Act  struck  fire  in  him;  his  activity  in 
patriot  circles  commences  with  its  date. 

1  My  reference,  except  where  otherwise  noted,  is  always  to  James  Otis,  the  son, 
of  Boston,  immortalized  by  his  speech  against  Writs  of  Assistance;  not  to  James  Otis, 
the  father,  of  Barnstable. 


32  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  37 

This  new  strong  sentiment  rapidly  widened  the  breach 
separating  the  two  parties  which  in  their  later  development 
are  best  recognized  by  modern  students  under  the  titles  of 
"Loyalist"  and  "Patriot." 

In  Boston,  the  loyalists  formed  a  superstructure  of  wealth 
and  large  social  importance,  centering  chiefly  around  the  An 
glican  church.  Within  their  lines  were  the  governor  and  his 
friends  and  appointees,  the  higher  justices  and  numerous 
lawyers,  and  a  fair  proportion  of  the  merchants  of  the  town, 
together  with  a  coterie  whose  concerns  were  not  materially 
affected  by  either  party  but  who  gravitated  to  the  loyalist 
side  by  the  weight  of  inherited  reverence  for  English  institu 
tions — or  at  the  less  admirable  behest  of  social  ambitions  and 
aspirations. 

Less  socially  brilliant,  but  very  formidable,  was  the  patriot 
party.  It  included  many  merchants  and  professional  men, 
most  of  the  clergy  excepting  those  of  the  Anglican  church, 
and  almost  the  entire  body  of  mechanics.  The  strongest 
figure  in  its  councils  was  Samuel  Adams — "master  of  the  town- 
meeting"  and  ever  ready  of  tongue  and  pen. 

The  Boston  of  Samuel  Adams  and  his  clan  constituted 
the  head  and  mouth  of  the  radical  patriots,  but  their  weight 
and  strength  lay  in  the  country  townships.  It  was  fear  of 
the  manhood  of  the  country  townships  which  held  the  loyal 
ist  officials  and  partisans  in  check  during  the  years  of  wrang 
ling  which  preceded  the  outbreak  of  the  Revolution.  With 
out  the  menace  of  the  rallying  of  thousands  of  armed 
farmers,  the  Boston  patriot  leaders  would  have  enjoyed 
short  shrift.  This  menace  outweighed  even  the  guns  of  the 
English  navy  and  the  bayonets  of  the  regulars. 

Unanimity  was,  nevertheless,  rare  even  in  the  country  dis 
tricts.  Nearly  every  township  held  its  exceptions. 

The  General  Court  opened  its  fall  session  on  September 
25 — just  thirty  days  after  the  sacking  of  the  mansion  of 
Lieutenant-Governor  Hutchinson  by  a  Stamp  Act  mob.  Dur 
ing  its  very  brief  duration,  Samuel  Adams  entered  it  as  a 


1765}         PROMINENT  AS  A  "PATRIOT"  33 

newly  enrolled  Representative — his  first  direct  participation 
in  the  government  of  the  province. 

Governor  Bernard  addressed  the  delegates  on  the  riots 
and  the  necessity  of  submission  to  the  provisions  of  the 
Stamp  Act.  He  painted  in  strong  sentences  the  dangers  of 
refusal  to  abide  by  them — the  loss  of  trade  by  the  cessation 
of  navigation,  and  a  general  state  of  outlawry;  and  argued 
for  the  compensation  of  those  who  had  suffered  in  the  riots. 

Colonel  Ward's  stand  against  imperial  taxation  had  been 
quickly  recognized,  and  on  the  following  day  he  was  added  to 
the  committee  which  was  preparing  an  answer  to  the  gov 
ernor's  message.  This  was  Ward's  first  appointment  on  a 
committee  of  political  protest. 

During  the  same  afternoon  came  an  appointment  on  an 
other  committee  to  deliver  the  Representatives'  reply  to  the 
governor's  notification  that  a  stamp  ship  had  entered  the 
harbor  and  his  request  for  assistance  in  the  care  and  preser 
vation  of  the  Stamped  Papers  that  it  brought. 

The  Representatives'  reply  expressed  their  entire  unwilling 
ness  to  have  anything  whatever  to  do  with  the  Stamped 
Papers. 

Bernard's  retaliation  was  an  excuse-coated  order  adjourn 
ing  the  General  Court  to  October. 

Shortly  after  the  adjournment  came  the  Stamp  Act  con 
gress  in  New  York.  Its  labors  resulted  in  addresses  to  the 
King  and  the  two  houses  of  Parliament.  Timothy  Ruggles, 
chief  justice  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas  of  Worcester 
County  (on  whose  bench  Ward  had  now  sat  for  three  years) , 
served  as  president  of  the  congress — but  the  stand  he  took 
was  strongly  prerogative  and  he  refused  to  sign  the  addresses 
adopted. 

The  General  Court  met  again  on  October  23,  and  on  the 
following  day  a  House  committee  which  included  Samuel 
Adams  and  Colonel  Ward  presented  the  reply  to  Bernard 
which  had  been  held  up  by  the  sudden  adjournment  of  the 
preceding  month.  The  reply  respectfully  acknowledged  the 


34  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  37-38 

authority  of  the  English  Parliament,  though  emphasizing  its 
limitations,  but  its  tone  toward  the  governor  was  of  sarcasm 
and  dislike.  With  this  committee  appointment  began  Ward's 
close  political  association  with  Samuel  Adams — a  bond  which 
held  for  a  quarter  of  a  century. 

Five  days  later  the  House  drew  up  resolves  of  the  "just 
rights"  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  province — disavowing  taxa 
tion  by  Parliament,  and  declaring  that  "all  acts  made,  by 
any  Power  whatever,  other  than  the  General  Assembly  of 
this  province,  imposing  Taxes  on  the  Inhabitants  are  In 
fringements  of  our  inherent  and  unalienable  Rights." 

On  November  7,  Ward  was  placed  on  the  committee  to 
draft  a  letter  on  the  Stamp  Act  and  restrictions  of  American 
trade,  to  be  sent  to  Massachusetts'  English  Agent. 

The  session  terminated  on  the  next  day. 

The  winter  following  saw  a  flourishing  crop  of  the  non 
importation  resolutions  so  distasteful  to  English  pocket- 
books,  an  unrelenting  opposition  to  the  use  of  the  reviled 
stamps,  and  a  great  making  of  homespun  to  take  the  place 
of  imported  clothes. 

The  spring  records  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act  amid  re 
joicing  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic.  American  patriot 
leaders  looked  askance,  however,  at  the  accompanying  De 
claratory  Act,  which  emphatically  asserted  the  ufull  power 
and  authority"  of  the  King  and  Parliament  "to  make  laws 
and  statutes  ...  to  bind  the  colonies  and  people  of  Amer 
ica  ...  in  all  cases  whatsoever." 

And,  further,  in  Boston,  there  was  little  peace  within  legis 
lative  walls,  for  Bernard  made  the  first  session  of  the  new 
General  Court  lively  by  quarreling  with  the  Representatives 
for  failing  to  elect  Hutchinson,  the  Olivers,  and  Trowbridge 
to  the  Council  (which  omission  he  had  countered  by  negativ 
ing  six  of  the  councilors  returned).  He  also  made  very  em 
phatic  his  demand  for  the  compensation  of  Hutchinson  and 
others  who  had  suffered  property  losses  during  the  Stamp  Act 
riots. 


1765-1766]     PROMINENT  AS  A  "PATRIOT"        35 

The  Representatives  retorted  with  objections  to  his  tem 
per,  expressions,  and  methods. 

Ward  was  a  member  of  the  committee  appointed,  June 
27,  to  reply  to  Bernard's  second  message  concerning  com 
pensation.  Its  answer,  delivered  on  the  following  day, 
stated  that  the  House  felt  that  it  had  done  all  uthat  our  Most 
Gracious  Sovereign  and  his  Parliament"  could  "reasonably 
expect  from"  it,  but  that  it  had  appointed  a  committee  to 
investigate  during  the  summer  recess  and  would  act  on  its 
report  during  the  next  session.  It  concluded  by  saying :  "Your 
Excellency  is  pleased  to  enforce  the  immediate  compliance  of 
the  House  with  this  requisition,  by  an  argument  drawn  from  a 
regard  to\the  town  of  Boston,  the  reputation  of  whose  in 
habitants  your  Excellency  says  has  already  suffered  much  for 
having  been  tame  spectators  of  the  violences  committed,  and 
that  this  disgrace  would  be  removed  thereby.  We  see  no 
reason  why  the  reputation  of  that  town  should  suffer  in  the 
opinion  of  any  one,  from  all  the  evidence  which  has  fallen 
under  the  observation  of  the  House.  Nor  does  it  appear  to 
us  how  a  compliance  would  remove  such  disgrace,  if  that  town 
had  been  so  unhappy  as  to  have  fallen  under  it." 

The  same  afternoon  the  House  was  adjourned  without  any 
untoward  event. 

The  trend  of  Ward's  political  sentiments  had  not  been 
overlooked  by  the  prerogative  party,  and  Bernard  reached 
the  conclusion  that  he  was  a  dangerous  man  to  hold  a 
colonel's  command.  His  removal  quickly  followed:  his  com 
mission  was  canceled  within  two  days  of  the  closing  of  the 
spring  session. 

The  delivery,  on  July  7,  of  the  governor's  order  of  re 
moval  formed  a  dramatic  little  scene  which  was  long  treas 
ured  in  Shrewsbury.  The  most  circumstantial  account 
handed  down  to  posterity  is  that  of  the  Reverend  Joseph 
Sumner,2  for  sixty-two  years  the  township's  much  beloved  and 
influential  preacher. 

J  A.  H.  Ward,  History  of  the  Town  of  Shrewsbury,  Mass.,  492. 


36  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  38-39 

Bernard's  message  was  carried  by  a  mounted  officer  in 
full  uniform.  He  found  Ward  on  the  common  among 
a  number  of  the  townspeople  who  had  come  together  to 
tear  down  the  old  meeting-house.  He  delivered  his  dispatch 
and  then,  still  seated  on  his  horse,  appeared  to  await  a  reply. 
Ward  read  the  letter — a  short  one  and  to  the  point,  as 
follows : 

"Boston,  June  30,  1766. 
To  ARTEMAS  WARD,  Esq.,  Sir: 

I  am  ordered  by  the  Governor  to  signify  to  you,  that  he 
has  thought  fit  to  supersede  your  commission  of  Col.  in  the 
Regt.  of  Militia  lying  in  part  in  the  County  of  Worcester, 
and  partly  in  the  County  of  Middlesex.  And  your  said  com 
mission  is  superseded  accordingly. 

I  am,  sir,  your  most  obt.  and  humble  servt., 

JOHN  COTTON,  Dep'y  Sec'y." 

As  Ward  finished  reading,  one  of  the  onlookers  asked  if 
the  message  contained  "important  news."  Whereupon  Ward 
read  the  letter  aloud,  and  then,  turning  to  the  messenger,  said, 
"Give  my  compliments  to  the  Governor,  and  say  to  him,  I 
consider  myself  twice  honored,  but  more  in  being  superseded, 
than  in  having  been  commissioned,  and  that  I  thank  him  for 
this,"  holding  up  the  letter,  "since  the  motive  that  dictated 
it  is  evidence,  that  I  am,  what  he  is  not,  a  friend  to  my 
country." 

The  story  goes  steadily  forward  during  the  fall  and  win 
ter  sessions.  Ward  (December  5)  voted  "Yea"  (with 
Samuel  Adams,  Otis,  Hancock,  the  Whitcombs,  Foster,  and 
other  well-known  patriots)  on  the  bill  which  granted  com 
pensation  to  the  Stamp  Act  Riot  victims  but  joined  with  it  a 
"general  Pardon,  Indemnity  and  Oblivion  to  the  Offenders." 

Bernard  hesitated  to  accept  this,  but  finally  decided  to 
make  the  best  of  it. 

On  January  29,   1767,  Ward  was  with  Samuel  Adams, 


1766-1767]     THE  GROWTH  OF  RESISTANCE     37 

Otis,  Gushing,  and  Hawley  on  a  committee  to  report  a  reply 
to  Bernard's  opening  address  of  the  preceding  day;  and  two 
days  later  on  a  new  committee  to  present  the  answer  pre 
pared — which  referred  somewhat  sarcastically  to  the  spirit 
of  the  address  and  objected  to  the  uninvited  presence  of 
Hutchinson  in  the  Council  Chamber  during  the  attendance 
of  the  General  Court  on  the  governor. 

February  3,  he  was  with  Samuel  Adams,  Otis,  Cushing, 
Hawley,  Dexter,  and  Sheaffe  on  a  committee  to  consider  the 
governor's  acknowledgment  that,  through  the  Council, 
money  had  been  expended  for  the  maintenance  of  an  artillery 
company  which  had  arrived  in  the  fall. 

The  reply  drawn  up  by  the  committee  was  a  strong  rebuke 
to  the  governor  for  having  taken  money  from  the  treasury 
without  the  knowledge  of  the  House. 

Also  on  February  3,  Ward  was  with  Brigadier-General 
Preble  and  others  on  a  committee  to  inquire  into  the  state  of 
the  militia. 

In  June  the  English  Parliament  passed  the  Townshend 
"Act  for  granting  certain  Duties  in  the  British  Colonies  and 
Plantations  in  America,  etc."  It  levied  on  importations  of 
glass,  red  lead,  white  lead,  painters'  colors,  paper  (and  paste 
board,  etc.),  and  tea;  and  legalized  Writs  of  Assistance. 
The  anticipated  revenue  was  to  be  applied  first  to  the  pay 
ment  of  the  colonial  civil  list. 

The  expressed  intent  of  the  Townshend  Act  to  collect  a 
revenue,  set  it,  like  the  Stamp  Act,  outside  the  theory  of  the 
earlier  Navigation  and  Trade  acts,  but  as  "external"  taxation 
it  was  hoped  that  it  would  be  swallowed.  A  few  years  earlier 
it  might  have  gone  down  without  much  trouble,  but  patriot 
political  analysis  had  progressed  and  now  would  not  brook 
any  taxes,  external  or  internal,  levied  for  revenue. 

Historians  note,  with  varying  sentiments,  the  development 
and  expansion  of  Massachusetts'  views  of  her  relations  with 
England,  and  of  her  progressive  objections  to  forms  of  taxa 
tion.  But  this  evolution  of  claim  and  assertion,  as  she 


38  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  39-40 

struggled  to  prevent  colonial  autonomy  from  being  sub 
merged  by  new  extensions  of  imperial  control,  should  not  sur 
prise  the  student.  Both  colonial  and  English  leaders  were 
sailing  on  seas  imperfectly  charted.  England  herself  had  not 
then  formulated  a  clear  theory  of  the  constitution  of  the 
British  Empire. 

The  personal  side  also  made  itself  strongly  felt.  Massa 
chusetts  leaders  held  themselves  fully  the  equals  of  English 
statesmen,  and  had  no  inclination  to  bend  the  knee  to  them. 

The  England  of  George  III  was  feared  and  respected,  but 
with  few  exceptions  its  politics  and  politicians  were,  by  mod 
ern  standards,  both  incompetent  and  venal.  Parliamentary 
representation,  church  livings,  army  and  navy  commissions, 
and  government  appointments  were  publicly  bought,  sold, 
and  bartered:  were  publicly  advertised  for  sale.  All  branches 
of  the  government  were  saturated  with  corruption. 

General  conditions  were  equally  bad.  Greater  wealth  than 
the  nation  had  ever  before  known  had  followed  the  stretch 
ing  of  the  empire  and  the  tapping  of  India,  but  its  possession 
jostled  a  great  deal  of  bitter  poverty;  highwaymen  were  an 
expected  episode  on  even  the  most  frequented  roads;  gross 
immorality  was  rife;  rioting  was  common. 

It  is  not  surprising  that  the  leaders  of  thought  in  the 
cleaner,  more  orderly  atmosphere  of  the  colonies — especially 
the  Massachusetts  leaders — resisted  firmly,  and  sometimes 
most  acrimoniously,  every  attempt  to  bring,  or  which  seemed 
to  threaten  to  bring  them  under  the  thumbs  of  English  office 
holders. 

By  natural  gifts  and  inclination,  and  by  the  experience  of 
well-tried  generations,  the  people  of  Massachusetts  were 
fully  qualified  to  govern  themselves  without  any  imperial  aid, 
superintendence,  or  advice.  Despite  their  place  upon  the 
calendar  of  the  eighteenth  century,  instead  of  the  nineteenth 
or  twentieth,  they  were  as  competent  and  full-fledged  as  are 
the  self-governing,  or  "responsible  government,"  colonies  of 
the  British  Empire  of  today. 


1767-1768}     THE  GROWTH  OF  RESISTANCE     39 

In  practice,  though  not  in  formal  recognition,  they  had  in 
deed  traveled  a  long  way  toward  the  status  of  a  self-govern 
ing  colony,  and  men  of  the  Samuel  Adams  type  desperately 
fought  every  attempt  to  make  them  retrace  their  steps — even 
if  only  a  short  distance  and  for  good  imperial  reasons. 

In  the  following  January  (1768)  the  Massachusetts 
House  met  the  Townshend  revenue  act  with  a  petition  to  the 
King  and  addresses  to  members  of  the  English  ministry,  re 
monstrating  against  taxation  levied  by  Parliament,  and  it  suc 
ceeded  this  on  February  n  with  Samuel  Adams7  "Circular 
Letter"  to  the  other  colonies,  informing  them  of  its  action 
and  suggesting  that  uall  possible  care"  be  taken  that  the 
provinces  "upon  so  delicate  a  point  should  harmonize  with 
each  other." 

Next  one  comes  to  May  25,  biographically  important  as 
the  date  of  Ward's  election  to  the  Council  in  a  contest  with 
Lieutenant-Governor  Hutchinson. 

The  Council  at  this  period,  it  should  be  remembered,  held 
a  large  measure  of  power,  for  it  shared  both  in  legislation 
and  in  executive  authority,  combining  the  duties  now  resting 
separately  on  the  Senate  and  Council. 

Eighteen  councilors  were  to  be  chosen  from  within  the 
old  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony.  Seventy-one  votes  were  re 
quired  for  election.  The  first  ballot  disclosed  only  seventeen 
men  who  had  received  the  requisite  number.  Hutchin 
son  had  been  given  sixty-eight — the  highest  number  of 
those  who  failed  of  election.  The  prerogative  party  ex 
pected  to  seat  him  on  the  next  ballot,  but  Samuel  Adams 
spread  the  news,  freshly  arrived,  that  Hutchinson  had  re 
ceived  a  grant  from  the  crown — that  he  had  become  a  gov 
ernment  "Pensioner,"  and  Otis  hurried  from  member  to  mem 
ber  crying  for  votes  for  Colonel  Ward.  The  result  of  their 
efforts  was  the  immediate  election  of  Ward  to  complete  the 
Council  roll. 

Bernard  promptly  retaliated  by  vetoing  Ward. 


40  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  40 

In  his  letter  to  ex-Governor  Pownall,3  one  of  several  on  the 
subject,  Hutchinson  describes  Ward  as  "a  very  sulky  fellow, 
who  I  thought  I  could  bring  over  by  giving  him  a  commission 
in  the  provincial  forces  after  you  left  the  government,  but 

I  was  mistaken." 

Telling  of  Bernard's  veto,  he  adds,  "Ward  was  sacrificed 
to  my  manes!" 

A  month  later  (June  21)  Bernard  presented  the  instruc 
tions  of  Lord  Hillsborough,  England's  Colonial  Secretary, 
that  he  "require  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  in  his 
Majesty's  Name,  to  Rescind  the  Resolution  which  gave  Birth 
to  the  Circular  Letter  from  the  Speaker  [that  of  February 

I 1  to  the  other  colonies  referred  to  on  page  39]    and  to 
declare  their  Disapprobation  of,  and  Dissent  to  that  rash 
and  hasty  proceeding." 

The  House  came  to  a  vote  on  the  subject  June  30.  By 
ninety-two  to  seventeen  it  refused  to  rescind,  and  was 
promptly  dissolved. 

The  Representatives  who  thus  defied  England  were  ex 
tolled  throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  colonies,  and 
in  and  out  of  print,  as  the  "Glorious  Ninety-Two."  Promi 
nent  among  them  was  Artemas  Ward.  The  seventeen  mem 
bers  who  voted  to  rescind  were  led  by  Timothy  Ruggles. 

Official  voices  were  now  reiterating  demands  for  troops  to 
hold  the  people  in  check.  A  little  later,  the  report  that  troops 
were  coming  resulted  in  a  Boston  town-meeting  which  re 
solved  against  taxation  except  by  their  own  Representatives, 
and  against  a  standing  army;  voted  that  all  inhabitants,  not 
already  provided,  should  furnish  themselves  with  arms,  "as 
provided  by  a  good  &  wholesome  law  of  the  Province" — giv 
ing  as  excuse  the  possibility  of  another  English-French  war; 
and  invited  a  general  convention  of  town  committees. 

Ward  was  on  September  20  unanimously  chosen  Shrews 
bury's  representative  in  the  "Committee  of  Convention" — 

1  MS.  copy,  June  7,   1768,  Massachusetts  Archives,  XXV,   262. 


i768]       THE  GROWTH  OF  RESISTANCE  41 

the  title  applied  to  the  gathering  of  town  delegates  thus 
called  to  the  capital. 

The  convention  held  its  opening  session  on  September  22, 
sixty-six  towns  and  several  districts  being  represented  in  the 
"upwards  of  seventy"  delegates  present.  Later  arrivals 
swelled  their  number  until  ninety-six  towns  and  eight  districts 
were  represented. 

The  delegates'  first  step  was  to  petition  the  governor  to 
cause  an  assembly  "to  be  immediately  convened."  Bernard 
refused  to  receive  the  petition,  denounced  the  calling  of  "an 
assembly  of  the  people  by  private  persons"  as  a  "notorious 
violation"  of  the  King's  authority — "for  a  meeting  of  the 
Deputies  of  the  Towns  is  an  Assembly  of  the  Representatives 
of  the  People  to  all  Intents  and  Purposes;  and  it  is  not  the 
calling  it  a  Committee  of  Convention  that  will  alter  the 
Nature  of  the  Thing,"  and  admonished  the  delegates  "in 
stantly"  to  break  up  the  assembly,  or  he  should  be  obliged  to 
"assert  the  Prerogative  of  the  Crown  in  a  more  public  Man 
ner."  "The  King,"  he  concluded,  "is  determined  to  maintain 
his  entire  Sovereignty  over  this  Province ;  and  whoever  shall 
persist  in  usurping  any  of  the  Rights  of  it,  will  repent  of  his 
Rashness." 

The  delegates  ignored  the  demand  that  they  disperse,  and 
on  the  third  day  replied  to  him  lengthily  and  argumentatively. 
But  this  communication  also  Bernard  refused  to  receive. 

The  convention  concluded  its  proceedings  on  September 
26  with  a  public  statement,  "unanimously  agreed  upon," 
which  is  lavish  in  expressions  of  loyalty  but  which  repeated 
the  protest  of  the  dissolved  House  of  Representatives  against 
taxation  for  revenue  and  against  a  standing  army  being 
maintained  in  the  province.4 

A  squadron  from  Halifax  arrived  on  the  last  day  of  the 
convention,  bringing  a  detachment  of  regulars  under  the 
command  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Dalrymple.  From  their 

*  A  full  account  of  the  proceedings  is  in  the  Boston  newspapers  of  the  time. 


42  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  40-41 

presence  and  those  from  Ireland,  arriving  soon  after,  sprang 
a  new  and  very  thorny  crop  of  disputes — over  their  quarters 
and  their  supplies,  the  legality  of  their  presence,  etc. — a 
wordy  warfare  with  many  threats  exchanged  by  "lobster 
backs"  and  "Sons  of  Liberty." 

Officials  and  their  supporters  of  the  prerogative  party 
rejoiced,  for  they  felt  that  they  had  achieved  the  upper  hand. 
The  troops  garrisoned  the  capital,  ready  to  uphold  them, 
despite  all  the  patriot  protests.  But  this  temporary  success 
served,  nevertheless,  chiefly  to  mark  the  consummation  of 
another  grave  error  of  judgment.  The  use  of  soldiery  to 
suggest  coercion  was  another  defiance  of  the  traditional  sen 
timents  of  the  race. 

On  through  the  winter,  enlivened  in  England  (now  that 
Boston  was  possessed  by  the  regulars)  with  Parliamentary 
plans  to  seize  the  patriot  leaders  for  trial  in  England.  These 
plans,  and  variations  of  them,  were  duly  reported  in  the  col 
onies,  and  with  the  inflammatory  result  that  might  have  been 
expected. 

Next  spring  (1769)  came  the  publication  of  some  of  the 
letters  Bernard  had  written  to  England  during  the  preceding 
year.  He  had  handled  American  conditions  in  an  uncom 
monly  adverse  spirit  and  had  suggested  various  changes  in 
the  provincial  government. 

The  letters  excited  a  great  deal  of  anger  throughout  the 
province — somewhat  to  the  perturbation  of  Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor  Hutchinson,  for  he  also  had  been  writing  in  similar 
strain.  Exposure  was,  however,  in  his  case  deferred  for  sev 
eral  years. 

When  the  General  Court  convened  on  May  31,  the  House 
addressed  the  governor  requesting  the  removal  of  the  fleet 
and  soldiers.  He  retorted  that  he  had  no  authority  over  either. 

On  the  same  day  Ward  was  again  elected  to  the  Council, 
only  to  be  vetoed  on  the  morrow. 

The  House,  after  much  consideration  and  several  reports 
(Ward  was  added  to  the  second  committee  of  considera- 


1768-1769']     THE  GROWTH  OF  RESISTANCE     43 

tion),  drew  up  a  strong  paper  disputing  Bernard's  plea  of 
impotence,  and  expressing  the  alarm  of  the  province,  if  he 
were  correct,  at  the  presence  of  an  army  "uncontrollable  by 
any  civil  authority  in  the  province."  Further,  it  objected  to 
the  idea  that  the  regulars  were  needed,  declaring  that  dis 
turbances  in  Massachusetts  had  been  "greatly  misrepre 
sented"  ;  that  they  were  not  nearly  so  bad  as  many  in  Great 
Britain  "at  the  very  gates  of  the  palace  and  even  in  the 
Royal  Presence." 

Bernard  replied  that  he  could  not  remove  the  troops,  but 
could  the  General  Court — and  did  so,  to  Cambridge. 

On  June  22  Ward  was  on  the  committee  appointed  to 
present  to  the  Council  the  House  approval  of  the  "zeal  and 
attention"  the  preceding  Council  had  displayed  in  writing  to 
Colonial  Secretary  Hillsborough  to  refute  the  statements  in 
the  Bernard  (and  Gage)  letters.  The  Council's  letter  of 
April  15  had  complained  of  the  governor's  representations, 
denying  their  accuracy;  and  charged  him  with  planning  "the 
Destruction  of  our  Constitution."  It  had  closed  with  the  dec 
laration  that  by  the  mutual  lack  of  confidence  his  usefulness 
as  governor  had  been  destroyed. 

June  27,  Ward  took  part  in  a  vote  unanimously  approving 
a  petition  requesting  Bernard's  removal. 

On  July  8  and  12  he  was  with  Samuel  Adams,  Hancock, 
Otis  the  father  and  Otis  the  son,  Hawley,  and  Colonel  Wil 
liams,  on  committees  to  answer  the  governor's  messages  of 
July  6  and  12. 

Their  reply,  unanimously  approved  by  the  House,  was 
presented  to  Bernard  on  July  15.  It  refused  to  appropriate 
money  to  defray  the  expense  of  quartering  the  troops,  and 
strongly  protested  against  the  governor  and  Council  hav 
ing  authorized  disbursements  on  that  account.  It  concluded 
by  asserting  that  "as  we  cannot,  consistently  with  our  honor, 
or  interest,  and  much  less  with  the  duty  we  owe  our  con 
stituents,  so  we  shall  never  make  provision  for  the  purposes 
in  your  several  messages  above  mentioned." 


44  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  41-42 

Meantime,  the  renewal  of  the  taxation  controversy  had 
again  aroused  the  South,  and  also,  in  this  year  of  1769, 
brought  George  Washington  into  the  arena  as  the  introducer 
of  the  articles  of  association  which  gave  birth  to  the  Virginia 
non-importation  agreement. 

The  numerous  violations  of  non-importation  agreements 
only  added  to  the  heat  of  the  conflict.  The  life  of  a  merchant 
of  the  period  held  a  greater  possibility  of  exciting  incident 
than  is  usually  attendant  on  such  a  career.  The  ordinary 
equation  of  business  uncertainty  was  liable  to  be  varied  at 
any  moment  by  a  customs  agent  with  an  omnipotent  searching 
Writ  of  Assistance  or  by  an  equally  aggressive  patriot  com 
mittee  set  in  full  cry  by  a  report,  false  or  otherwise,  of 
"prohibited"  importations. 

In  Boston  the  community  was  continually  disturbed  by 
many-sided  quarrels  engaging  naval  revenue  officers,5  sol 
diers,  citizens,  and  seamen;  the  disputes  occasionally  swelling 
into  violence,  as  in  the  assault  on  Otis  and  the  shooting  of 
the  boy  Snider,  and  culminating  in  the  "Boston  Massacre" 
on  March  5,  1770. 

Acute  indeed  was  the  crisis  following  the  "Massacre." 
Crowds  of  men,  of  Boston  and  all  the  neighboring  towns, 
armed  and  protesting,  filling  the  streets;  other  scores  and 
hundreds  continuously  coming  in  from  the  country  districts; 
the  local  militia  posted  everywhere  to  avert  any  further  clash 
with  the  soldiers — Samuel  Adams  and  John  Adams  and  Dr. 
Joseph  Warren,  as  other  prominent  citizens,  muskets  in  hand, 
taking  their  turns  in  policing  the  town  both  night  and  day. 

5  The  average  layman  reading  that  excise  duties  were  collected  by  officers  of  the  English 
navy,  pictures  the  collectors  as  men  of  the  style  of  those  who  now  command  His  Majesty's 
ships — men  of  the  same  type  as  those  in  our  own  navy  of  today — but  "The  British  naval 
lieutenant  of  1765  was  a  very  rough  person.  He  had  often  been  'made'  by  a  post- 
captain  who  in  an  emergency  did  a  little  press-gang  work  among  merchantmen,  and 
filled  up  the  minor  posts  on  the  King's  decks  from  the  impressed  mates  and  captains 
of  the  mercantile  marine.  Edward  Thompson,  in  his  letters,  says  that  in  his  time  'a 
chaw  of  tobacco,  a  rattan  and  a  rope  of  oaths'  constituted  the  simple  qualifications  for  a 
lieutenancy  in  the  King's  fleet.  Lieutenants  according  to  this  sample  did  very  little  to 
promote  good  feeling  between  Colonial  traders  and  the  British  Navy." — Belcher's  First 
American  Civil  War,  I,  34—35. 


1769-1770]     THE  GROWTH  OF  RESISTANCE     45 

^  ...  :.  ..-,  . 


The  wrath  of  the  people  rose  steadily  higher,  and  a  pitched 
battle  with  the  soldiers  was  averted  only  by  the  governor  and 
the  English  commander  submitting  to  Samuel  Adams'  de 
mand  that  the  troops  be  removed  from  the  town. 

The  following  month  saw  the  repeal  of  the  taxation  provi 
sions  of  the  Townshend  revenue  act  —  excepting  the  duty  on 
tea.  Parliament  might  as  well  have  let  the  act  stand  entire, 
for  the  exception  was  eventually  to  defeat  the  purpose  of  the 
repeal. 

The  new  General  Court  convened  on  May  30.  It  for  the 
third  time  elected  Ward  to  the  Council,  giving  him  115  out 
of  a  total  of  125  votes.  Hutchinson,  now  acting-governor, 
had  marked  him  and  also  Thomas  Sanders  for  slaughter 
again,  but  took  the  advice  of  his  associates  and  concluded  to 
accept  them;  partly  in  gratitude  for  the  election  of  several 
"very  moderate  men,"  and  partly  for  fear  that  a  new  refusal 
would  "increase  the  bad  spirit  in  the  House  and  through  the 
province."6 

Thus  we  find  Colonel  Ward  at  last  a  Councilor  of  Massa 
chusetts.  He  takes  his  seat  at  the  Board  with  twenty-four 
other  councilors,  all  of  them  rather  gorgeous  in  appearance 
because  of  their  large  white  wigs  and  their  scarlet-cloth  coats 
—  "some  of  them  with  gold-laced  hats  ...  on  the  table 
before  them,  or  under  the  table  beneath  them."  Hutchinson 
is  at  the  head  of  the  table. 

Prominent  on  the  walls  are  "glorious  portraits  of  King 
Charles  II  and  King  James  II,  to  which  might  be  added  and 
should  be  added,  little  miserable  likenesses  of  Governor 
Winthrop,  Governor  Bradstreet,  Governor  Endicott,  and 
Governor  Belcher,  hung  up  in  obscure  corners."7 

Ward's  class  at  Harvard  is  well  represented,  for  he  is 
joined  at  the  Board  by  two  of  his  classmates,  both  there  also 
for  the  first  time:  Thomas  Sanders  of  Gloucester  —  he  who 
was  all  but  vetoed  together  with  Ward,  and  who  had  been 

6  MS.  copy,  June  8,   1770,  Massachusetts  Archives,  XXVI,   500. 
1  Works  of  John  Adams,  X,  250,   249-250. 


46  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  42-45 

previously  several  times  vetoed;  and  George  Leonard,  from 
Norton,  one  of  the  twenty-three  members  who  had  been  will 
ingly  accepted. 

From  this  date  until  the  time  of  the  hated  "mandamus 
councilors,'*  Ward  was  each  year  reflected  to  the  Board. 
He  was,  however,  never  persona  grata  to  the  governor's 
party  because  of  his  known  antagonism  to  any  encroachments 
on  American  rights. 

In  the  background,  meantime,  hung  the  strong  sentiment 
that  the  Stamp  Act  had  raised.  The  patriot  element  fluc 
tuated  in  fervor,  and  non-importation  resolutions  broke  down, 
but  one  did  not  have  to  go  very  deep  to  touch  strong  resist 
ance. 

No  new  revenue  laws  were  attempted,  but  other  changes 
in  control  were  essayed.  All  of  them  were  perhaps 
justifiable  from  the  English  standpoint,  but  they  looked  dan 
gerous  to  those  Massachusetts  leaders  who  had  sniffed  sus 
piciously  at  the  Declaratory  Act  and  the  exception  to  the 
Townshend  Act  repeal,  and  they  kept  the  alarm-bells  ringing. 

A  brief  spell  of  comparative  political  peace  and  then  in  the 
fall  of  1772  Hutchinson  (governor  since  March  of  the  pre 
ceding  year)  is  startled  by  a  new  upheaval.  It  had  been  set 
mounting  by  the  report  that  the  judges  of  the  Superior  Court 
were  to  be  carried  on  the  King's  payroll  in  place  of  their  pay 
ment  by  the  provincial  House  of  Representatives — thus  de 
priving  the  popular  branch  of  the  provincial  government  of  its 
only  means  of  exercising  any  control  over  the  judiciary;  and  it 
brought  into  life  the  famous  Committees  of  Correspondence. 

Hutchinson  convened  the  General  Court  on  January  6, 
1773,  and  in  a  lengthy  speech  set  forth  his  views  on  the 
relative  positions  of  the  American  colonies  and  the  English 
Parliament,  and  deplored  the  recent  town-meetings  through 
out  the  province  in  which  the  "supreme  authority  of  Parlia 
ment"  had  been  denied. 

A  long  argument  followed  in  which  both  House  and  Coun 
cil  took  part. 


1770-1773]     THE  GROWTH  OF  RESISTANCE     47 

Ward  was  on  the  Council  committee  appointed  to  reply  to 
Hutchinson.  Its  answer,  presented  January  25,  declared  that 
the  unrest  in  the  province  rose  from  attempts  of  Parliament 
to  subject  the  inhabitants  to  taxes  without  their  consent;  and 
it  cited  Magna  Charta  and  other  authorities  in  support  of  its 
declaration  that  Parliament  could  not  constitutionally  levy 
taxes  "in  any  form,"  direct  or  indirect,  on  the  people  of 
Massachusetts. 

Ward  was  also  on  the  committee  which  prepared  the 
Council's  answer  to  Hutchinson's  reply. 

The  Council's  answer  recapitulated  its  statements  of  Janu 
ary  25,  again  referring  to  "Magna  Charta,  and  other  au 
thorities"  to  prove  that  the  province  was  not  constitutionally 
subject  to  parliamentary  taxation:  "The  argument,  abridged, 
stands  thus,"  it  said,  "that,  from  those  authorities,  it  appears 
an  essential  part  of  the  English  constitution,  that  no  tallage, 
or  aid,  or  tax,  shall  be  laid  or  levied,  without  the  good  will 
and  assent  of  the  freemen  of  the  commonality  of  the  realm. 
That,  from  common  law,  and  the  province  charter,  the  in 
habitants  of  this  province  are  clearly  entitled  to  all  the  rights 
of  free  and  natural  subjects,  within  the  realm.  That,  among 
those  rights,  must  be  included  the  essential  one  just  men 
tioned,  concerning  aids  and  taxes;  and  therefore,  that  no  aids 
or  taxes  can  be  levied  on  us,  constitutionally,  without  our 
own  consent,  signified  by  our  Representatives.  From  whence, 
the  conclusion  is  clear,  that  therefore,  the  inhabitants  of  this 
province  are  not  constitutionally  subject  to  Parliamentary 
taxation." 

On  March  5  Ward  was  on  the  Council  committee  which 
presented  a  message  to  Hutchinson  protesting  against  the 
King's  order,  duly  arrived,  which  made  the  judges  of  the 
Superior  Court  financially  dependent  on  the  crown.  The 
Council  declared  that  "as  the  Happiness  of  a  Community 
so  much  depends  on  an  impartial  Administration  of  Justice" 
it  could  not  "but  be  deeply  affected  by  the  thought,  that 
by  this  Innovation  in  Government,  a  Foundation  may  be 


48  ARTEMAS  WARD  {Age  45 

laid  for  rendering  the  Rights,  Liberties  and  Properties  of 
this  People,  in  Many  Respects,  precarious  and  insecure." 

Next  to  hand — of  slight  historical  but  large  temporary 
importance — is  the  publication  of  the  letters  written  to 
Thomas  Whately  of  London,  ex-member  of  Parliament,  by 
Governor  Hutchinson  (when  Lieutenant-Governor),  Lieu 
tenant-Governor  Andrew  Oliver  (when  Secretary),  and 
others,  which  had  been  sent  back  across  the  ocean  by  Ben 
jamin  Franklin.  Much  curiosity  and  apprehension  had  been 
aroused  by  various  rumors  disseminated  concerning  the  let 
ters,  and  when  they  finally  appeared  in  print  they  were 
eagerly  read  by  the  entire  province  and  denounced  from  a 
long  list  of  pulpits.8 

It  happened  that  the  letters  were  comparatively  innocuous, 
but  the  Massachusetts  ear  was  not  so  tuned  as  to  enjoy  the 
suggestions  they  contained  that  there  "must  be  an  abridge 
ment  of  English  liberties"  and  that  something  more  than 
"declaratory  acts  or  resolves"  was  needed  to  secure  the  de 
pendence  of  the  colony.  If  Franklin  had  obtained  some  of 
Hutchinson's  other  letters — those  to  Hillsborough  and  Ber 
nard,  for  example — there  would  have  been  still  greater  heat 
in  the  province. 

Time  has  mellowed  the  criticisms  of  Hutchinson  and  we 
of  today  can  generally  visualize  his  viewpoint  and  appre 
ciate  both  his  abilities  and  the  difficulties  of  his  position.  But 
the  views  he  expressed  and  the  advice  he  gave  to  English 
authorities  were  bitterly  resented  by  his  patriot  contem 
poraries. 

The  new  legislative  year  opened  May  26.  Ward  did  not 
reach  Boston  until  June  15,  but  he  was  on  the  morrow  ap- 

8  The  use  of  these  letters  is  harshly  condemned  by  loyalist  writers  and  is  deplored  by 
many  others,  but  there  is  no  need  to  dodge  or  gloss  over  the  issue.  The  alleged  exag 
geration  of  the  import  or  design  of  the  letters  is  a  subject  that  may  be  debated,  or 
criticized,  or  deplored  (according  to  the  individual  viewpoint),  but  the  procuring  of 
them  by  Franklin  and  their  forwarding  to  Boston  does  not  call  for  apology.  In  those 
days  no  one  held  letters  on  political  subjects  as  sacred,  no  matter  by  whom  written  or 
to  whom  addressed.  Everyone  in  public  life  in  England,  from  the  King  down,  read 
and  used  other  people's  letters  at  every  opportunity,  both  during  their  transit  through 
the  mails  and  after  their  delivery. 


1773'}       THE  GROWTH  OF  RESISTANCE  49 

pointed  on  the  Council  committee  which  notified  Hutchinson 
that  the  House  possessed  several  of  his  letters  and  requested 
him  to  inform  them  if  he  had  written  any  "of  the  same  Tenor 
with  the  copies  herewith  exhibited.'* 

Hutchinson  asked  to  see  the  originals,  and,  after  inspecting 
them,  did  not  deny  their  authenticity. 

A  few  days  later  (June  25)  the  Board  passed  twelve  re 
solves  condemning  the  Hutchinson  and  Oliver  letters  and  a 
thirteenth  requesting  the  removal  of  both  the  governor  and 
lieutenant-governor. 

But  such  appeals  were  doomed  to  failure,  for  they  could 
not  stem  the  tide  that  in  English  official  circles  had  set 
against  patriot  viewpoints,  ambitions,  and  representations. 
English  officialdom  was  confirmed  in  its  stand  and  fed  in  its 
prejudices  by  the  reports  and  opinions  of  sincere  loyalists 
such  as  Hutchinson;  by  the  insincere  testimony  of  place-hunt 
ers;  and  by  the  venom  of  mischief-makers. 

At  this  session  Colonel  Ward  had  the  pleasure  of  sitting 
in  the  Council  with  John  Winthrop,  his  Harvard  instructor 
in  higher  mathematics  and  natural  philosophy.  In  the 
quarter-century  that  had  elapsed  since  the  day  of  Ward's 
graduation,  Winthrop  had  achieved  wide  recognition  as  a 
scientist:  Edinburgh  had  conferred  an  honorary  LL.D.  on 
him  and  the  Royal  Society  of  London  had  made  him  a  Fellow. 

General  Charles  Lee  arrived  from  England  in  the  fall— 
the  same  Lee  who  as  a  captain  of  the  Royal  Grenadiers  had 
fought  at  Ticonderoga.  This  is  his  first  visit  to  America 
since  the  close  of  the  French  war;  but  for  fame  and  dis 
grace,  for  adulation  and  censure,  it  is  to  be  his  home  hence 
forth.  He  is  to  play  a  heavy  part  in  the  Revolutionary 
drama. 

During  the  ten  years  which  have  passed  since  the  signing 
of  the  Treaty  of  Paris,  Lee  has  grown  notably  in  experience 
and  personality.  He  has  won  distinction  in  Portugal,  and 
has  held  the  rank  of  major-general  in  the  Polish  army. 


50  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  45 

English  government  and  army  circles  know  him  well — but 
deny  him  favor,  for  his  sharp  tongue  and  ready  pen  have 
made  him  many  enemies. 

A  peculiar,  brilliant  man — driven  by  an  abnormal  excita 
bility  and  restlessness  which  have  swept  him  hither  and 
thither,  to  and  fro.  Now  forty-two  years  of  age;  of  proved 
courage  both  in  the  field  and  the  duello ;  well  versed  in  mili 
tary  subjects,  judged  by  the  standards  of  the  time;  and  pos 
sessed  of  a  comfortable  private  fortune.  A  tall,  thin  man 
with  a  huge  nose;  slovenly  in  his  dress;  of  erratic  disposition 
and  violent  temper;  intermittently  ingratiating,  caustic,  and 
arrogant. 

Lee  landed  in  New  York  on  November  10.  For  a  while 
the  gout  kept  him  inactive,  but  as  soon  as  his  malady  had 
been  alleviated  he  commenced  the  talking,  writing,  and  visit 
ing  which  so  strongly  fixed  the  attention  of  the  colonies  upon 
him.  His  aggressive  espousal  of  the  patriot  cause  inspired 
and  inspirited  all  who  came  in  contact  with  him;  and  his 
enthusiasm  brought  out  and  developed  all  that  was  best  and 
most  attractive  in  his  complex  character.9 

Next  one  views  Boston's  defiance  of  the  English  attempt 
to  make  efficient  use  of  the  tea  duty — that  relic  of  the 
Townshend  revenue  act  which  had  been  smouldering  now 
for  several  years,  remaining  on  the  statute  books  as  a  levy 
on  all  tea  brought  into  the  colonies,  but  actually  reaching  less 
than  ten  per  cent,  of  the  large  quantity  imported.  The  new 
plan  was  to  employ  the  act  for  the  assistance  and  profit  of 
the  English  East  India  Company,  the  empire's  greatest 
monopoly,  and,  incidentally,  by  the  same  stroke  to  make  tea 
smuggling  unprofitable  and  customs  collections  a  source  of 
appreciable  revenue. 

*  Many  modern  writers  dismiss  or  disparage  Charles  Lee's  military  ability  and  reputa 
tion  as  largely  spurious,  but  to  do  so  is  to  affront  the  judgment  and  experience  of  his 
most  famous  and  most  competent  contemporaries.  After  months  of  close  association 
at  the  siege  of  Boston,  Washington  was  still  a  party  to  the  universal  American  ad 
miration  of  Lee's  abilities  (Washington's  letter  to  Lee,  March  14,  1776,  Lee  Papers, 
I,  358;  to  John  A.  Washington,  March  31,  1776,  Ford's  Writings  of  George  flashing- 
ton,  III,  508). 


'773  ]       THE  DESTRUCTION  OF  THE  TEA        51 

An  interesting  story  is  entwined  in  this  English  spinning  of 
the  fuse  of  the  American  Revolution. 

Its  first  and  chief  point  is  found  in  the  exigencies  of  the 
great  corporation  licensed  to  exploit  the  millions  of  India  but 
dangerously  close  to  a  bankruptcy  that  might  involve  imperial 
credit,  for  its  finances  were  interwoven  with  those  of  the  Eng 
lish  government  and  its  tentacles  stretched  through  high 
English  circles.  Second,  is  an  overstock  of  tea  and  other 
goods  bulging  its  warehouses.  Third,  is  the  possibility  of 
unloading  the  tea  on  the  American  market  by  offering  it  at  a 
low  price  direct  to  retailers  through  special  agents — the  Eng 
lish  government  aiding  by  the  removal  of  the  English  cus 
toms,  leaving  only  the  American  import  duty.  Fourth,  is  the 
political  error  of  leaving  the  American  duty  payable  in  the 
colonies  instead  of  making  it  payable  in  England. 

To  Massachusetts  the  project  came  to  ride  upon  the  storm 
raised  by  the  judges'  salaries  and  the  Hutchinson-Oliver  let 
ters.  It  revitalized  the  taxation  controversy  and  excited  the 
anger  of  the  large  patriot  following  which  had  declared 
against  taxation  for  revenue.  It  alienated  tory  merchants — 
and  backsliding  whig  merchants — who  had  laid  in  Dutch  and 
other  teas,  smuggled  or  otherwise,  and  who  saw  their  stocks 
about  to  drop  in  value.  And  it  spread  wide  apprehension 
among  merchants  of  all  political  persuasions  lest  their  future 
trade — not  only  in  tea,  but  also  perhaps  in  other  commodities 
— be  engulfed  by  monopoly  control. 

"The  King  meant  to  try  the  question  with  America" — and 
he  got  his  answer  quickly! 

The  story  of  the  tea-dumping  has  been  told  too  often  to 
need  recapitulation  here,  but  let  it  not  be  forgotten  that  the 
moral  effect  on  the  King's  representatives  in  Massachusetts 
was  greatly  enhanced  by  their  knowledge  that,  in  essentials, 
the  big  and  sometimes  noisy  following  of  Samuel  Adams  was 
supported  by  the  patriot  members  of  the  Council. 

On  the  day  (Saturday,  November  27)  preceding  the  ar 
rival  of  the  Dartmouth,  the  first  of  the  three  tea-ships  to 


52  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Aye  46 

enter  the  harbor,  the  Council  replied  to  the  application  of 
the  governor  and  the  tea  agents  with  a  refusal  to  aid  the 
landing  or  safeguarding  of  the  tea,  giving  as  its  reason  that 
to  do  so  would  be  to  assent  to  the  collection  of  the  duty  and 
thus  to  the  principle  of  taxation  by  Parliament. 

Hutchinson  deemed  the  reply  so  radical  that  he  warned 
the  Council  "of  the  consequences  of  it;  that  it  would  be 
highly  resented  in  England,  and  would  be  urged  there,  to 
shew  the  necessity  of  a  change  in  their  constitution."10 

On  the  following  Monday,  while  the  Dartmouth  lay  at 
anchorage  and  townspeople  and  visitors  filled  the  Old  South 
Meeting  House  to  hang  on  the  words  of  Samuel  Adams, 
and  Joseph  Warren,  and  Hancock,  and  other  speakers, 
Hutchinson  was  renewing  his  futile  debate  with  the  Council 
in  the  Court  House. 

The  patriot  members  adhered  to  their  report — "all  advice 
to  secure  the  tea,  upon  its  being  landed,  being  expressly  re 
fused,  because  such  advice  would  be  a  measure  for  procuring 
payment  of  the  duty." 

Thus  firmly  upholding  the  hands  of  the  Samuel  Adams 
party  were  Ward  (present  at  both  the  meetings  mentioned), 
James  Bowdoin,  John  Winthrop,  George  Leonard,  James 
Pitts,  and  Samuel  Dexter. 

Seventeen  days  later  (December  16),  in  the  semi-darkness 
of  the  candle-lit  meeting-house,  Samuel  Adams  gave  the  sig 
nal:  and  his  historic  troop  of  "Mohawks"  descended  upon 
the  tea-ships  and  emptied  their  proscribed  cargoes  into  the 
harbor. 

A  pregnant  intermission  now,  while  Hutchinson's  dis 
patches  are  tossed  about  on  the  wintry  Atlantic  as  old- 
fashioned  sailing-vessels  tack  across  the  ocean.  There  was 
little  to  be  done  by  either  party  until  the  English  government 
disclosed  its  intent  on  the  receipt  of  the  news. 

On  February  i,   1774,  Ward  was  on  the  committee  ap- 

10  Hutchinson,  History  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  III,  428-429. 


THE  DESTRUCTION  OF  THE  TEA        53 

pointed  to  present  the  Council's  answer  to  the  governor's 
message  of  January  26. 

Hutchinson  in  his  closing  paragraph  had  conveyed  "His 
Majesty's  disapprobation  of  the  appointment  of  Committees 
of  Correspondence."  The  Council's  answer  declared  that, 
"so  far  as  this  matter  relates  to  the  Board,"  the  King's  disap 
proval  could  apply  only  to  committees  appointed  to  advise 
the  colony  agent  in  England,  but  it  warmly  defended  the 
right  to  appoint,  and  the  necessity  for,  such  committees. 

The  last  days  of  the  session  were  distinguished  by  the  final 
chapter  of  the  trouble  over  the  judges'  salaries:  the  House 
impeachment  of  Chief  Justice  Peter  Oliver  of  the  Superior 
Court  for  accepting  his  salary  from  the  crown. 

The  Council  on  March  7  appointed  a  committee  (Ward 
a  member)  to  wait  on  the  governor  with  an  address,  dis 
senting  from  his  opinion,  expressed  to  the  House,  that  the 
process  by  impeachment  and  the  governor  and  Council 
proceeding  and  determining  upon  it  were  unconstitutional; 
declaring  the  readiness  of  the  Board  "to  hear  and  deter 
mine  on  the  impeachment  abovementioned,  or  to  hear  and 
determine  on  the  charge  and  complaint  since  exhibited  by  the 
House  of  Representatives  on  the  same  subject" ;  and  request 
ing  that  he  "with  the  Council"  would  appoint  a  time  for  the 
hearing. 

Realizing  that  he  could  not  control  the  Council,  Hutchin 
son  stopped  the  proceedings  by  dissolving  the  House.  Tech 
nically,  he  had  the  last  word — but  Peter  Oliver  never  again 
presided  in  court  and  the  committees  of  correspondence  car 
ried  on  the  work  of  the  assembly. 

Word  of  the  "Boston  Tea  Party"  reached  England  before 
the  end  of  January.  Lord  North  struck  back  with  his  bill  to 
close  the  Port  of  Boston.  The  measure  traveled  rapidly 
through  Parliament.  It  was  not  presented  until  March  18— 
but  three  readings  and  passage  in  both  Commons  and  Lords, 
debates  in  both  Houses,  and  the  affixing  of  the  King's  signa 
ture  were  all  crowded  into  fourteen  days. 


54  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  46 

The  act  prohibited  the  shipping  or  unshipping  of  any 
goods  at  any  point  within  the  harbor,  excepting  only  His 
Majesty's  stores,  and  consignments  of  food  and  fuel  for  the 
inhabitants  of  Boston — and  these  consignments  were  to  be 
rigidly  inspected,  and  closely  limited  to  "necessary  use  and 


sustenance." 


CHAPTER  IV 

May  10,  1774-April  19,  1775:  Age  46-47 

The  closing  of  the  Port  of  Boston.  The  Regulating  Act,  and  that  for 
the  "Impartial  Administration  of  Justice."  Ward  a  delegate  to 
the  Worcester  County  Convention.  The  closing  of  the  courts. 
Ward's  old  regiment  elects  him  Colonel.  A  delegate  to  the  First 
and  Second  Provincial  Congresses.  Appointed  second  general 
officer  of  the  province.  The  battle  of  April  19,  1775,  and  the  land 
blockade  of  Boston. 

ON  May  10  two  merchantmen  brought  copies  of  the  Port 
Act  to  Boston. 

Three  days  later  His  Majesty's  ship  Lively  beat  its 
way  into  the  harbor  and  from  it  landed  General  "Tom" 
Gage — for  a  number  of  years  commander-in-chief  of  the 
King's  forces  in  North  America,  and  now  also  commissioned 
to  succeed  Hutchinson  as  governor  of  Massachusetts.  He 
had  come  with  instructions  to  close  the  harbor  of  Boston;  to 
transfer  the  port  of  entry  to  Marblehead;  to  remove  the 
capital  to  Salem;  and  to  punish  the  leaders  of  the  opposition 
to  British  legislation.  He  was  to  be  followed  by  a  new  influx 
of  redcoats  to  uphold  royal  authority. 

Next  morning  Paul  Revere  set  out  on  a  big  gray  horse, 
riding  fast,  bound  for  New  York  and  Philadelphia  with 
Massachusetts'  appeal  for  the  support  of  her  sister  colonies, 
and  her  prayers  for  joint  retaliation  by  stamping  out  all  trade 
with  Great  Britain.  Every  country  town  through  which  he 
passed,  received  the  word  and  radiated  it  for  miles  around. 
Other  riders,  traveling  many  routes,  spread  the  news  still 
wider;  and  a  hundredfold  echoed  it  and  its  appeal. 

The  General  Court  convened  on  May  25.     Gage's  initial 

55 


56  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  46 

speech,  delivered  on  the  following  day,  made  no  reference  to 
the  new  conditions  except  to  notify  the  assembly  that  by  royal 
order  it  was  after  June  I  to  meet  in  Salem. 

The  Representatives  accelerated  their  proceedings,  plan 
ning  to  conclude  them  before  that  date  and  thus  avoid,  tem 
porarily  at  all  events,  the  change  in  the  seat  of  government, 
but  Gage  upset  their  calculations  by  suddenly  adjourning  them 
to  meet  at  Salem  on  June  7. 

On  Wednesday,  June  i,  the  closing  act  went  into  effect. 
The  King's  ships  took  possession  of  the  harbor  and  nothing 
thenceforth  could  stir  upon  the  face  of  the  water  without 
their  permission. 

A  pall  of  enforced  idleness  settled  upon  the  town.  So 
large  a  part  of  its  trade  and  livelihood  had  been  of  and  by 
the  sea — both  coastwise  and  ocean-going:  ships  and  shipping, 
imports  and  exports,  and  many  subsidiary  interests  and  activ 
ities  along  the  docks  and  in  warehouses  and  shops — that  the 
closing  of  the  port  threw  hundreds  out  of  employment  and 
brought  scores  of  business  houses  to  an  abrupt  halt.  It  would 
have  spelled  destitution  to  many  but  for  donations,  in  money 
and  kind,  by  sympathizers  throughout  the  country,  brought 
in  by  the  Roxbury  road  over  Boston  Neck — the  isthmus  con 
necting  Boston  with  the  mainland.  That  one  road  had  become 
the  capital's  only  free  line  of  communication  with  the  conti 
nent. 

On  June  9,  the  third  day  of  the  General  Court  session  at 
Salem,  the  House  and  Council  delivered  their  replies  to 
Gage's  address  of  May  26.  The  House  answer  consisted 
largely  of  objections  to  moving  the  seat  of  government,  and 
was  received  without  protest.  But  the  Council's  reply,  pre 
pared  by  Ward,1  stirred  the  governor  to  great  ire. 

The  Council's  reply  recognized  that  the  position  that  Gage 
was  assuming  had  been  rendered  more  difficult  by  "the  pecu- 

1  The  draft,  in  Ward's  hand,  is  among  the  Artcmas  Ward.  MSS.  (owned  by  Artemas 
Ward,  New  York).  The  completed  reply  retained  all  of  the  ideas  and  much  of  the  language. 


1774]        MOVING  TOWARD  REBELLION  57 

liar  circumstanced  of  the  times,"  but  it  hoped  that  his  ad 
ministration,  in  "principles  and  general  conduct,"  might  be 
a  "happy  contrast"  to  that  of  his  "two  immediate  predeces 
sors,"  for  there  was  "the  greatest  reason  to  apprehend,  that 
from  their  machinations,  both  in  concert  and  apart,"  were 
"derived  the  origin  and  progress  of  the  disunion  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  colonies,  and  the  present  distressed 
state  of  the  province."  It  stated  that  the  people  of  Massa 
chusetts  claimed  "no  more  than  the  rights  of  Englishmen" — 
but  that  they  claimed  those  rights  "without  diminution  or 
abridgement."  Plainly  and  firmly  it  continued  with  the 
declaration  that  those  rights,  as  it  would  be  their  indispens 
able  duty,  so  it  should  be  their  constant  endeavor,  to  main 
tain,  to  the  utmost  of  their  power — "in  perfect  consistence, 
however,  with  the  truest  loyalty  to  the  Crown;  the  just  pre 
rogatives  of  which,  your  Excellency  will  find  this  Board  ever 
zealous  to  support." 

The  committee  which  presented  the  reply  reported  that 
when  the  chairman  had  read  so  far  as  that  part  which  ex 
pressed  a  wish  that  his  administration  might  be  "a  happy 
contrast"  to  that  of  his  two  immediate  predecessors,  the 
governor  told  the  chairman  to  stop,  declaring  that  he  could 
not  receive  an  address  which  reflected  so  severely  on  his  pre 
decessors. 

He  followed  this,  June  14,  by  a  formal  communication  de 
nouncing  the  address  "as  an  insult  upon  his  Majesty,  and  the 
Lords  of  the  Privy  Council"  and  an  affront  to  himself. 

Three  days  later,  on  June  17,  exactly  a  year  before  the 
battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  the  House  appointed  delegates  to  a 
meeting  of  "Committees  or  Delegates"  from  all  the  colonies 
— a  "Continental  Congress" — to  be  held  in  Philadelphia: 
Samuel  Adams,  key  in  pocket,  guarding  the  vote,  and  warding 
off  the  governor's  attempt  to  dissolve  the  House,  by  keeping 
the  tories  locked  in  and  the  governor's  messenger  locked  out. 

Meanwhile,  back  in  Colonel  Ward's  home  county,  the  jus 
tices  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas,  with  Ward  the  only 


58  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  46 

exception,  were  hastening  to  place  themselves  on  the  tory 
side — Judge  Timothy  Ruggles  leading  them.  As  also  were 
the  justices  of  the  peace  attending  the  Court  of  General 
Sessions.  Together,  they  prepared  a  letter  to  Gage  which 
arraigned  the  "inflammatory  pieces"  of  the  Boston  and 
Worcester  committees  as  creating  "discord  and  confusion," 
and  promised  to  do  everything  in  their  power  "to- discounte 
nance  such  proceedings,  and  to  support  the  execution  of  the 
laws,  and  render  your  Excellency's  administration  successful 
and  prosperous." 

For  this  production,  delivered  by  Sheriff  Chandler  on  June 
21,  the  early  fall  was  to  bring  much  retributive  humiliation. 

Among  the  justices  of  the  peace  who  signed  it  was  Timothy 
Paine,  who  as  a  youth  had  sat  next  Ward  at  Harvard. 

In  the  country  districts,  every  tavern  served  as  a  political 
club  and  all  were  abuzz  with  discussion.  John  Adams,  in  a 
reminiscent  letter,  records  one  of  these  familiar  debates. 

"I  stopped  one  night  at  a  tavern  in  Shrewsbury,  about  forty 
miles  from  Boston,  and  as  I  was  cold  and  wet,  I  sat  down  at  a 
good  fire  in  the  bar-room  to  dry  my  great  coat  and  saddle 
bags  till  a  fire  could  be  made  in  my  chamber.  There  presently 
came  in,  one  after  another,  half  a  dozen,  or  half  a  score, 
substantial  yeomen  of  the  neighborhood,  who,  sitting  down 
to  the  fire  after  lighting  their  pipes,  began  a  lively  conversa 
tion  upon  politics.  As  I  believed  I  was  unknown  to  all  of 
them,  I  sat  in  total  silence  to  hear  them.  One  said,  'The  peo 
ple  of  Boston  are  distracted.'  Another  answered,  'No 
wonder  the  people  of  Boston  are  distracted,  Oppression  will 
make  wise  men  mad.'  A  third  said,  'What  would  you  say  if 
a  fellow  should  come  to  your  house  and  tell  you  he  was  come 
to  take  a  list  of  your  cattle,  that  Parliament  might  tax  you 
for  them  at  so  much  a  head?  And  how  should  you  feel  if 
he  was  to  go  and  break  open  your  barn,  to  take  down  your 
oxen,  horses  and  sheep?'  'What  should  I  say?'  replied  the 
first;  'I  would  knock  him  in  the  head.'  'Well,'  said  a  fourth, 


i774\        MOVING  TOWARD  REBELLION  59 

'if  parliament  can  take  away  Mr.  Hancock's  wharf  and  Mr. 
Rowe's  wharf,  they  can  take  away  your  barn  and  my  house.' 
After  much  more  reasoning  in  this  style,  a  fifth,  who  had  as 
yet  been  silent,  broke  out:  'Well,  it  is  high  time  for  us  to 
rebel;  we  must  rebel  sometime  or  other,  and  we  had  better 
rebel  now  than  at  any  time  to  come.  If  we  put  it  off  for  ten 
or  twenty  years,  and  let  them  go  on  as  they  have  begun,  they 
will  get  a  strong  party  among  us,  and  plague  us  a  great  deal 
more  than  they  can  now.'  "  2 

The  Shrewsbury  farmers,  envisaging  the  growth  of  the 
tory  party,  displayed  remarkably  clear  insight.  It  was  but 
a  very  little  while  later  that  Gage  was  rejoicing  at  tory  de 
velopments.  He  wrote,  July  5,  to  Lord  Dartmouth,  Secre 
tary  of  State  for  the  American  Department:  "There  is  now 
an  open  opposition  to  the  faction,  carried  on  with  a  warmth 
and  spirit  unknown  before,  which  it  is  highly  proper  and 
necessary  to  cherish,  and  support  by  every  means;  and  I  hope 
it  will  not  be  long  before  it  produces  very  salutary  effects."3 

Swiftly  after  the  closing  of  the  port  came  the  news  of  the 
passing  by  the  English  Parliament  of  "An  Act  for  the  Better 
Regulating  the  Government  of  the  Province  of  the  Massa 
chusetts  Bay"  and  "An  Act  for  the  Impartial  Administration 
of  Justice." 

The  first  law  struck  at  the  very  heart  of  the  political  sys 
tem  of  the  province.  It  prohibited  the  calling  or  holding  of 
town-meetings,  save  by  the  express  permission  of  the  gov 
ernor,  excepting  only  annual  gatherings  confined  to  the 
election  of  town  officers  and  Representatives.  It  snatched 
the  choice  of  councilors  from  the  province  and  vested  their 
naming  in  the  King.  It  placed  the  appointment  of  judges, 
sheriffs,  and  other  civil  officers  in  the  hands  of  the  governor 
— who  was  answerable  only  to  the  King.  It  took  away  the 

2  Works  of  John  Adams,  IX,  597. 
8  American  Archives,  4th,  I,  515. 


60  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  46 

right  to  elect  jurors  and  gave  their  selection  to  the  sheriffs 
who  had  thus  been  made  amenable  to  the  governor's  fiat. 

The  second  law  took  from  the  province  its  right  to  try 
for  capital  offenses  either  government  officials  or  those  act 
ing  under  their  orders,  and  provided  that  they  might  be 
sent  to  any  of  the  other  colonies  or  to  England  for  trial. 

The  official  copies  of  the  acts  were  not  received  until  August 
6  but  their  general  tenor  was  known  and  debated  early  in 
June,  and  the  threat  of  coercion  was  reiterated  by  each  ship 
which  unloaded  reinforcements  of  British  regulars.  Boston 
wrote  in  indignation  to  the  other  provinces  as  well  as  to  the 
country  towns  of  Massachusetts,  and  both  provinces  and 
country  towns  echoed  her  anger  in  the  heightened  tone  of 
their  letters  and  resolutions. 

Many  and  great  were  now  the  grievances.  The  province 
could  be  taxed  by  men,  three  thousand  miles  away,  who  had 
never  set  foot  upon  its  soil  and  knew  nothing  of,  or  knew 
badly,  its  circumstances,  needs,  and  traditions;  its  customary 
life  as  it  pulsed  in  every  township,  great  and  small,  was  to 
be  halted  and  cribbed  by  the  town-meeting  edict;  its  proper 
ties  and  liberties  were  to  be  thenceforth  in  the  hands  of 
judges  and  juries  over  whom  it  had  no  longer  even  the  shadow 
of  either  selection  or  control;  it  was  to  be  held  impotent  to 
punish  official  violence;  and  it  must  submit,  whether  or  no, 
to  an  English  army  ever  in  its  midst. 

With  the  official  copies  of  the  new  acts  had  come  a  list  of 
"mandamus  councilors"  (Timothy  Ruggles  and  Timothy 
Paine  among  them) — a  Council  appointed  in  London,  instead 
of,  as  heretofore,  one  elected  by  the  Massachusetts  House  of 
Representatives. 

The  councilors  who  accepted  their  appointments  speedily 
became  objects  of  local  patriot  attention,  but  it  was  every 
where  realized  that,  unless  untoward  events  should  earlier 
precipitate  trouble,  the  first  important  test  of  strength  would 
come  when  the  courts  opened  their  sessions  under  the  new 
laws. 


MOVING  TOWARD  REBELLION  61 

On  August  9  there  gathered  in  Worcester  its  first  county 
convention  of  committees  of  correspondence  and  delegates.4 
The  fifty-two  men  who  came  together  in  "the  house  of  Mary 
Sternes  [Stearns]  inholder"5  represented  twenty-two  town 
ships.  Some  towns  were  represented  by  single  delegates; 
others  by  two  or  more.  One  town  mustered  eight,  including 
three  captains,  a  doctor,  and  a  deacon.  From  Shrewsbury 
came  Colonel  Ward,  accompanied  by  Phinehas  Heywood, 
who  had  succeeded  as  Representative  on  Ward's  election  to 
the  Council. 

The  student  finds  much  interest  in  the  proceedings  of  these 
county  conventions,  for  by  means  of  simple  "resolutions"  they 
abolished  all  authorized  government  and  judicature  in  Massa 
chusetts.  The  general  enforcement  of  their  resolutions  dem 
onstrates  the  strength  of  the  public  patriot  opinion  of  the 
province. 

The  prohibited  town-meetings  ruled  the  townships,  and  the 
county  conventions  directed  them  to  concerted  effort.  It  was 
the  interlocking  framework  of  the  two  which  gave  the  Pro 
vincial  Congress  its  vigorous  life. 

Not  one  of  Ward's  associates  of  the  Worcester  County 
Court  of  Common  Pleas  was  present  at  the  convention. 
Timothy  Ruggles  had  broken  with  his  fellow-townsmen  and 
made  his  way  to  the  capital.  The  other  judges — Thomas 
Steel  and  Joseph  Wilder — had  signed  the  tory  letter  to  Gage 
and  were  also  conspicuous  by  their  absence.  The  lawyers  of 
the  county  had  likewise  declared  for  the  crown,  following  the 
lead  of  Jonathan  Sewall  (another  of  Ward's  college  class 
mates),  now  become  attorney-general  of  the  province. 

The  convention  adopted  a  letter  to  the  Massachusetts 
delegates  to*  the  Continental  Congress,  issued  a  call  to  the 

4  The  journal  of  the  Worcester  County  convention  is  in  Lincoln's  Journals  of  each 
Provincial  Congress,  627—652. 

8  This  was  the  King's  Arms  Tavern,  but  patriot  records  balked  at  thus  describing  it. 
The  offending  sign  and  title  were  taken  down  in  July,  1776.  A  vaudeville  house  now 
stretches  across  the  site  of  the  tavern,  and  the  Lincoln  House  Block  (M,ain  Street,  Maple 
to  Elm)  covers  its  front  yard. 


62  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  46 

towns  not  represented,  and  drew  up  a  set  of  resolutions 
declaring  that  the  people  of  Massachusetts  owed  no  obedi 
ence  to  the  English  Parliament,  that  they  recognized  no 
right  but  their  own  to  legislate  for  them,  that  the  charter  of 
the  province  was  the  basis  of  their  allegiance  to  the  King  of 
England,  and  that  any  attempt  to  vacate  the  charter  would 
have  a  "tendency  to  dissolve  the  union  between  Great  Britain 
and  the  province."  It  also  "greatly"  approved  the  non-con 
sumption  agreement  as  likely  to  convince  their  "Brethren  in 
Britain,  that  more  is  to  be  gained  in  the  way  of  justice,  from 
friendship  and  affection,  than  by  extortion  and  arbitrary 
power." 

Sixteen  days  later,  on  a  call  inspired  by  the  town  of  Worces 
ter,  a  considerable  body  of  delegates  gathered  in  the  capital. 
They  had  come  from  the  counties  of  Worcester,  Middle 
sex,  and  Essex,  to  confer  with  each  other  and  with  the  Boston 
committee  of  correspondence.  They  declared  that  "no 
power  on  earth  hath  a  right  without  the  consent  of  this  prov 
ince  to  alter  the  minutest  tittle  of  its  charter";  moved  for  a 
Provincial  Congress;  urged  the  obstruction  of  the  courts  until 
such  a  congress  convened,  and  the  boycott  of  their  officers  and 
adherents;  and  advised  the  practice  of  the  military  art. 

Partisan  feeling  mounted  high.  The  Quebec  Act  height 
ened  the  tension.  "Liberty  Poles"  were  erected,  and  many 
of  the  wealthier  classes  of  the  country  townships  fled  into 
Boston.  The  English  ministry  were  roundly  denounced 
with  picturesque  epithets.  Copies  of  the  Port  Act  were  pub 
licly  burned.6 

The  presence  of  the  garrison  calmed  the  fears  of  the  tories 

6  Burning  obnoxious  literature  was  a  favorite  pastime  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic, 
and  was  indulged  in  by  both  government  and  objectors.  Atftmpts  to  thus  uphold  minis 
terial  dignity  sometimes  resulted  in  ludicrously  undignified  disturbances.  A  good  example 
is  found  in  the  execution  of  the  House  of  Commons  order  of  February  27,  1775,  that  the 
"Common  Hangman"  burn  a  copy  of  an  offending  issue  of  the  vituperative  little  London 
Crisis  in  the  New  Palace  Yard,  Westminster,  and  another  copy  in  front  of  the  Royal 
Exchange;  and  that  "the  sheriffs  of  London  and  Middlesex  do  attend  at  the  same  time 
and  places  respectively." 

At  Westminster  the  copy  was  successfully  burned,  but  immediately  thereafter  "a  man 
threw  into  the  fire  the  Address  of  both  Houses  of  Parliament  to  his  Majesty,  declaring 


i774\        MOVING  TOWARD  REBELLION  63 

in  Boston — alike  those  who  claimed  it  as  their  home  and 
those  who  had  come  in  from  the  country — but  otherwise  life 
was  not  entirely  pleasant  even  there  for  crown  adherents. 
They  suffered  from  the  scorn  of  their  patriot  neighbors,  and, 
jointly  with  them,  had  to  bear  the  many  ills  which  marched 
step  by  step  with  the  soldiery  of  those  days.  Sickness  was 
rife  and  dissolute  female  camp-followers  were  numerous. 

The  second  Worcester  County  convention — a  two-day  ses 
sion,  commencing  August  30 — brought  together  one  hundred 
and  thirty  members  of  committees  of  correspondence  and  "a 
number  of  deputies  and  gentlemen  from  several  towns." 

Their  first  vote  after  the  chaplain  had  opened  the  meet 
ing  with  prayer,  was,  uby  reason  of  the  straitness  of  the  place, 
and  the  many  attending,"  to  adjourn  from  Mary  Stearns' 
house  to  the  court-house. 

There,  on  the  following  day,  they  issued  a  call  to  the  men 
of  the  county  to  be  at  Worcester  on  September  6  to  prevent 
the  sitting  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas  and  the  General 
Sessions  of  the  Peace  under  the  new  laws;  recommended  the 
towns  and  districts  of  the  county  to  elect  delegates  to  a  "gen 
eral  provincial  convention"  at  Concord  on  October  n;  and 
published  the  means  to  be  taken  to  spread  the  alarm  in  the 
event  of  "an  invasion,  or  danger  of  an  invasion"  of  any  town 
in  the  county. 

Men  were  already  thinking  in  terms  of  war.  Before  the 
meeting  of  the  Continental  Congress,  before  the  meeting  of 
the  Provincial  Congress,  the  men  of  Worcester  County  were 
thus  counseled  to  be  ready  to  repel  an  invasion  by  the  enemy. 

The  convention  had  barely  dispersed  when  the  province 

the  Bostonians  in  actual  rebellion;  likewise  the  Address  of  the  Bishops  and  Clergy  as 
sembled  in  Convocation.  The  Sheriffs  were  much  hissed  for  attending,  and  the  populace 
diverted  themselves  with  throwing  the  fire  at  each  other." 

The  burning  of  the  second  copy  was  a  still  more  exciting  and  riotous  event.  "As  soon 
as  the  fire  was  lighted  before  the  Exchange,  it  was  put  out,  and  dead  dogs  and  cats 
were  thrown  at  the  Officers ;  a  fire  was  then  made  in  Cornhill,  and  the  pelting  continued. 
Sheriff  Hart  was  wounded  in  the  wrist,  and  Sheriff  Plomer  in  the  breast,  with  a  brick 
bat;  Mr.  Gates,  the  City  Marshal,  was  dismounted,  and  with  much  difficulty  saved 
his  life.  Three  of  the  ringleaders  were  taken  into  custody  but  were  soon  after  rescued 
by  the  mob." — Kentish  Gazette,  March  8,  1775. 


64  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  46 

was  aroused  by  the  "Powder  Alarm."  Bred  by  the  excitement 
raised  by  Gage's  seizure  of  powder  and  field-pieces  in 
Charlestown  and  Cambridge,  a  report  ran  wild  that  the  red 
coats  had  fired  on  the  people  and  that  the  English  army  and 
English  ships  were  cannonading  Boston.  A  great  rush  of 
men  started  toward  the  capital  and  several  thousand  arrived 
in  Cambridge  and  other  near-by  towns  before  the  denial  of 
the  report  could  reach  them. 

When  they  had  been  fully  convinced  that  they  were  not 
needed,  the  men  tramped  back  to  their  homes.  For  those  of 
Worcester  County,  the  return  was  accepted  as  only  a  brief 
respite!  A  day  or  two  with  their  families — then  afoot  again 
to  march  to  the  county-town  to  prevent  the  opening  of  the 
courts. 

Gage  had  taken  no  steps  to  protect  the  courts  in  the  west 
ern  counties,  but  the  province  had  been  warned  that  he  in 
tended  to  act  decisively  to  prevent  or  overcome  any  obstruc 
tion  at  Worcester;  and  that  the  courts  scheduled  to  open 
there  on  September  6  would  do  so  under  the  protection  of 
English  bayonets. 

The  morning  of  September  6  saw  Worcester  occupied  by 
a  patriot  army  of  6000  men.  They  filled  the  main  streets, 
the  common,  and  the  immediate  vicinity  to  overflowing. 
They  were  expecting  trouble  and  they  were  ready  for  it. 

Judges  Thomas  Steel  and  Joseph  Wilder7  had  come  in 
with  the  intention  of  sitting  at  the  court's  opening,  despite 
the  anger  which  they  had  aroused  as  signers  of  the  justices' 
tory  letter  to  Gage.  But  Judge  Timothy  Ruggles,  fearing 
for  his  life,  had  told  the  governor  that  it  would  not  be  safe 
for  him  to  attend. 

The  county  convention  regathered  in  Timothy  Bigelow's 
house,  adjourning  later  to  the  "green  beyond  Mr.  Salis- 

7  Numerous  authorities  state  that  Judge  Wilder  died  in  1773,  the  year  preceding  the 
Worcester  County  convention.  Some  of  them  give  his  death  date  as  April  20,  1773. 
These  statements  are  incorrect.  It  was  Wilder's  first  wife,  Deborah  Joscelyn,  who  died 
on  April  20,  1773.  Wilder  survived  her,  and  the  year  following  the  Worcester  County 
convention,  he  took  to  himself  a  second  wife,  the  widow  Rebecca  (Richardson)  Locke. 


MOVING  TOWARD  REBELLION  65 

bury's."  Its  initial  resolution  was  that  "the  court  should  not 
sit  on  any  terms."  It  next  requested  the  people  to  come  to 
gether  on  the  common  and  choose  one  man  from  each  com 
pany  "as  a  committee  to  wait  on  the  judges  to  inform  them 
of  a  resolution  to  stop  the  court's  sitting,  if  the  people  con 
cur  therein." 

There  followed  a  considerable  delay,  selecting  the  com 
pany  representatives  and  then  hunting  up  the  justices  to  in 
form  them  officially — of  what  they  had  already  learned 
beyond  any  manner  of  doubt! — that  they  would  not  be  per 
mitted  to  hold  court. 

The  justices  were  also  told  that  they,  together  with  the 
court  officers,  must  show  their  submission  to  the  will  of  the 
people  by  walking  through  the  militia  ranks  to  the  court 
house,  there  to  affix  their  signatures  to  a  promise  to  stay  all 
judicial  proceedings. 

Next  for  attention  were  the  local  subscribers  to  a  tory 
protest  of  June  20.  Most  of  them  had  signed  a  recantation 
and  begged  to  be  taken  back  into  the  good  will  of  the  com 
munity,  but  this  was  not  considered  sufficient — the  convention 
instructed  them  that  they  must  follow  after  the  judges  and 
publicly  read  their  disavowals. 

Then,  "notice"  was  taken  of  the  justices  who  had  signed 
the  tory  letter  to  Gage. 

The  actors  having  been  coached,  the  assembled  militia 
men  massed  in  deep  ranks  on  both  sides  of  Main  Street, 
extending  from  the  Old  South  Church  to  the  court-house. 

A  great  sight  for  patriot  eyes — but  it  bred  misgivings 
among  the  timid  of  the  townspeople,  whether  patriot  or 
tory.  What  would  come  of  this  show  of  force,  this  military 
array,  this  massing  of  the  county  militiamen  against  the  edict 
of  the  King  and  in  defiance  of  the  English  governor  and 
commander-in-chief  ?  Many  apprehensive  thoughts  turned 
toward  the  Boston  road,  along  which  the  redcoats  might  even 
then  be  approaching.  Any  moment  might  hear  the  galloping 
of  horses  bearing  the  alarm. 


66  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  46 

Then  came  the  play — designed  by  its  producers  to  impress 
upon  all  men  the  resolution  of  the  people  of  Worcester 
County  to  maintain  their  supremacy;  that  higher  than  the 
law's  officials  were  the  people  themselves,  who  would  brook 
no  laws  other  than  of  their  own  making. 

The  word  was  given  and  the  procession  started.  First 
through  the  "ranges"  of  the  people  came  the  judges  of  the 
Court  of  Common  Pleas — two  of  the  three  (it  would  have 
been  three  of  four  if  Ruggles  had  ventured  from  Boston) 
to  be  pointed  at  as  men  who  had  taken  sides  with  the  Eng 
lish  Parliament  and  against  their  own  people.  Artemas 
Ward  was  the  one  exception. 

After  the  judges,  the  officers  of  the  court. 

Next  followed  the  justices  of  the  peace — many  of  these 
also  to  be  pointed  at  as  having  signed  the  tory  letter.  A 
humiliating  experience  for  men  who  had  hitherto  held  them 
selves  proudly  among  their  fellows ! 

Last  came  the  townsmen  who  had  subscribed  to  the  local 
tory  protest. 

Every  minute  or  two  the  procession  stopped  while  the 
"leaders,"  or  chief  men,  among  the  local  protesters  humbly 
read  their  recantations. 

Arrived  at  the  court-house,  the  "protesters"  were  dis 
missed,  but  the  justices  and  their  attendants  continued  into 
the  building  and  signed  the  following  declaration: 

"Gentlemen:  You  having  desired,  and  even  insisted  upon 
it,  that  all  judicial  proceedings  be  stayed  by  the  justices  of 
the  courts  appointed  this  day,  by  law,  to  be  held  at  Worces 
ter,  within  and  for  the  County  of  Worcester,  on  account  of 
the  unconstitutional  act  of  the  British  parliament,  respecting 
the  administration  of  justice  in  this  province,  which,  if  ef 
fected,  will  reduce  the  inhabitants  thereof  to  mere  arbitrary 
power,  we  do  assure  you,  that  we  will  stay  all  such  judicial 
proceedings  of  said  courts,  and  will  not  endeavor  to  put  said 
act  into  execution." 


/774]        MOVING  TOWARD  REBELLION  67 

It  goes  without  saying  that  Ward's  signature  was  affixed  to 
the  document,  for  he  was  an  active  member  of  the  con 
vention  which  required  its  acknowledgment.  More  to  the 
point  is  it  that  Judges  Steel  and  Wilder,  ex-mandamus  coun 
cilor  Timothy  Paine,  and  other  justices  of  the  peace  who 
had  signed  the  tory  letter,  were  compelled  thus  to  place 
themselves  on  record.8 

The  convention  proceedings  included  also  resolutions  that 
all  militia  officers  resign  the  commissions  which  they  held  in 
the  name  of  the  crown;  that  the  towns  elect  new  company 
officers;  and  that  every  town  "immediately"  equip  itself  with 
one  or  more  field-pieces,  "mounted  and  fitted  for  use,"  and 
sufficient  ammunition  to  make  them  effective. 

And  thus  the  day  journeyed  on  to  its  end.  Its  purpose  had 
been  achieved  without  a  moment's  disturbance,  without  a 
shot  being  fired.  Gage  had  reconsidered  his  plan  of  sending 
troops,  fearing  to  cast  the  die.  The  patriots  of  Worcester 
County  had  demonstrated  their  full  control. 

On  the  morrow,  those  of  the  justices  present  who  had 
participated  in  the  letter  to  Gage  were  confronted  with  a 
new  separate  paper  of  complete  submission,  which  also  they 
signed. 

The  convention  next  requested  justices  of  the  peace 
(with  the  exception  of  Timothy  Ruggles,  John  Murray,  and 
James  Putnam),  judges  of  the  probate,  sheriffs,  and  coroners 
appointed  under  the  old  province  laws,  to  continue  in  office 
irrespective  of  any  notices  or  proclamations  removing  them 
or  interfering  with  them,  and  recommended  to  the  people 
of  the  county  "that  they  consider  and  treat  them  as  being  in 
their  said  offices,  and  support  and  defend  them  in  the  execu 
tion  thereof." 

After  other  sundry  votes  of  less  importance,  it  then  ad 
journed  to  September  20. 

8  This  narrative  of  the  closing  of  the  Worcester  courts  differs  in  details  from  every 
printed  account  that  I  have  seen.  It  is,  however,  I  believe,  accurate  in  these  differences. 
The  most  important  source  is  the  journal  of  the  convention  in  Lincoln's  Journals  of  each 
Provincial  Congress,  635—639. 


68  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  46 

Gage's  troubles  increased  even  in  Boston  and  he  prepared 
to  meet  the  future  by  fortifying  Boston  Neck.  Thus  he 
could  at  a  moment's  notice  sever  the  capital  from  the 
province. 

September  8,  the  blacksmiths  of  the  county  of  Worcester, 
with  Ross  Wyman  of  Shrewsbury  as  president,  resolved  that 
they  would  not  work  for  any  tories,  nor  for  anyone  of 
any  political  persuasion  who  did  not  sign  and  live  up  to  the 
non-consumption  agreement,  and  asked  all  other  "artificers" 
to  take  similar  action. 

On  the  ninth  the  Suffolk  County  convention  unanimously 
adopted  the  famous  "Suffolk  Resolves"  drawn  up  by  Joseph 
Warren.  Warren  spoke  as  leader  of  the  Boston  patriots 
in  the  absence  of  Samuel  Adams,  who  was  then  with  John 
Adams,  Robert  Treat  Paine,  and  Gushing  in  Philadelphia, 
representing  Massachusetts  in  the  First  Continental  Con 
gress. 

In  Philadelphia,  the  Massachusetts  men  found  "a  certain 
degree  of  jealousy  in  the  minds  of  some"  from  the  central 
and  southern  colonies.  These  jealous  ones  even  feared  that 
the  New  Englanders  aimed  "at  a  total  independency,  not  only 
of  the  mother  country,  but  of  the  colonies,  too";  and  that 
being  a  "hardy  and  brave  people,"  they  might  in  time  "over 
run  them  all."9  Nevertheless,  to  the  consternation  of  the 
tory  faction,  the  Congress  adopted  Warren's  Suffolk  Re 
solves,  drew  up  a  statement  of  "rights  and  grievances,"  and 
entered  into  a  non-importation,  non-consumption,  and  non- 
exportation  agreement.  And — equally  important  in  its  after- 
results — Colonel  Washington  of  Virginia  so  impressed  the 
other  delegates  that  Patrick  Henry  was  moved  to  pay  him 
the  unstinted  compliment  that  in  "solid  information  and 
sound  judgment"  he  was  "the  greatest  man"  of  them  all. 

Charles  Lee  was  in  Philadelphia  while  the  Congress  sat. 
He  had  completed  a  tour  of  the  colonies  and  declared  them 

"Samuel  Adams  to  Joseph  Warren,  September  25,  1774. — Gushing,  Writings  of  Samuel 
Adams,  III,   158. 


i774\        MOVING  TOWARD  REBELLION  69 

full  of  resolution  to  support  and  succor  Boston.  He  as 
serted  that  the  very  character  of  the  provincials  had  changed 
and  strengthened  under  the  stress.  He  was  ever  talking, 
writing,  and  visiting;  talking,  writing,  and  visiting:  red-hot 
for  the  patriot  side.  Higher  and  higher  grew  his  ambition 
to  crown  his  adventurous  life  by  leading  the  colonies  in  rebel 
lion  against  England.10  And  more  and  more,  men's  minds 
tended  toward  him,  and  patriot  councils  everywhere  rejoiced 
that  America  was  assured  of  his  hand  and  sword  if  war  should 
come. 

The  Worcester  County  convention  sat  again  on  September 
20  and  21. 

It  voted  "that  the  sheriff  adjourn  the  Superior  Court  ap 
pointed  by  law  to  be  held  this  day." 

It  also  directed  him  to  issue  precepts  for  the  choice  of 
Representatives  to  the  General  Court  called  by  Governor 
Gage  for  October  5  (writs  for  which  had  been  issued  on  Sep 
tember  i ) ,  but  it  counseled  the  towns  and  districts  to  instruct 
the  Representatives  chosen  to  refuse  to  be  sworn  by  any  offi 
cers  save  those  "appointed  according  to  the  constitution," 
or  to  act  in  concert  with  the  mandamus  councilors,  or  to 
attend  in  Boston  "while  the  town  is  invested  with  troops  and 
ships  of  war."  And  "should  there  be  anything  to  prevent 
their  acting  with  such  a  governor  and  council  as  is  expressly 
set  forth  in  the  charter,  that  they  immediately  repair  to  the 
town  of  Concord,  and  there  join  in  a  provincial  congress, 
with  such  other  members  as  are  or  may  be  chosen  for  that 
purpose,  to  act  and  determine  on  such  measures  as  they  shall 

10  December  16,  1774,  Lee  wrote  to  Edmund  Burke,  in  London,  deprecating  an 
English  report  that  he  had  been  "busy  in  dissuading  the  people  of  Boston  from  sub 
mitting"  and  that  he  had  offered  to  put  himself  at  their  head.  He  added  that  he  hoped 
people  did  not  believe  that  he  possessed  "so  much  temerity  and  vanity"  as  to  think 
himself  "qualified  for  the  most  important  charge  that  ever  was  committed  to  mortal  man." 
But,  apart  from  this  most  uncharacteristic  modesty,  the  reason  he  advanced  against  the  idea 
was  not  his  foreign  birth,  which  barred  him  in  the  minds  of  the  New  England  leaders 
and  many  others ;  it  was  instead  that  he  did  not  think  the  Americans  would  give  the 
supreme  command  to  anyone  who  had  no  property  interest  in  the  country. — Lee  Papers, 
I,  148.  Then  shortly  after — with  great  anxiety  to  complete  the  transaction — he  set  about 
purchasing  an  estate  in  Virginia  and  thus  became  himself  an  American  property-owner. 


70  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  46 

judge  to  be  proper  to  extricate  this  colony  out  of  the  present 
unhappy  circumstances." 

Following  this,  the  convention  emphasized  its  earlier  ap 
peal  that  every  town  provide  itself  with  one  or  more  field- 
pieces,  mounted  and  fitted  for  use;  resolved  for  the  redivision 
of  the  county  militia  into  seven  regiments;  again  advised  the 
election  of  new  officers — the  company  officers  to  be  chosen 
by  the  men,  and  the  company  officers  thus  appointed  to  elect 
their  field-officers;  and  recommended  that  one  third  of  the 
men  between  sixteen  and  sixty  years  of  age  be  enlisted,  "to  be 
ready  to  act  at  a  minute's  warning" — the  famous  organiza 
tion  of  "minute-men." 

As  county  after  county  endorsed  the  cry  for  a  Provincial 
Congress,  the  activities  of  the  country  townships  increas 
ingly  alarmed  Gage.  On  the  day  that  the  Worcester  County 
convention  met  for  the  fourth  time,  he  wrote  to  Lord 
Dartmouth:  "The  country  people  are  exercising  in  arms,  in 
this  Province,  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island,  and  getting 
magazines  of  arms  and  ammunition  .  .  .  and  such  artillery 
as  they  can  procure,  good  and  bad."11 

Eight  days  later,  because  "of  the  extraordinary  resolves 
which  have  been  passed  in  many  of  the  counties,"  Gage  is 
sued  a  proclamation  countermanding  his  summons  for  a  Gen 
eral  Court  on  October  5.  He  feared,  and  probably  with 
good  reason,  the  outcome  of  a  general  gathering  of  Repre 
sentatives. 

October  3,  a  week  earlier  than  the  date  suggested  in  the 
Worcester  County  convention,  we  find  Ward's  old  regiment 
putting  him  at  its  head.  The  following  report  is  from  the 
Massachusetts  Spy,  October  20 : 

"On  the  third  instant,  the  regiment  formerly  belonging 
to  the  Hon.  Artemas  Ward,  Esq.,  of  Shrewsbury,  in  the 
county  of  Worcester,  and  who  for  his  integrity  was  dismissed 
in  a  former  administration,  from  being  Colonel  of  said  regi- 

11  September  20,  1774,  American  Archives,  4th,  I,  795. 


1774}       MOVING  TOWARD  REBELLION  71 

ment,  met,  and  taking  into  serious  consideration  the  present 
oppressed  and  distressed  condition  of  this  province  in  gen 
eral,  and  the  poor  garrisoned  and  blockaded  town  of  Boston 
in  particular,  after  proper  solemnity,  proceeded  as  follows, 
ist. — They  cheerfully,  yet  with  a  degree  of  indignation, 
flung  up  their  commissions,  which  they  sustained  under  the 
late  Governor  Hutchinson;  then  they  proceeded  very  regu 
larly  to  the  choice  of  their  field  and  commission  officers,  and 
unanimously  made  choice  of  the  following  gentlemen,  viz. : 
the  Hon.  Artemas  Ward,  Colonel;  Stephen  Maynard,  Esq., 
Lieut-Colonel;  Jonathan  Ward,  Esq.,  Second  Lieut.-Colo- 
nel;  Edward  Ba[r]nes,  Esq.,  Major;  and  Mr.  Luke  Denny, 
Adjutant." 

The  same  account  notes  that  the  town  of  Marlborough 
(Middlesex  County)  joined  in  the  choice  of  these  officers  and 
that  the  regiment  (the  Sixth,  under  the  new  arrangement) 
consisted  of  the  inhabitants  of  Marlborough,12  Westborough, 
Shrewsbury,  Southborough,  Northborough,  and  Grafton :  the 
first  of  the  county  of  Middlesex,  and  the  others  of  Worcester 
County. 

Despite  Gage's  proclamation,  ninety  Representatives  ar 
rived  in  Salem  on  or  before  October  5.  They  convened  on 
the  sixth,  and  on  the  following  day  adopted  resolutions  de 
claring  that  the  governor  could  not  legally  dissolve  the  Gen 
eral  Court  before  it  met;  that  his  proclamation  was  therefore 
unconstitutional;  and  that  its  statements  were  unjust  and  dis 
respectful  and  proof  of  his  "disaffection"  toward  the  prov 
ince.  They  followed  this  by  resolving  themselves  "into  a 
Provincial  Congress,  to  be  joined  by  such  other  persons  as 
have  been  or  shall  be  chosen  for  that  purpose,  to  take  into 
consideration  the  dangerous  and  alarming  situation  of  public 
affairs  in  this  province,  and  to  consult  and  determine  on  such 
measures  as  they  shall  judge  will  tend  to  promote  the  true 

12  Marlborough  (Marlboro),  being  in  Middlesex,  had  not  be-n  listed  in  the  Worcester 
County  convention's  rearrangement  of  the  militia,  but  it  had  for  geographical  reasons 
formed  part  of  a  Worcester  County  regiment  under  the  old  arrangement  and  it  continued 
so  to  constitute  itself  under  the  new  conditions. 


72  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  46 

interest  of  his  majesty  and  the  peace,  welfare,  and  prosperity 
of  the  province." 

The  Representatives  then  formally  organized  as  a  "Pro 
vincial  Congress"  and  adjourned  to  meet  at  Concord  on  the 
following  Tuesday  (October  n). 

Arriving  at  Concord,  the  Representatives  met  the  special 
delegates  sent  by  a  number  of  the  towns.  Ward  was  one  of 
the  first  of  the  delegates  to  arrive.  His  associate  from 
Shrewsbury  was  again  Representative  Heywood. 

The  Congress  assembled  in  the  court-house,  but,  finding 
that  it  needed  larger  space,  moved  thence  to  the  meeting 
house  (the  "Old  Third"),  and  there  opened  its  proceedings 
with  the  election  of  John  Hancock  as  president. 

The  gathering  included  a  goodly  number  of  men  who 
helped  to  make  history — military  and  civil — in  the  following 
years.  It  contained  a  large  proportion  of  fighting  men:  a 
full  majority  of  those  of  middle  age  had  seen  service  in  the 
French  and  Indian  wars,  or  had  garrisoned  the  province 
frontiers. 

The  country  members  already  harbored  the  thought  that 
the  time  had  arrived  for  throwing  off  allegiance,  and  the 
more  careful  had  difficulty  in  restraining  them.  John  Pitts 
wrote  that  the  Boston  representatives  were  "by  far  the  most 
moderate"  men  there. 

Some  of  the  radically  aggressive  had  conceived,  and  freely 
expressed,  the  theory  that  Great  Britain's  wealth  and  power 
rested  chiefly  on  her  American  colonies,  and  that  disunion, 
by  shifting  trade  advantages  to  European  competitors, 
would  relegate  the  empire  to  insignificance. 

Representing  the  opposite  view  was  much  propaganda 
designed  to  affright.  Typical  is  a  printed  broadside 
addressed  "To  the  Provincial  Congress,"  a  copy  of  which 
was  delivered  to  every  member.  It  warned  of  an  overwhelm 
ing  army  of  fifteen  or  eighteen  thousand  Canadians  and  In 
dians  ready  to  !>e  let  loose  on  both  Massachusetts  and 
Connecticut  at  a  moment's  notice. 


1774}        MOVING  TOWARD  REBELLION  73 

"Now,  gentlemen,"  it  continued,  "Coolly  recollect  our 
weak  and  defenceless  State,  and  you  will  easily  perceive  how 
impossible  it  will  be  for  us,  to  resist  even  one  Third  of  such 
Force.  Seriously  and  honestly  call  to  Mind  how  compleatly 
miserable  will  then  be  our  Situation,  by  being  exposed  to  all 
the  Cruelties  and  Barbarities  of  an  implacable  and  Savage 
Enemy.  When  I  cast  my  Eyes  on  my  innocent  and  helpless 
Wife  and  Children,  and  recollect  how  soon  they  miist  fall 
into  the  Hands  of  Savages  full  of  inveterate  Hatred  and 
Revenge,  my  very  Soul  is  overwhelmed  with  Agonies,  far  be 
yond  the  narrow  Limits  of  Description: — Place  yourselves 
under  the  same  shocking  Incumbrances,  and  you  will  quickly 
feel  the  Horrors  of  Despair  and  Anguish  unutterable.  .  .  . 
To  paint  the  tragical  Scene  with  its  various  and  multiplied 
Miseries,  but  in  a  faint  Light,  requires  more  Time  than  is 
proper  for  a  Letter.  If  you  have  any  Pity,  if  any  Compas 
sion,  if  any  Humanity,  you  will  not,  you  cannot  expose  such 
Innocents  to  Torture  and  Death.  .  .  .  However  you  may 
now  flatter  yourselves,  this  Truth  I  am  compelled  to  sound 
in  your  ears,  that  whatever  Lives  are  lost,  by  your  Indiscreet 
or  rash  Conduct,  sooner  or  later  must  be,  by  you  accounted 
for.  .  .  ." 

The  writer's  threats  and  forebodings  troubled  Ward  so 
little  that  he  employed  the  reverse  of  his  copy  of  the  broad 
side  for  the  writing  of  non-importation  agreement  forms  and 
militia  resolutions. 

Ward  was  a  member  of  both  initial  committees  of  the 
eleventh  and  also  of  the  committee  appointed  on  the  twelfth 
"to  take  into  consideration  the  state  of  the  province."  With 
him  on  the  latter  were  Hancock,  Joseph  Warren,  Joseph 
Hawley,  Dr.  Benjamin  Church,  Elbridge  Gerry,  James  War 
ren,  William  Heath,  and  others. 

The  committee  next  day  reported  an  address  to  Gage  de 
claring  that  the  convening  of  the  Congress  had  been  rendered 
"indispensably  necessary"  by  the  "distressed  and  miserable 
state  of  the  province  occasioned  by  the  intolerable  grievances 


74  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  46 

and  oppressions  to  which  the  people  are  subjected";  and 
citing  the  Port  Act,  the  Regulating  Act  and  that  labeled  for 
the  "Impartial  Administration  of  Justice,"  and  the  hostile 
preparations  in  Boston — the  increase  in  the  number  of  troops, 
and  the  fortress  on  Boston  Neck. 

It  continued,  "Permit  us  to  ask  your  excellency  whether 
an  inattentive  and  unconcerned  acquiescence  [in]  such  alarm 
ing,  such  menacing  measures,  would  not  evidence  a  state  of 
insanity;  or  whether  the  delaying  to  take  every  possible  pre 
caution  for  the  security  of  the  province,  would  not  be  the 
most  criminal  neglect  in  a  people  heretofore  rigidly  and 
justly  tenacious  of  their  constitutional  rights?" 

The  address  was  accepted  with  only  one  dissentient  vote, 
and  Ward  was  placed  on  the  committee  appointed  to  deliver 
it  to  Gage. 

On  the  following  day,  immediately  prior  to  adjourning,  the 
convention  accepted  a  resolution  of  the  Committee  on  the 
State  of  the  Province  which  declared  against  the  transfer  of 
any  province  moneys  to  the  provincial  tax  receiver.  It  also 
strongly  recommended  the  payment  of  outstanding  taxes  to 
persons  to  be  named  by  the  towns  and  districts  themselves. 

Meeting  again  in  Cambridge,  October  17,  the  Congress 
received  the  governor's  reply  to  its  address.  It  was  referred 
to  the  Committee  on  the  State  of  the  Province;  as  also  were 
the  letters  of  the  Reverend  Samuel  Peters,  who  predicted 
"hanging  work"  (with  the  patriots  for  victims)  as  a  quick 
sequence  to  the  arrival  of  the  additional  redcoats  on  their 
way  across  the  ocean. 

Three  days  later  came  the  naming  of  a  new  committee 
(Ward  a  member)  to  consider  "what  is  necessary  to  be  now 
done  for  the  defence  and  safety  of  the  province." 

The  final  amended  report  of  this  new  committee  was  ac 
cepted  October  26.  It  established  a  Committee  of  Safety 
with  duties  of  watchfulness,  and  power  to  call  out  and  direct 
the  militia  "whenever  they  shall  judge  it  necessary  for  the 
safety  and  defence  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  province";  a 


MOVING  TOWARD  REBELLION  75 

subordinate  Committee  of  Supplies;  and  General  Officers  to 
command. 

It  also  urged  the  prompt  officering  of  the  militia  in  towns 
that  had  not  already  so  organized;  that  any  inhabitants  of 
the  province,  not  already  supplied,  immediately  provide 
themselves  with  arms  and  ammunition;  and  the  preparation 
of  "a  well  digested  plan  for  the  regulating  and  disciplining 
the  militia,  placing  them  in  every  respect  on  such  a  per 
manent  footing  as  shall  render  them  effectual  for  the  preser 
vation  and  defence  of  the  good  people  of  this  province." 

The  next  morning  saw  the  election  of  the  Committee  of 
Safety;  and  the  afternoon  following,  that  of  the  Committee 
of  Supplies. 

"It  was  then  moved,  that  the  Congress  proceed  to  the 
choice  of  three  General  Officers"  to  command  the  militia  in 
the  event  of  its  being  called  out  by  the  Committee  of  Safety. 
And  Jedediah  Preble,  Artemas  Ward,  and  Seth  Pomeroy 
were  elected,  to  rank  in  the  order  named.13 

The  appointment  of  these  men  is  a  high  tribute  to  the 
esteem  in  which  they  were  held  by  the  province  representa 
tives.  Massachusetts  was  preparing  for  war,  if  need  be, 
against  one  of  the  world's  great  powers.  A  New  York 
writer  had  voiced  the  thoughts  of  many  when  he  expressed 
it  as  the  "maddest  of  all  possible  Quixotisms  to  think  of  mak 
ing  an  hostile  opposition"  to  the  army  and  navy  of  Great 
Britain,14 — but  that  is  what  the  leaders  of  Massachusetts 
were  deliberately  planning,  unless  the  English  government 
should  grant  the  province  everything  but  nominal  independ- 

13  The  career  of  Artemas  Ward  (now  47  years  of  age,  lacking  one  month)  we  have 
already  considered  in  these  pages. 

Jedediah  Preble,  67  years  old,  had  seen  a  variety  of  service  in  the  French  war  and 
had  risen  to  the  rank  of  brigadier-general  in  the  provincial  service. 

Seth  Pomeroy,  68  years  old,  had  as  major  been  present  at  the  capture  of  Louisburg, 
1745  (chiefly  in  charge  of  a  corps  of  gunsmiths),  and  ten  years  later  had,  as  acting- 
colonel  of  Ephraim  Williams'  regiment,  commanded  in  the  hottest  part  of  the  fierce 
battle  of  Lake  George,  which  resulted  in  the  utter  defeat  of  the  French  and  Indian 
forces  and  the  capture  of  Baron  Dieskau,  the  French  commander-in-chief  in  Canada. 
He  was  a  delegate  to  both  the  First  and  Second  Provincial  Congresses. 

**  American  Archives,  4th,   I,   289,  note. 


76  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  46 

ence.  They  prayed,  and  believed,  that  in  the  day  of  trial  they 
would  be  upheld  by  the  other  colonies,  but  their  belief  held 
no  assurance  that  the  other  colonies  would  carry  support  to 
the  point  of  open  warfare.  And  they  knew  that  on  the 
courage,  patriotism,  and  integrity  of  the  men  chosen  as  gen 
eral  officers,  largely  depended  the  fate  and  future  of  the 
province,  the  political  freedom  they  cherished  so  highly,  and 
their  own  lives,  if,  as  rebels,  they  should  fail  to  make  good 
their  defiance  of  England. 

On  the  day  of  the  election  of  the  general  officers,  and  the 
day  following  (October  27  and  28),  the  Congress  demon 
strated  its  desire  to  adhere  as  closely  as  possible  to  the 
charter  government  by  requesting,  individually  and  collec 
tively,  the  attendance  of  all  members  of  the  Council  elected 
and  accepted  in  the  spring,  "that  this  body  may  have  the 
benefit  of  their  advice  upon  the  important  matters  that  may 
then  come  under  consideration.''  These  councilors  had  been 
officially  superseded  by  the  mandamus  councilors  appointed 
by  the  King  under  the  obnoxious  new  Regulating  Act,  but  this 
supersession  was  ignored.  The  intent  is  plain  to  continue 
the  recognition  of  the  Council  elected  in  conformity  with  the 
charter:  Gage's  vetoes  were  respected — none  of  the  thirteen 
whom  he  had  refused  as  councilors  were  invited  to  sit  as 
such,  though  several  of  them  were  present  in  the  Congress; 
and  the  only  omission  from  his  list  of  fifteen  acceptances  was 
of  Danforth,  who  had  been  sworn  in  as  a  mandamus  coun 
cilor. 

Among  the  final  acts  of  the  session  were  the  appointment 
of  Henry  Gardner  as  Receiver-General,  accompanied  by  the 
recommendation  that  all  province  moneys  be  turned  over  to 
him;  and  the  reading  and  acceptance  of  the  reply,  prepared 
by  the  Committee  on  the  State  of  the  Province,  to  the  gov 
ernor's  communication  of  October  17. 

Gage  had  sought  to  justify  his  fortification  of  Boston 
Neck,  blamed  the  patriots  for  "open  and  avowed  disobedi 
ence"  to  English  authority,  declared  that  by  convening  as  a 


1774}        MOVING  TOWARD  REBELLION  77 

Provincial  Congress  the  delegates  were  "subverting  the 
charter,"  and  demanded  that  they  "desist  from  such  illegal 
and  unconstitutional  proceedings." 

The  Congress  reply  was  strong  and  spirited.  It  reminded 
the  governor  that  not  only  was  the  Boston  Neck  fortress 
both  a  continuous  threat  and  a  continuous  annoyance  to  the 
town  of  Boston,  but  that  the  very  presence  of  the  troops 
in  the  province  without  the  consent  of  the  Representatives, 
was  illegal.  It  ridiculed  the  charge  that  the  Provincial  Con 
gress  was  a  violation  of  the  charter,  and  asserted  that,  on 
the  contrary,  its  convening  had  been  "directed  by  the  prin 
ciples  of  the  constitution  itself;  warranted  by  the  most  ap 
proved  precedent  and  examples,  and  sanctioned  by  the  British 
nation  at  the  revolution;  upon  the  strength  and  validity  of 
which  precedent  the  whole  British  constitution  now  stands, 
his  present  majesty  wears  his  crown,  and  all  subordinate 
officers  hold  their  places." 

The  session  terminated  on  the  same  day  (Saturday,  Octo 
ber  29). 

The  following  Wednesday  the  Committee  of  Safety  held 
its  initial  meeting.  Its  first  recommendation  to  the  Com 
mittee  of  Supplies  was  for  the  purchase  of  pork,  flour,  rice, 
and  peas.  Next,  for  "arms  and  ammunition"  and  "large 
pieces  of  cannon."  Later,  came  those  for  spades,  pickaxes, 
cooking-pots,  etc. 

The  Provincial  Congress  gathered  again  at  Cambridge 
on  November  23. 

It  heartily  approved  the  "bill  of  rights"  and  enumeration 
of  grievances  drawn  up  by  the  Continental  Congress,  and  its 
non-importation,  non-consumption,  and  non-exportation  reso 
lutions;  and  it  elected  representatives  to  the  Second  Conti 
nental  Congress. 

It  counseled  the  encouragement  of  every  provincial  in 
dustry  and  particularly  advised  the  manufacture  of  saltpetre 
and  gunpowder.  Its  resolutions  declared  gunpowder  to  be 
"an  article  of  such  importance,  that  every  man  among  us 


78  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  46-47 

who  loves  his  country,  must  wish  the  establishment  of  manu 
factories  for  that  purpose."  It  spoke  of  "the  ruins  of  sev 
eral  powder  mills,  and  sundry  persons  among  us  who  are 
acquainted  with  that  business,"  and  it  recommended  "en 
couragement  by  repairing  one  or  more  of  said  mills,  or 
erecting  others"  and  renewing  the  industry  "as  soon  as  pos 
sible." 

It  added  John  Thomas15  and  William  Heath16  to  the 
staff  of  general  officers:  Thomas  as  fourth,  Heath  as  fifth. 

On  the  morning  of  its  last  day,  December  10,  it  called 
upon  the  committees  of  correspondence  to  obtain  and  re 
port  the  names  of  those  who  had  signed  or  who  might  sign 
the  tory  "Association"  started  by  Timothy  Ruggles.  The 
Ruggles  covenant  pledged  its  members  to  oppose  the  "au 
thority  of  any  Congresses,  committees  of  correspondence, 
or  other  unconstitutional  assemblies  of  men,"  and  "if  need 
be"  to  "repel  force  with  force." 

Immediately  after  the  adoption  by  the  Congress  of  its 
tory  association  resolution,  the  Committee  on  the  State  of 
the  Province  (of  which  General  Ward  continued  a  member) 
reported  an  address  to  the  inhabitants  of  Massachusetts 
Bay.  It  was  ordered  printed  in  the  Boston  newspapers 
and  in  handbills,  and  forwarded  to  all  towns  and  districts. 
It  reminded  the  province  that  the  men  of  Massachusetts  were 
"placed  by  Providence  in  the  post  of  honor,  because  it  was 
the  post  of  danger" ;  and  counseled  enforcement  by  each  town 
of  strict  adherence  to  the  plans  of  the  Continental  and  Pro 
vincial  Congresses. 

It  continued  with  advice  concerning  the  equipment  and 
pay  of  the  "minute-men" : 

"John  Thomas  was  about  50  years  old.  His  first  army  service  had  been  as  a 
surgeon.  Later,  in  1758,  1759,  and  1760,  he  was  colonel  of  expeditionary  regiments 
which  saw  duty  in  Nova  Scotia,  and  at  Crown  Point,  Montreal,  etc.  In  1760  his  regi 
ment  formed  part  of  the  army  which  compelled  the  surrender  of  Montreal.  He  was  a 
delegate  to  the  First  and  Second  Provincial  Congresses. 

"William  Heath  was  37  years  old.  He  had  seen  no  active  service  but  he  had  achieved 
local  prominence  as  a  militia  officer.  He  had  served  several  years  as  a  Representative, 
and  was  a  delegate  to  the  First  and  Second  Provincial  Congresses  and  a  member  of  the 
Committee  of  Safety. 


J774-I77 '5]   MOVING  TOWARD  REBELLION         79 

"We  now  think  that  particular  care  should  be  taken  by 
the  towns  and  districts  in  this  colony,  that  each  of  the  minute- 
men,  not  already  provided  therewith,  should  be  immediately 
equipped  with  an  effective  firearm,  bayonet,  pouch,  knapsack, 
thirty  rounds  of  cartridges  and  balls,  and  that  they  be  dis 
ciplined  three  times  a  week,  and  oftener,  as  opportunity  may 
offer.  To  encourage  these,  our  worthy  countrymen,  to  ob 
tain  the  skill  of  complete  soldiers,  we  recommend  it  to  the 
towns  and  districts  forthwith  to  pay  their  own  minute-men  a 
reasonable  consideration  for  their  services;  and  in  case  of 
a  general  muster  their  further  services  must  be  recompensed 
by  the  province.  An  attention  to  discipline  the  militia  in 
general  is,  however,  by  no  means  to  be  neglected." 

The  committee  next  submitted,  and  the  delegates  adopted, 
resolutions  dissolving  the  Congress  because  it  had  already 
sat  longer  than  the  people  of  the  province  had  anticipated, 
but  earnestly  recommending  the  election  of  delegates  to  a 
new  Congress. 

Meantime,  Charles  Lee  had  joined  the  Annapolis  con 
vention  of  Maryland  county  deputies  and  he  found  there  wide 
scope  for  his  energy.  He  helped  to  inspire  the  gathering 
to  vigor,  furnished  plans  for  a  new  organization  of  the 
Maryland  militia,  and  personally  superintended  the  arrange 
ments  for  mustering  companies. 

The  first  quarter  of  1775  was  rich  with  happenings. 
Novanglus  and  Massachusettensis  disputed;  the  drilling  and 
arming  continued. 

The  Worcester  County  convention  met  again  on  January 
26  for  another  two-day  session.  General  Ward  acted  as 
chairman  and  also  served  on  a  committee  appointed  to  "take 
into  consideration  a  plan  for  this  county  to  adopt  respecting 
the  non-consumption  covenants  of  the  Continental  and  Pro 
vincial  Congress." 

The  committee  recommended  the  signing  of  non-consump 
tion  covenants  by  everyone  who  had  not  already  done  so; 


8o  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  47 

presented  a  covenant  which  "heartily  approved"  the  form 
drawn  up  by  the  Continental  Congress  and  amplified  by  the 
Provincial  Congress;  and  pledged  the  members  of  the  con 
vention  to  strict  adherence  to  its  every  article  and  clause. 

On  the  second  day  Ward  was  on  four  committees,  the  most 
important  being  one  to  "take  the  affairs  of  trade  into  con 
sideration,  and  to  remonstrate  against  riots  and  routs." 

The  committee's  report  declared  that  the  enemies  of 
America's  cause  were  "assiduously  endeavoring"  to  provoke 
the  patriot  party  to  acts  of  violence,  so  that  they  might  "have 
a  pretence"  to  represent  them  as  the  aggressors;  and  ad 
vised  great  care  "in  discountenancing  and  suppressing  all 
acts  of  violence,  except  so  much  as  is  necessary  to  carry  the 
resolves  of  the  Continental  and  Provincial  Congress  into 


execution." 


It  continued  that,  confident  of  the  justice  of  their  cause, 
they  were  determined  "firmly  and  religiously  to  support  and 
maintain"  their  rights — "even  to  the  loss  of  our  lives  and 
fortunes" 

The  second  Provincial  Congress  opened  in  Cambridge  on 
February  i.  Ward,  this  time  alone  as  Shrewsbury's  repre 
sentative,  became  again  a  member  of  a  committee  "to  take 
into  consideration  the  state  and  circumstances  of  the  Prov- 


ince." 


A  tory  handbill  distributed  a  few  days  later  (February  6) 
warned  of  the  fate  of  Wat  Tyler,  and  advocated  the  seizure 
of  the  patriot  leaders.  It  continued:  "Never  did  a  people  rebel 
with  so  little  reason;  therefore  our  conduct  cannot  be  justi 
fied  before  God!  Never  did  so  weak  a  people  dare  to  con 
tend  with  so  powerful  a  State;  therefore  it  cannot  be  justified 
by  prudence.  It  is  all  the  consequence  of  the  arts  of  crafty 
knaves  over  weak  minds  and  wild  enthusiasts,  who,  if  we 
continue  to  follow,  will  lead  us  to  inevitable  ruin.  Rouse, 
rouse,  ye  Massachusetians,  while  it  be  yet  time!"  17 

February   9,    the   Congress    adopted    a    new   commission 

""American  Archives,  4th,  I,   I2l6. 


/775]       MOVING  TOWARD  REBELLION  81 

(drawn  up  by  the  Committee  on  the  State  of  the  Province) 
for  the  Committee  of  Safety,  specifically  defining  its  "busi 
ness  and  duty"  as  the  prevention  of  any  attempt  to  apply 
either  the  Regulating  Act  or  that  for  the  "Impartial  Ad 
ministration  of  Justice." 

It  next  took  up  the  choice  of  general  officers — reflecting 
those  voted  by  the  First  Congress:  Jedediah  Preble,  Artemas 
Ward,  Seth  Pomeroy,  John  Thomas,  and  William  Heath — 
again  to  command  in  the  order  named. 

As  a  result  of  the  precedence  thus  confirmed,  General 
Ward  became  commander-in-chief  of  the  Massachusetts 
forces  at  the  very  outset  of  armed  resistance,  for  Preble, 
elected  to  the  first  place,  did  not  act  upon  his  appointment. 

On  February  9,  also,  Ward  was  named  on  a  committee 
"to  bring  in  a  resolve  directing  how  the  ordnance  in  the 
Province  shall  be  used." 

February  n,  he  was,  with  Samuel  Adams,  Joseph  Warren, 
Hancock,  Hawley,  Robert  Treat  Paine,  and  Tyng,  appointed 
to  draw  up  "a  resolve  purporting  the  determination  of  the 
people,  coolly  and  resolutely,  to  support  their  rights  and 
privileges  at  all  hazards." 

The  afternoon  of  February  i^,  he  was  on  a  special  com 
mittee  to  call  upon  a  committee  chat  had  arrived  from  Con 
necticut;  and  in  the  evening  he  conferred  with  them  as  a 
member  of  the  Committee  on  the  State  of  the  Province. 

The  same  day,  John  Whitcomb18  was  added  to  the  list 
of  general  officers. 

18  John  Whitcomb,  about  61  years  old,  was  colonel  of  the  minute-men  of  the  Second 
Worcester  regiment.  In  the  Ticonderoga  expedition,  1758,  he  had  been  lieutenant- 
colonel  of  Bagley's  regiment ;  and  he  held  the  command  of  a  regiment  at  the  capture 
of  Montreal,  1760.  He  had  served  many  years  as  a  Representative,  and  was  one  of  the 
"Glorious  Ninety-Two."  He  was  elected  to  the  Council  in  1773,  but  preferred  to  stay 
in  the  House. 

The  Whitcomb  Family  In  America,  194,  and  Henry  S.  Nourse,  American  Antiquarian 
Society  Proceedings,  New  Series,  VII,  97,  say  that  Whitcomb  was  in  .he  Lake  George 
battle,  September  8,  1755;  but  accounts  of  the  battle  have  no  mention  of  his  (Willard's) 
regiment:  the  only  Massachusetts  regiments  cited  are  Williams',  Ruggles',  and  Titcomb's. 
Whitcomb  had  probably  not  arrived  by  September  8.  He  was  in  Deerfield  August  30 
and  was  expected  to  start  out  the  next  day. — Letter  of  Jonathan  Ashley,  Neiu  England 
Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  IV,  87.  He  was  perhaps  in  the  reinforcements 
which  arrived  shortly  after  the  battle. 


82  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  47 

The  Congress  adjourned  on  the  following  afternoon  and 
Ward  returned  to  Shrewsbury. 

Meanwhile,  the  Committees  of  Safety  and  Supplies  added 
to  the  patriot  stores  of  ammunition,  food,  etc.,  making  Con 
cord  and  Worcester  the  chief  depots. 

February  21,  the  Committee  of  Safety  voted  that  the 
Committee  of  Supplies  should  "purchase  all  kinds  of  military 
stores,  sufficient  for  an  army  of  15,000  men  to  take  the  field." 
Next  day,  that  it  buy  tents,  lead  balls,  etc.,  and  employ  men 
to  make  thirty  rounds  of  cartridges  for  the  entire  force. 

On  the  twenty-third,  the  committees  voted  the  sending  of 
two  field-pieces  to  each  regiment. 

Unfortunately,  it  was  easier  to  vote  the  purchase  of  "all 
kinds  of  military  stores"  than  to  obtain  them.  The  Commit 
tee  of  Supplies  worked  industriously,  but  the  result  fell  far 
short  of  the  needs  anticipated — and  later  severely  experi 
enced. 

As  spring  approached,  Gage  sent  out  his  spies.  Among 
them  were  Captain  William  Browne,  of  the  Fifty-second 
Regiment  of  Foot,  and  Ensign  Henry  de  Birniere,19  of  the 
Tenth  Regiment,  who  together  reconnoitered  the  route  from 
Boston  to  Worcester.  De  "Sirniere's  account  of  their  experi 
ences  has  become  a  classic. 

It  was  in  Framingham,  on  their  return  trip,  that  the  two 
Englishmen,  gazing  through  the  windows  of  Buckminster's 
tavern,  witnessed  the  drilling  of  a  company  of  militia. 

"After  they  had  done  their  exercise,"  wrote  De  Birniere, 
"one  of  their  commanders  spoke  a  very  eloquent  speech,  rec 
ommending  patience,  coolness  and  bravery  (which  indeed 
they  much  wanted)  ;  particularly  told  them  they  would  al- 

19  Histories  print  the  ensign's  surname  variously:  as,  De  Dcrniere  or  D'Bernierc  (with 
or  without  an  accent  on  the  penultimate  "e"),  De  Bcrnicrc  or  D'Bernicre.  I  have 
avoided  all  these  forms,  following  instead  that  of  the  English  Army  Lists,  which  record 
the  name  both  with  and  without  the  prefatory  "de,"  but  are  consistent  in  always  spelling 
it  (both  in  print  and  in  script)  with  an  "i"  as  the  first  vowel  (Birniere). 

I  have  taken  the  same  authority  for  the  addition  ef  a  final  "e"  to  the  Captain's  surname. 


'775]       MOVING  TOWARD  REBELLION  83 

ways  conquer  if  they  did  not  break,  and  recommended  them 
to  charge  us  cooly  and  wait  for  our  fire,  and  everything 
would  succeed  with  them — quotes  Caesar  and  Pompey,  briga 
diers  Putnam  and  Ward,  and  all  such  great  men;  put  them 
in  mind  of  Cape  Breton,  and  all  the  battles  they  had  gained 
for  his  Majesty  in  the  last  war,  and  observed  that  the  regu 
lars  must  have  been  ruined  but  for  them."20 

While  Browne  and  De  Birniere  were  spending  Sunday 
(February  26)  in  semi-concealment  in  Worcester,  Lieu 
tenant-Colonel  Leslie's  battalion  was  making  its  abortive  at 
tempt  to  secure  the  cannon  held  by  the  patriots  near  Salem. 
These  cannon  worried  Gage,  for  they  were  suspected  to  be 
new  brass  field-pieces  smuggled  in  from  Holland.  In  reality 
they  were  only  old  iron  12-pounders,  relics  of  the  French 
war,  but  even  old  cannon  were  hugely  valuable  to  the  patriots, 
for  they  possessed  and  could  obtain  very  few  of  any  age  or 
calibre. 

Scarcer  still  were  available  artillerymen.  Ward's  letter 
of  February  27  to  David  Cheever,  a  member  of  the  Com 
mittee  of  Supplies,  notes  that  there  was  not  one  man  in  his 
district  competent  to  teach  the  handling  of  the  two  cannon 
to  be  delivered  for  his  regiment.  He  adds :  "There  is  a 
person  in  this  town  who  understands  the  Exercise  but  has  of 
late  discovered  such  Sentiments  in  Political  matters  that  I 
dare  not  trust  him."21 

The  last  remark  is  typical  of  the  soul-racking  uncertainty 
of  the  period.  The  dividing  lines  of  American  and  English 
nationality  have  now  for  generations  been  so  clear  and  strong 
that,  despite  the  labors  of  modern  historians,  many  people 
find  it  difficult  to  realize  that  the  Revolution  held  much  of  the 
anguish  of  civil  war. 

Symptoms  of  insurrection  were  showing  everywhere 
throughout  the  province,  but  Gage  held  back  from  any  de- 

20  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  Collections,  2d,   IV,  209-210;   and  elsewhere. 

21  Original  letter,  Massachusetts  Archives,  CXLVI,  2. 


84  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  47 

cisive  move  to  check  its  rise.  Across  the  sea  came  word  from 
the  English  government  advising  the  arrest  and  imprison 
ment  of  the  principal  members  of  the  Provincial  Congress. 
It  would  be  better,  declared  Lord  Dartmouth,  that  the  con 
flict  be  thus  brought  on,  than  in  a  riper  state  of  rebellion. 
But  Gage  and  his  associates  feared — or  did  not  think  it  poli 
tic — to  take  the  step. 

At  the  next  session  of  the  Provincial  Congress,  opened  on 
March  22,  the  members  were  instructed  to  give  to  the  Com 
mittee  on  the  State  of  the  Province  all  information  which 
had  "fallen  within  their  knowledge"  concerning  the  number 
of  field-pieces  in  the  province,  irrespective  of  their  owner 
ship,  and  also  concerning  the  number  of  men  "acquainted 
with  the  business  of  making  firearms." 

A  few  days  later  (March  30),  the  committee  "reported 
a  resolve,  relative  to  what  movements  of  the  troops  should 
make  it  fit  to  call  the  militia  together." 

On  the  following  day  it  brought  in  a  resolution  (passed) 
urging  upon  towns  and  districts  the  immediate  and  compul 
sory  transfer  of  ail  province  money  in  the  hands  of  tax  col 
lectors  and  constables  who  had  refrained  from  paying  it  over 
to  the  Provincial  Congress  Receiver-General.  The  resolution 
also  recommended  that  the  towns  "without  delay"  collect  any 
unpaid  taxes;  and  concluded  by  counseling  that  they  "vigor 
ously  exert  themselves  to  suppress  every  opposition  to  meas 
ures  recommended  by  the  Continental  and  Provincial  Con 
gresses,"  as  they  esteemed  "the  freedom  and  happiness  of 
themselves  and  future  generations." 

Immediately  thereafter  came  a  resolution  that  "if  there  is 
any  town  which  does  not  incline  to  pay  their  public  moneys 
to  Mr.  Gardner,  they  are  desired  to  give  their  reasons  for 
such  refusal  to  this  Congress." 

The  next  morning  the  committee  reported  an  encouraging 
and  laudatory  address  to  the  Stockbridge  Indian  minute- 
men,  and  introduced  a  resolution  (passed)  to  purchase  a 
blanket  and  a  yard  of  ribbon  for  each  of  them. 


/775]       MOVING  TOWARD  REBELLION  85 

April  2,  came  word  that  left  no  doubt  of  the  passage  of 
a  bill  which  was  to  lay  excessive  restraint  on  colonial  com 
merce  and  to  ban  American  ships  from  fishing  on  the  New 
foundland  Banks.  Further,  that  England  had  declared  the 
province  in  rebellion  and  had  ordered  reinforcements  to  sub 
due  it,  sending  also  instructions  for  the  shipping  of  the 
patriot  leaders  to  England.  To  the  old-style  English  tory, 
there  was  grim  joy  in  the  anticipation  of  a  London  display 
of  the  severed  heads  of  American  rebels. 

Later,  there  arrived  the  report  that  the  hangings  would 
take  place  in  Boston. 

Stiles  noted22  that  Parliament's  declaration  depressed 
"some  timid  persons,"  but  that  "in  general  the  Friends  of 
Liberty  are  hereby  exasperated  and  declare  themselves  ready 
for  the  Combat,  and  nothing  is  now  talked  of  but  immediately 
forming  an  American  army  at  Worcester  and  taking  the 
Field  with  undaunted  Resolution." 

The  Congress  quickly  reacted  to  the  new  challenge.  Militia 
plans  no  longer  seemed  sufficient.  On  April  8  the  Com 
mittee  on  the  State  of  the  Province  brought  in  a  resolve  for 
the  raising  and  establishment  of  a  provincial  army;  and  for 
the  appointment  of  delegates  "to  repair  to  Connecticut, 
Rhode  Island,  and  New  Hampshire"  to  tell  them  of  this 
determination  by  Massachusetts,  and  "to  request  them  to 
co-operate  ...  by  furnishing  their  respective  quotas  for 
the  general  defence."  The  Congress  adopted  the  resolution 
by  a  vote  of  96  to  7. 

It  followed  this  (April  8  and  10)  with  instructions  to  the 
committee  to  "take  into  consideration  what  number  of  men 
.  .  .  will  be  necessary  to  be  raised  by  the  four  New  Eng 
land  governments  for  their  general  defence" ;  and  "to 
draught  such  instructions  as  they  shall  think  necessary  to  be 
given  to  the  delegates  appointed  to  repair  to  the  neighboring 
governments." 

April  10,  the  committee  "reported  a  resolve,  relative  to 

22  Literary  Diary  of  Ezra  Stiles,  I,  530,  April  4. 


86  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  47 

exercising  the  minute-men  in  battalions,  and  that  they  be  paid 
out  of  the  public  treasury."  After  a  long  debate  this  resolu 
tion  was  defeated. 

April  12,  the  committee  brought  in  a  resolve  (passed) 
arranging  for  county  committees  "whose  business  it  shall  be 
to  receive  from  the  committees  of  correspondence  in  their 
respective  towns,  a  state  of  the  conduct  of  the  towns  and  dis 
tricts  with  respect  to  their  having  executed  the  continental  and 
provincial  plans,"  and  to  lay  their  reports  before  the  Con 
gress  at  its  next  session,  "that  any  neglect  of  such  towns  and 
districts  in  executing  such  plans  may  be  speedily  and  effectu 
ally  remedied." 

April  13,  the  committee  introduced  a  resolution  (passed) 
providing  for  six  artillery  companies  "to  immediately  enter 
on  discipline,  and  constantly  be  in  readiness  to  enter  the 
service  of  the  colony,"  and  that  the  Committee  of  Safety 
"draw  on  the  public  treasury  for  paying  said  companies  a 
suitable  consideration  for  their  services." 

April  14,  the  committee  reported  a  plan  for  officering 
the  proposed  provincial  army.  It  was  immediately  accepted 
by  the  Congress,  and  the  Committee  of  Safety  was  in 
structed  "to  apply  to  a  suitable  number  of  persons,  to  be 
in  readiness  to  enter  the  service  of  this  colony,  to  act  as 
field  officers:  such  field  officers,  in  conjunction  with  the  com 
mittee,  to  apply  to  proper  persons  as  captains,  and  they  to 
determine  on  such  subaltern  officers  as  may  be  necessary  for 
each  regiment,  when  an  army  shall  be  raised;  the  committee 
and  officers  caeteris  paribus  to  give  the  preference  to  persons 
who  have  been  chosen  officers  in  the  regiments  of  minute- 
men."  But  events  broke  too  quickly  for  the  plan  to  be  matured, 
and  the  militiamen — both  the  "standing  militia"  and  the  min 
ute-men — went  into  war  under  officers  of  their  own  choice  and 
election. 

On  the  following  day  the  Congress  adjourned.  It  had 
been  a  very  full  and  hard-working  session  for  General  Ward. 
He  had  been  continuously  a  member  of  the  Committee  on 


1775'}  THE  BATTLE  OF  APRIL  19  87 

the  State  of  the  Province,  and  it  was  this  committee  which 
had  led  and  directed  the  Congress. 

Three  days  later,  the  Committees  of  Safety  and  Supplies 
awoke  to  the  danger  of  concentrating  so  large  a  proportion 
of  their  scant  but  very  valuable  war  supplies  at  Concord, 
and  a  joint  meeting  directed  that  the  ammunition  be  dis 
tributed  among  nine  towns.  It  also  made  various  other  ar 
rangements  for  the  safer  and  more  convenient  custody  of 
provisions,  equipment,  etc. 

Some  cartloads  were  removed  that  same  day  (April  18), 
but  before  the  work  was  well  started  the  curtain  was  rung  up 
on  the  first  battle  of  the  Revolution.  Gage  had  got  wind  of 
the  depots  and  caches  at  Concord,  and  that  night  a  detach 
ment  of  English  grenadiers,  light  infantry,  and  marines  set 
out  to  destroy  them. 

The  story  of  Lexington  and  Concord — of  the  Battle  of 
April  19 — has  been  depicted  by  a  thousand  writers.  The 
riding  of  Revere  and  Dawes  and  Dr.  Prescott — and  many 
other  less  famed  messengers — to  arouse  the  country.  The 
village  green  at  Lexington  in  the  early  morning,  and  the 
firing  of  the  first  shots  of  the  war  of  the  American  Revolu 
tion.  The  confident  tramp  of  the  Englishmen  on  to  Concord. 
The  swelling  tide  of  the  militia.  The  sharp  contest  at  the 
bridge.  Then — the  retreat  of  the  British  regulars,  "driven 
before  the  Americans  like  sheep" ;  running  the  gauntlet  of 
Yankee  muskets,  every  furlong  rendering  its  quota  of  dead 
or  wounded.  So  hot  the  pace  that  when  they  met  Lord 
Percy  and  his  relief  brigade  the  survivors  threw  themselves 
on  the  ground,  "their  tongues  hanging  out  of  their  mouths."23 
And  the  continued  retreat  of  the  united  English  forces — 
nearly  two  thousand  of  the  proudest  infantry  of  the  Old 
World. 

In  the  speed  and  stress  of  that  running  twenty-mile  fight, 
many  of  the  militia  companies  disintegrated  into  pursuing 
individuals  or  small  changing  groups  only  intermittently  co- 

23  Stedman,  History  of  the  American  War,  I,   133. 


88  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  47 

hesive — but  even  so  they  persisted,  mobile  and  in  deadly 
earnest,  an  irresistible  "moving  circle"  of  musketmen,  and 
pursued  the  enemy  up  to  Charlestown  Neck. 

Here,  in  the  dusk  of  the  evening,  the  fighting  ceased. 
General  Heath  and  other  American  leaders  called  a  halt. 
The  English  troops  were  permitted  to  enter  the  city  without 
further  molestation,  but  "the  rebels,"  wrote  De  Birniere, 
"shut  up  the  Neck"  and  "placed  sentinels  there.  ...  So  that 
in  the  course  of  two  days,  from  a  plentiful  town,  we  were 
reduced  to  the  disagreeable  necessity  of  living  on  salt  provi 
sions,  and  fairly  blocked  up  in  Boston."24 

English  troops  and  English  authority  were  bottled  in  the 
capital,  and  Massachusetts  never  again  acknowledged  either. 

It  was  learned  that  two  could  play  at  the  sport  of  block 
ading.  The  English  government  had  willed  a  water  blockade 
of  the  capital  on  June  i,  1774.  American  militiamen  estab 
lished  a  land  blockade  on  April  19,  I775.25 

u  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  Collections,  2d,   IV,   2l8. 

28  The  rallying  of  Massachusetts'  men  on  April  19  was  very  different  from  the 
disordered  rush  toward  Boston  in  the  preceding  September.  Every  man  carried  a  musket 
and  he  set  out  with  his  neighbors  in  company  formation.  Companies  meeting  at  cross 
roads  joined  in  battalions  and  thus  pushed  on  in  substantial  strength.  Though  forma 
tion  was  speedily  lost  by  many  of  those  who  took  part  in  the  fighting,  it  was  retrieved 
after  the  halt  at  Charlestown  Neck  and  the  occupation  of  Cambridge  and  Roxbury  directly 
subsequent. 

For  the  great  improvement  in  organization  achieved  by  a  majority  of  the  townships, 
the  credit  must  be  variously  divided — among  the  militiamen  themselves,  and  the  various 
bodies  and  individuals  who  inspired  and  directed  their  reconstitution  and  training.  To  the 
minute-men  and  the  standing  militia  rank  and  file  is,  however,  due  the  largest  share  of  the 
special  honors  earned  on  April  19 — the  chief  credit  for  the  sudden  effectiveness  with 
which  the  English  troops  were  driven  back,  and  their  startling  transformation  into  a 
beleaguered  garrison.  The  Provincial  Congress  had  empowered  the  Committee  of  Safety 
to  call  out  the  militia,  and  the  general  officers  to  command  and  direct  it  if  it  should  be 
thus  called  out;  but  neither  the  minute-men  nor  the  standing  militia  had  waited  for  the 
call  of  either  the  Committee  of  Safety  or  the  general  officers — or  even,  in  many  cases, 
of  their  regimental  officers.  Immediately  on  word  that  the  English  were  coming  out,  or 
of  the  firing  at  Lexington — and  long  before  any  general  order  could  have  reached  them — 
the  men  had  come  together  in  their  town  companies  and  marched  to  meet  the  enemy. 


CHAPTER  V 

April  20-] line  75,  1775:  Age  47 

General  Ward  takes  command  of  the  army  besieging  Boston.  His 
Council  of  War  plans  to  fortify  Dorchester  Heights.  The  diffi 
culties  in  organizing  an  army  and  the  peril  of  anarchy.  Benjamin 
Church's  early  attempt  to  betray  his  country.  Ward  commis 
sioned  as  Commander-in-chief  of  the  Massachusetts  forces.  Gen 
eral  Gage  determines  to  occupy  Dorchester  Heights  and  to  follow 
this  with  the  seizure  of  the  Charlestown  peninsula.  The  Com 
mittee  of  Safety  recommends  the  occupation  of  Bunker  Hill.  The 
Council  of  War  resolves  to  occupy  both  Bunker  Hill  and  Dor 
chester  Heights.  The  final  decision  for  Bunker  Hill  alone.  Col 
onel  Prescott  given  the  command  of  the  detachment. 

GENERAL  WARD  lay  ill  in  bed  when  the  express 
rider  galloped  through  Shrewsbury  with  news  of 
the  clash  at  Lexington.  But  next  morning  at  daybreak  he 
mounted  his  horse  and  set  out  toward  Boston,  joining  and 
passing  company  after  company  of  the  militiamen  filling  the 
roads  as  they  also  hurried  eastward  to  the  capital. 

From  Shrewsbury  to  Cambridge  is  now  a  pleasant  motor 
trip,  but  on  horseback  over  the  rough  highway  of  the  year 
1775  it  could  have  been  no  holiday  jaunt  for  a  middle-aged 
man  afflicted  with  bladder-stone.  Yet  Ward  unhesitatingly 
journeyed  it  to  direct  the  dangerous  enterprise  of  rebellion 
against  the  world-famed  power  of  Great  Britain. 

Those  men  of  New  England  who  thus  unflinchingly  ac 
cepted  duty's  call  to  leadership,  and,  leading,  dared,  arms 
in  hand,  to  oppose  the  authority  of  the  King  and  Parliament 
of  England,  risked  a  fate  far  more  bitter  than  death  on  the 
battlefield.  They  dared  also  the  hangman's  gallows — and, 


90  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  47 

beyond,  perchance  the  horrors  of  the  severed  head  and  limbs 
rotting  by  the  roadside.  Such  things  have  been  impossible  in 
England  for  a  century  or  more — but  they  were  not  impossible 
then.  Nor  did  they  seem  so  to  Ward  and  his  associates,  for 
they  had  been  young  men  grown  at  the  time  of  the  Jacobite 
hangings  and  beheadings  of  1746. 

The  risk  of  punishment  for  treason  was  much  greater 
when  Ward  assumed  the  leadership  than  when  Washington 
took  hold.  Behind  Ward,  and  the  other  early  leaders  of  the 
Revolution,  were  only  the  forces  of  New  England — indeed, 
at  the  first  challenge,  only  the  forces  of  Massachusetts. 
When  Washington  was  appointed,  he  had  the  patriot  element 
of  thirteen  colonies  at  his  back. 

On  Ward's  arrival  at  Cambridge  he  took  command  of 
the  besieging  forces  and  called  a  council  of  war — the  first 
Revolutionary  council  of  war.1  Three  general  officers 
were  present — Ward  himself,  William  Heath,  and  John 
Whitcomb;  six  colonels,  including  William  Prescott  of  Pep- 
perell — later  "of  Bunker  Hill";  and  six  lieutenant-colonels. 
Samuel  Osgood  acted  as  aide-de-camp  to  General  Ward  and 
Joseph  Ward  as  secretary.2 

1  The   council    probably    met    in   Jonathan    Hastings'    house,    which    from    an    early    date 
(perhaps    from   the   first   day   of   the   siege)    served    as   headquarters    for   both    Ward    and 
the    Committee   of    Safety.      The   house    is    portrayed   on   the    page   opposite.      The    lower 
sketch    is    of    the    main    entrance    hall,    that    to    the    south    (on    the    right    of    the    upper 
illustration),   opening   into  the  southeast   room,   Ward's  office.      The  Committee   of   Safety 
met    in    the    rear    room    adjoining.      To    the    left    of    the    west    entrance    was    the    "long, 
low   dining-room"    in   which   Ward  entertained   Washington   on   his   arrival   at   Cambridge. 
The    house   is    best    known    as   the    "Holmes    House,"    for    it    achieved    nineteenth-century 
fame   as   the   birthplace   and   residence   of   Oliver   Wendell   Holmes.      Later   it   became   the 
property  of   Harvard   College   and   was   torn   down   in   the   spring   of   1884,   following   the 
completion  of  Austin  Hall  Law  School  nearby.      Its  site  is  marked  by  a  stone  memorial. 

2  Joseph  Ward,  a  schoolmaster  by  profession,   a  man  of  thirty-eight  years,  and  General 
Ward's  second  cousin  once   removed,   had  been  enrolled   in  the  forenoon   by   Heath,   fifth 
general  officer,  who  had  exercised  the  command  until  Ward's  arrival. 

Until  my  special  study  of  the  pre-Revolutionary  period  brought  unpleasant  disclosures, 
I  had  always  held  Joseph  Ward  as  a  shining  star  among  the  descendants  of  William 
Ward  of  Sudbury,  ranking  him  in  my  esteem  as  next  only  to  Artemas  Ward.  But  in 
the  MSS.  of  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth  I  came  upon  evidence  that  convicts  him  of  nauseous 
double-dealing:  posing  as  a  radical  patriot  and  at  the  same  time  offering  information  so 
obtained  (or  that  he  pretended  to  have  obtained)  as  part  of  the  price  of  a  crown  position. 

At  the  very  time  that  the  storm  over  the  Hutchinson-Oliver  letters  was  brewing  (page 
48),  Joseph  Ward  was  writing  to  Lord  Dartmouth  praying  for  the  position  of  Secretary  or 
Lieutenant-Governor  of  New  Hampshire — or  "any  other  commission  in  civil  government 


HASTINGS'    HOUSE 

(THE  "HOLMES 

HOUSE") 

Headquarters  of  Gen 
eral  Ward  and  the 
Committee  of  Safety 
during  the  first  months 
of  the  siege  of  Boston. 

See  foot-note  i  on  page 
90    (opposite) 


From  Justin  Winsor's  Memorial  History  of  Boston,   III,    108 


'7751  THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON  91 

The  General  Ward  who  took  his  place  at  the  head  of  the 
council  table  was  a  man  of  medium  height;  clean  shaven,  of 
prominent  features;  too  stout  for  his  forty-seven  years3  and 
at  the  moment  showing  the  effects  of  his  recent  illness,  but 
well  enough  nevertheless  to  apply  himself  conscientiously  to 
the  duties  to  his  hand.  Dressed  in  the  manner  of  the  times- 
hair  in  a  powdered  wig;  a  long  coat  with  silver  buttons;  a  fig 
ured  neckcloth  surmounting  a  ruffled  shirt;  a  long  waistcoat 
with  big  pockets;  knee-breeches,  and  riding-boots.  A  "God 
fearing"  man,  strongly  believing  in  and  living  up  to  the  re 
ligion  he  professed;  quiet,  thoughtful,  and  rather  over-stern 
in  demeanor;  somewhat  slow  in  speech  and  with  a  biblical 
turn  to  his  conversation;  inflexible  in  his  ideas,  and  fully  con 
vinced  that  the  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony  was  the  land  most 
approved  by  Providence,  and  that  those  of  Massachusetts 
were  the  Chosen  People. 

It  is  a  pity  that  Joseph  Ward  did  not  record  the  full  pro 
ceedings  of  that  council  of  war,  but  even  if  he  had,  it  would 
probably  have  made  most  matter-of-fact  reading.  There 
was  no  time  that  afternoon  for  sentiment  or  rhetoric;  nor  to 

in  New  England."  He  asserted  that  his  "connections  and  acquaintance  with  the  people 
in  several  Provinces"  gave  him  "an  opportunity  of  knowing  all  the  measures  which 
are  pursuing  to  secure  their  independency."  He  declared  that  the  colonists  were  only 
awaiting  a  favorable  opportunity  to  break  away;  and  he  gave  detail  after  detail  of 
alleged  patriotic  plans,  "as  I  apprehend  it  is  uncertain  whether  your  Lordship  will  be 
informed  of  some  of  those  things  in  any  other  channel."  He  did  not  neglect  to  ask 
secrecy  concerning  his  communications,  as  they  "might  give  offence  to  my  countrymen 
if  known." — Original  letters:  December  3,  1772;  January  6,  1773;  February  18,  1773; 
March  20,  1773;  May  8,  1773:  MSS.  of  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth. 

It  required  a  good  deal  of  mental  effort  to  resist  the  temptation  to  suppress  this 
disclosure;  but  to  have  yielded  would  have  been  unfair  to  students,  who  are  entitled  to 
the  whole  truth  from  writers  who  present  the  results  of  historical  research.  It  would 
also  have  been  unjust  to  the  memory  of  the  true  patriots  of  the  Revolution  to  have 
longer  permitted  Joseph  Ward's  name  to  be  classed  with  theirs. 

It  is  comforting  to  be  able  to  conclude  this  distasteful  foot-note  with  the  statement 
that,  to  the  best  of  my  knowledge  and  belief,  Joseph  Ward  "played  the  game  straight" 
after  the  actual  outbreak  of  hostilities.  He  acquitted  himself  well  as  secretary  to  General 
Ward;  and,  later,  as  Commissary  of  Musters,  he  won  Washington's  commendation.  It 
was  his  post  as  Commissary  of  Musters  which  gave  him  the  rank  of  colonel. 

*  It  has  been  asserted  that  Ward  was  "unable  to  get  on  horseback,"  that  he  was  "so 
infirm  that  he  was  not  fit  to  appear  in  public  on  horseback,"  etc.  This  is  incorrect  and 
misleading.  When  several  years  older  he  readily  traveled  the  several  hundred  miles 
to  and  from  Philadelphia  on  horseback,  the  detailed  record  of  his  journey  to  the  (then) 
national  capital  showing  that  he  could  make  nearly  as  good  time  on  the  road  as  Wash 
ington  himself. 


92  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  47 

discuss  high  military  or  political  topics.  Instead,  the  im 
perative  essentials  were  to  place,  house,  and  feed  the  army 
that  had  suddenly  sprung  into  being,  and  was  being  further 
swelled  by  men  marching  in  from  the  western  counties,  and 
from  Connecticut  and  New  Hampshire,  and,  later,  from 
Rhode  Island. 

The  Massachusetts  militiamen  had  driven  the  enemy  back 
into  Boston.  They  had  caged  the  lion,  but  could  they  hold 
him  prisoner? 

That  first  day — and  the  next  few  following — were  full  of 
feverish  activity  and  grave  anxiety.  Guards  were  posted  and 
earthworks  hastily  thrown  up  to  bar  the  roads  leading 
north,  west,  and  south  from  Boston,  and  to  protect  the  central 
position  at  Cambridge.  And  messages  were  sent  widespread 
for  gunpowder,  for  supplies — for  all  the  paraphernalia  of 
war. 

The  greatest  anxiety  was  felt  concerning  the  American 
right — at  Roxbury,  south  of  Boston  Neck. 

General  Thomas  had  taken  stand  in  Roxbury,  throwing  a 
hastily  gathered  division  across  the  route  by  which  the  enemy 
was  most  likely  to  try  to  force  his  way  out.  On  the  second 
day  Ward  ordered  General  Heath  to  reinforce  him  with  the 
Prescott,  Learned,  and  Warner  regiments,  but  Thomas  called 
for  yet  more  men,  and  on  the  twenty-second  David  Green's 
regiment  also  joined  him. 

On  the  same  day  the  American  lines  were  extended  on  the 
north  to  Chelsea. 

The  militiamen  thus  completed  a  girdle  of  Boston  har 
bor — stretching  in  a  semicircle  of  twelve  miles  across  and 
around  hills  and  valleys,  rivers  and  marsh. 

Within  its  arc  were  the  three  peninsulas  which  controlled 
the  thoughts  and  strategy  of  the  siege.  The  center  peninsula 
was  Boston;  with  the  Charlestown  peninsula  to  the  north, 
and  Dorchester  Neck  (as  the  Dorchester  peninsula  was  then 
called)  to  the  south.  The  Charlestown  and  Dorchester  pe 
ninsulas  dominated  Boston,  and  both  lay  open  as  prizes  of 


BOSTON  AND  ITS  ENVIRONS  IN  1775 

Note  the  three  peninsulas — Charlestown,  Boston,  and  Dorchester  Neck. 
They  constituted  the  strategic  heart  of  the  siege  of  Boston. 


'775]  THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON  93 

war  for  whichever  contestant  should  first  feel  himself  able 
to  seize  them  and  prove  himself  able  to  retain  them. 

An  admirable  choice  were  the  positions  that  the  besiegers 
so  quickly  took.  Despite  the  meager  American  equipment — 
the  old-fashioned  musket4  and  the  scant  artillery — and  the 
lack  of  discipline,  that  first  cordon  was  never  broken. 

There  quickly  arose,  though,  need  for  decisive  action  by 
the  provisional  government.  The  siege  had  been  clapped  on 
with  dramatic  force  and  suddenness  by  the  militiamen  them 
selves.  The  task  of  maintaining  it  passed  to  the  provincial 
leaders — particularly  the  leaders  of  Massachusetts,  for  on 
that  province  rested  the  chief  burden  and  responsibility. 

Both  by  law  and  tradition  it  had  become  the  duty  of  the 
Massachusetts  militia  to  turn  out  on  an  alarm — to  the  last 
man  if  need  be — and  to  march  at  a  moment's  notice  to 
"repel,"  "pursue,"  and  "destroy"  whatever  enemy  had  put 
the  province — or  the  township — in  peril.  But  neither  law 
nor  tradition  expected  the  militia,  as  such,  to  keep  the  field. 
To  conduct  a  campaign,  men  were  drawn  (by  voluntary  en 
listment  or  by  impressment)  from  its  local  ranks  in  their 
home  towns  (so  and  so  many  from  each  township  or  com 
pany)  and  reassembled  in  special  regiments  and  brigades. 

The  Committee  of  Safety  saw  the  opportunity  to  form  an 
army  on  the  spot,  in  place  of  this  customary  but  slower  meth 
od  of  gathering  quotas  from  townships  scattered  all  over  the 
province,  and  on  the  second  day  (April  21)  it  resolved  to 
enlist  8000  men  from  those  around  them — but  a  large  part 
of  the  besieging  force  melted  away  before  the  resolve  was 
translated  into  action. 

The  men,  having  answered  the  alarm  and  pursued  the 
enemy  as  far  as  pursuit  had  been  deemed  feasible  by  their 
officers,  felt  no  obligation  to  remain  any  longer  than  their 
own  and  their  companions'  estimates  of  the  necessities  of  the 

4  The  musket  was  generally  the  personal  property  of  the  man  who  carried  it,  but 
sometimes  it  was  a  "Province"  or  "King's"  arm,  furnished  by  his  town  selectmen  or 
local  military  committee,  or  one  lent  by  a  neighbor  or  "forcibly  taken  from  a  Tory." 


94  ARTEMAS  WARD  {Age  47 

situation;  or  than  suited  their  own  needs,  or  desires,  or 
conscience.  As  the  entire  force  was  a  body  of  their  own 
building  and  officering,  and  they  had  come  out  on  their  own 
initiative,  they  felt  that,  instead  of  awaiting  permission  to 
return  to  their  homes,  they  could  stay  or  go  according  to  their 
own  volition. 

They  had  dropped  everything  on  the  alarm,  many  of  them 
marching  in  the  clothes  they  had  been  wearing  in  the  fields, 
and  without  a  farthing  in  their  pockets.  After  a  few  hours 
in  camp  they  began  to  think  of  their  unfinished  work,  their 
untilled  fields;  and  many  of  them  decided  to  go  home — for  a 
while  at  all  events.  Each  one  reasoned  that  there  was  no 
imperative  necessity  to  remain,  for  the  redcoats  displayed  no 
indication  of  coming  out; — and  that,  anyway,  there  were 
plenty  of  his  fellows  who  would  stay!  The  especially  con 
scientious  private  arranged  with  some  one  else — generally  a 
relative  or  townsman — to  take  his  place  before  he  left  camp, 
but  a  great  deal  more  frequently  this  precaution  was  over 
looked. 

The  same  thoughts  and  impulses  affected  the  Connecticut 
troops. 

Ward  was  the  central  figure  of  command,  but  until  the 
Provincial  Congress  or  the  Committee  of  Safety  should  act, 
he  was  without  authority  to  enlist  the  men  around  him,  or  to 
pay  them,  or  to  hold  them  in  any  way. 

On  the  fourth  day  (April  23)  he  wrote  to  the  Provincial 
Congress  imploring  immediate  action. 

uMy  situation  is  such,"  he  declared,  "that  if  I  have  not 
enlisting  orders  immediately,  I  shall  be  left  all  alone.  It  is 
impossible  to  keep  the  men  here,  excepting  something  be 
done.  I  therefore  pray  that  the  plan  may  be  completed  and 
handed  to  me  this  morning,  that  you,  gentlemen  of  the  Con 
gress,  issue  orders  for  enlisting  men."5 

5  I  have  not  come  across  the  original  of  this  letter,  but  William  Lincoln  stated  that  it 
was  in  existence  at  the  time  (1838)  of  the  publication  of  the  Journals  of  each  Provincial 
Congress  of  Massachusetts,  and  that  it  was  dated  April  23,  1/75.  American  Archives, 
4th,  II,  384,  gives  the  date  as  April  24,  1775.  The  minutes  of  the  Provincial  Congress 


'775]  THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON  95 

Thus  prompted,  the  Congress  declared  for  the  raising  of 
an  army  of  13,600  (instead  of  the  Committee  of  Safety's 
8000)  and  shortly  followed  its  resolution  by  issuing  "beating 
orders" — authority  to  whom  issued  to  enlist  men;  commis 
sions  in  the  new  army  being  contingent  on  success  in  obtain 
ing  the  required  totals.  In  order  to  retain  in  field  service  as 
large  a  proportion  as  possible  of  the  officers  who  had  come 
to  the  siege,  the  company  size  was  reduced  to  fifty-nine  men, 
including  officers,  and  a  regiment  was  limited  to  ten  such 
companies.  Enlistments  were  to  the  end  of  the  year. 

The  "beating"  system  was  hallowed  by  custom,  but  it  did 
not  fit  the  emergency.  Its  greatest  defect  was  that  the  men 
enrolled  did  not,  under  the  conditions  of  the  siege,  except  by 
their  own  voluntary  action,  become  reliable  effective  mem 
bers  of  the  army  until  the  completion  of  their  companies — or 
regiments — and  their  "mustering  in"  (inspection  and  swear 
ing  in  by  specially  appointed  officers  known  as  "muster 
masters"),  which  meant,  in  many  cases,  a  delay  of  several 
weeks. 

Under  its  circumstances  the  rank  and  file  continued  to  per 
plex  the  general  officers  with  frequent  unheralded  changes 
both  in  strength  and  personnel.  The  passing  of  day  after 
day  with  no  new  formation  definitely  evolved  and  the  old 
formation  in  a  constant  state  of  flux,  the  conflicting  rumors 
of  what  both  they  and  the  enemy  were  doing  and  were  about 
to  do :  these  things  not  only  accentuated  the  natural  restless 
ness  of  the  young  single  men — they  also  left  undiminished  the 
homeward  pull  of  farm  and  family  felt  by  the  large  number 
of  married  men  in  the  ranks.  Patriotism  of  the  highest  order 
had  brought  them  to  the  siege  ready  for  a  life-and-death  con 
flict.  They  were  not  in  camp  for  the  "glory"  of  war  or  pride 
of  regiment,  but  solely  to  fight  for  the  defense  of  what  they 
considered  their  rights,  and  against  the  violation  of  their 

apparently  confirm  the  Lincoln  date,  and  suggest  that  this  letter,  instead  of  one  concern 
ing  the  New  Hampshire  troops,  should  have  been  cited  in  the  sentence  preceding  the 
resolution  for  an  army  of  30,000  men.  See  Journals  of  each  Provincial  Congress,  148, 
April  23,  and  note. 


96  ARTEMAS  WARD  {Age  47 

homes  and  the  country  they  had  developed.  To  be  ready  to 
give  their  lives  for  their  homes,  and  at  the  same  time  to 
neglect  those  homes  entirely  in  the  busy  farming  season, 
would  have  seemed  foolish  to  the  logical  New  England  mind 
— hence  the  tendency  of  the  Massachusetts  militiamen,  with 
or  without  permission,  to  return  to  their  families  at  any 
moment's  impulse  to  attend  to  some  farm  work — or  because 
of  the  sickness  of  wife  or  child. 

The  problem  was  intensified  by  the  competition  between 
officers  with  beating  orders,  and  their  excessive  deference  to 
their  men's  demands.  An  officer  who  was  strict  might  find  it 
impossible  to  fill  his  beating  order  and  would  thus  lose  his 
eligibility  for  a  commission. 

It  is  nevertheless  a  serious  mistake  to  presume,  as  many 
have  done,  that  the  lack  of  military  discipline  and  the  preva 
lence  of  informal  furloughs  signified  also  an  army  of  lethargy 
or  idleness.  Those  first  two  months  in  the  American  camps 
were  filled  with  much  earnest  labor  by  men  and  officers  alike. 
"The  Army  is  employed  thus,"  wrote  a  private  in  the  Cam 
bridge  lines,  ua  large  number  is  upon  guard  night  and  day; 
another  party  is  upon  fatigue,  or  labour,  &  ye  rest  perform 
Duty  on  the  Common  from  10  o'clock  to  12  o'clock  &  from 
4  o'clock  to  Sunsett."6 

There  is  some  woeful  contemporary  testimony  to  the  pro 
fanity  of  the  camp  talk — but  a  certain  quantity  of  rough 
language  is  to  be  expected  wherever  men  assemble  in  the 
absence  of  their  womenfolk.  There  was,  withal,  a  strongly 
religious  atmosphere — the  troops  attended  daily  prayers  and 
joined  fervently  in  the  singing  of  psalms.  A  high  code  of 
morality  was  enforced.  A  "bad  woman"  received  short 
shrift:  sometimes  being  "doused"  in  the  river  and  then 
"drummed  out  of  town." 

Blended  with  the  camp  profanity,  mosaicking  it  with  pecu 
liar  effect,  were  the  many  scriptural  phrases  current  in  daily 
speech — the  result  of  much  Bible  reading  and  discussion. 

*  Original  diary  of  Joseph  Meriam,  Chamberlain  Collection,  Boston  Public  Library. 


/775]  THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON  97 

Scriptural  language  lent  weight  also  to  the  invectives  which 
the  Americans  let  loose  upon  the  heads  of  their  enemies. 
Biological,  social,  and  political  epithets  such  as  dogs,  lobsters, 
butchers,  cannibals,  unnatural  enemies,  parliamentary  tools, 
etc.,  had  their  uses,  but  they  did  not  convey  the  weight  and 
relish  of  such  phrases  as  "red-coated  Philistines,"  "uncir- 
cumcised  heathen,"  etc.  One  private  always  referred  to 
General  Gage  as  that  "Crocodile  and  Second  Pharoe,"  and 
there  are  many  diary  entries  which  bear  testimony  to  the 
prevailing  sentiment  that  the  "God  of  Israel"  was  on  the 
American  side. 

We  have,  further,  been  told  that  the  New  Englanders  thus 
gathered  together  were  most  distressingly  careless  of  their 
personal  appearance  and  that  they  apparently  used  little  soap 
— in  other  words,  that  they  were  disgracefully  dirty!  It 
would  have  been  strange  if  it  had  been  otherwise.  Several 
thousand  men  so  closely  crowded  that  they  filled  every  house 
and  every  barn  to  overflowing,  covering  every  inch  of  floor 
space  as  they  slept  at  night — after  digging  trenches,  throw 
ing  up  earthworks,  and  doing  all  manner  of  camp  chores  by 
day.  No  running  water  or  bathtubs  in  the  houses  in  which 
they  were  quartered  (private  bathtubs  were  unknown  then 
and  for  many  years  to  come),  and  still  fewer  facilities  for 
cleanliness  in  their  other  improvised  shelters :  in  motley  boat- 
sail  tents  and  hastily  constructed  huts  of  boards  or  stone  or 
turf:  or  as  they  bivouacked  without  any  protection  at  all. 
They  would  have  been  the  most  particular  of  men  if — again 
in  the  absence  of  their  womenfolk — they  had  paid  much  at 
tention  to  their  personal  appearance.7 

The  post  of  general  officer  in  this  army  presented  many 
peculiar  problems — superimposed  on  days  unceasingly 
crowded  by  consideration  of  military  plans  and  dangers. 
Casual  contemporary  references  show  Ward  one  day  at  Rox- 
bury;  on  another  reconnoitering  Lechmere's  Point;  again, 

7  In  many  cases  the  men  were  not  to  blame.  Soap  was  not  always  readily  obtainable. 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Storrs  writes  in  his  diary  (June  9)  :  "My  company  uneasy  for  want 
of  beer,  and  soap  for  washing." — Massachusetts  Historical  Society  Proceedings,  XIV,  85. 


98  ARTEMAS  WARD  \.Age  tf 

reconnoitering  Dorchester  Neck;  and,  next,  riding  over  the 
Charlestown  peninsula.  He  was  fortunate  in  having  the 
energetic  cooperation  of  a  number  of  able  officers — chief  in 
authority  among  them  during  the  first  weeks  being  General 
Thomas  of  the  Massachusetts  forces,  the  Connecticut  Gen 
erals  Putnam  and  Spencer,  and  Colonel  Stark  of  New  Hamp 
shire — and  also  the  valuable  assistance  of  Joseph  War 
ren,  whose  popularity  gave  him  great  influence  among  the 
troops;  but  lack  of  experience  and  precedents,  and  of  quali 
fied  assistants,  added  greatly  to  the  labors  of  every  command 
ing  officer,  and  it  does  not  surprise  one  to  read  Jedediah 
Huntington's  statement  that  both  Ward  and  Putnam  had 
"too  much  business  on  their  hands."8 

And  there  was  lack  of  gunpowder,  bayonets,  horses,  cook 
ing  utensils,  and  clothing;  of  everything  except  courage  and 
food — the  only  two  products  of  which  Massachusetts  at  that 
time  had  any  surplus. 

Ward's  insistent  demands  for  much-needed  equipment  and 
materials  were  on  at  least  one  occasion  hotly  resented  by  the 
Committee  of  Supplies.  In  a  letter  to  the  Provincial  Con 
gress  they  complained  of  his  impatience  at  the  delay  in 
supplying  him  with  muskets  and  planking.  They  declared 
that  they  should  "expect  an  explanation"  from  the  general 
when  the  affairs  of  the  colony  were  "a  little  settled."9 

Of  food,  happily,  there  was  plenty  for  all.  Fresh  meat 
was  bountifully  provided  by  the  cattle  in  the  vicinity  or  raided 
from  the  islands  in  the  harbor;  and  every  day,  big  carts  rolled 
in  from  the  neighboring  towns  laden  with  farm  produce. 
There  was  no  thought  of  the  semi-starvation  from  which  the 
Continentals  later  suffered  in  the  lukewarm  central  provinces. 

Reserve  stocks  were  quickly  reported  to  headquarters. 

"I  am  informed  that  there  are  not  less  than  5  or  6  hundred 
bushels  of  peas  at  Newburyport,"  Ward  writes,  for  example, 
to  the  Committee  of  Supplies.  He  wishes  that  they  may  be 

*  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  Collections,   5th,   IX,  495- 
'Lincoln,  Journals  of  each  Provincial  Congress,  557- 


17751  THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON  99 

obtained  for  the  soldiers.  He  also  calls  for  all  the  "vine 
gar  that  it  is  possible  for  us  to  have."  "Vinegar,"  he 
adds,  "is  a  most  important  article."  He  had  evidently  not 
forgotten  his  classics  and  their  references  to  the  posca  of  the 
ancient  Romans — the  vinegar  and  water  that  served  as  the 
standard  beverage  of  Csesar's  legions. 

In  the  midst  of  all  the  other  demands  on  his  attention, 
Ward  found  time  to  ensure  proper  treatment  of  the  English 
prisoners  of  war.  Shortly  after  the  battle  of  April  19  he  sent 
word  into  Boston  that  the  "wounded  were  taken  every  pos 
sible  care  of;  that  they  were  attended  by  the  most  skillful  sur 
geons,"  but  that  "if  General  Gage  chose  to  have  any  surgeons 
of  his  own  appointment  to  attend  them,  he  was  at  liberty  to 
nominate  them,  and  they  should  be  permitted  to  give  their 
attendance."10  He  also  issued  a  general  order  in  which  he 
commanded  that  the  "officers  of  the  guards  who  have  the 
care  of  the  prisoners  take  the  best  care  of  them,  and  treat 
them  in  the  kindest  manner,  and  procure  good  surgeons  to 
take  care  of  the  wounded."  ll  Supplementing  this,  he  wrote 
to  Colonel  Barrett  in  Concord,  to  which  town  some  of  the 
prisoners  had  been  moved,  "Pray  keep  them  from  any  In 
fection  that  may  arise  from  putting  too  many  in  one  room 

10  In  an  article  by  a  London  writer  reprinted  in  American  Archives,  4th,  II,  950. 

11  Ward's   Order  Book,  April   21,    1775.      The  original   Order  Book,   April   20,    1775- 
March  20,   1777,  is    (1921)    owned  by  Mrs.  A.  Ward  Lamson,  Dedham,  Mass.      It  is  a 
tome  of  350  pages,  8  x  12^2  inches,  originally  parchment-bound.     It  is  chiefly  in  the  hand 
writing  of  Joseph  Ward,  but  some  entries  are  by  aides-de-camp  Samuel  Osgood  and  Peleg 
Wadsworth,    and    a    few    are    by    General    Ward    himself.      Photostat   copies    are    in    the 
Artemas  Ward  House,  Shrewsbury,  Mass.,  and  the  Artemas  Ward  MSS.     A  manuscript 
copy  of  all  of  the  "Cambridge  Orders"   (April  20,    1775,  to  April   3,   1776),  and  of  the 
"Roxbury  Orders"  from  July  29  to  October  20,  1775,  is  in  the  Adjutant-General's  Office, 
Boston. 

"Fenno's  Orderly  Book"  (MS.,  two  small  books,  April  20,  1775,  to  September  6,  1775. 
— Massachusetts  Historical  Society)  has  been  freely  quoted  in  the  belief  that  it  was 
kept  by  John  Fenno,  and  that  John  Fenno  was  Ward's  secretary,  but  neither  of  these 
points  is  correct — it  was  not  kept  by  Fenno,  and  Fenno  was  not  Ward's  secretary.  It 
is  a  copy  (with  some  changes  and  additions)  made  by  Joseph  Ward  of  part  of  the  original 
Order  Book  described  above.  It  presumably  owes  its  title  of  "Fenno's  Orderly  Book" 
to  the  pencil  memorandum,  "Kept  by  John  Fenno,  Secretary  to  the  Commander-in-chief," 
which  appears  on  the  inside  of  the  front  cover  of  the  first  volume.  This  incorrect  state 
ment  is  of  later  addition  and  is  not  in  the  handwriting  of  either  Joseph  Ward  or  John 
Fenno. 


ioo  ARTEMAS  WARD  \.Ag*  41 

.  .  .  provide  every  thing  needful  for  their  comfortable  sub 
sistence."12 

Reports  of  this  reaching  England  did  much  to  offset  the 
untrue  and  highly  colored  tales  of  American  atrocities  on 
April  19.  The  London  writer  chronicling  Ward's  attitude, 
added,  "The  public  will  hardly  believe  that  so  fair  and  gen 
erous  an  enemy  could  be  guilty  of  barbarity  and  cruelty." 

Ward's  indignation  was,  however,  roused  by  Gage's  vio 
lation  of  the  agreement  governing  the  exodus  of  the  Bos 
ton  patriots,  and  his  council  of  war  recommended  that  the 
reciprocal  resolution  of  the  Provincial  Congress  be  sus 
pended  "until  they  are  fully  satisfied  that  the  agreement  is 
punctually  fulfilled,  and  in  the  meantime  to  arrest  and  in 
tern  all  Crown  officers  and  known  enemies  to  the  liberties  of 
the  colonies."13 

There  were,  too,  rifts  in  the  quick  strong  loyalty  which 
had  overnight  beleaguered  Boston.  We  find  letters  to  Ward 
and  the  Committee  of  Safety  from  outlying  towns  telling  of 

12  April   26,   1775. — Original  letter,  Massachusetts  Archives,  CXCIII,  70. 

13  May  12,   1775. — Original  resolution,  Massachusetts  Archives,  CXXXVIII,  48. 
Gage   had    promised   that   any   of   the   inhabitants    of   Boston    who   deposited   their   arms 

in  Faneuil  Hall  should  receive  permission  to  leave  the  town  and  take  with  them  their 
families  and  effects.  But  the  number  applying  for  passes  was  so  large  that  the  tories  of 
the  capital  became  alarmed  and  so  far  prevailed  upon  Gage  that  he  threw  many  obstacles 
in  the  path  of  the  exodus — resulting  in  much  additional  hardship  and  sometimes  in  the 
separation  of  families. 

Many  of  those  who  were  permitted  to  come  out  were  entirely  destitute,  the  abnormal 
conditions  after  the  closing  of  the  port  having  exhausted  their  meager  resources. 

The  Provincial  Congress  took  these  poor  people  under  its  protection  and  allotted  them 
to  different  towns,  requiring  the  towns  to  provide  for  them — the  province  later  to  foet 
the  bills. 

The  Congress  added  a  resolution  that  the  "inhabitants  of  Boston  thus  removed  shall  not 
in  future  be  considered  as  the  poor"  of  the  towns  to  which  they  were  allotted.  This  was 
interpreted  even  by  the  well-informed  Frothingham  (Siege  of  Boston,  95)  as  a  "delicate" 
resolution  to  guard  the  feelings  and  sentiments  of  those  to  be  thus  publicly  assisted  and 
supported,  and  the  idea  has  been  adopted  by  lesser  writers. 

The  resolution  had,  however,  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  "delicacy"  or  sentiment. 
On  the  contrary:  instead  of  being  a  protection  for  the  feelings  of  the  refugees,  it  wa« 
passed  to  protect  the  towns  from  being  burdened  'with  them.  It  supplemented  the  pre 
ceding  resolution  providing  for  the  payment  of  town  expenses  in  caring  for  the  refugees, 
and  it  signified  that  after  the  special  war  exigency  (thus  provided  for)  had  passed,  the 
towns  should  be  under  no  obligation  to  support  them — as  they  would  have  been  if 
the  refugees  had  been  considered  as  their  "poor."  It  was  because  of  this  obligation  to 
take  care  of  their  own  poor  that  Massachusetts  towns  were  so  careful  to  warn  away 
strange  would-be  residents  who,  in  the  opinion  of  the  selectmen,  might  become  a  burden ; 
and  to  put  under  bonds  any  resident  harboring  a  stranger. 


'775]  THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON  101 

men  believed  to  be  in  communication  with  the  English  author 
ities.  The  vein  of  anti-patriot  sentiment  thus  disclosed,  and 
everywhere  interwoven,  was  sometimes  heroic,  sometimes 
nauseously  venal.  Though  not  suspected  until  several  months 
later,  it  reached  even  into  the  Committee  of  Safety  in  the 
person  of  Benjamin  Church,  a  prominent  member  and  fre 
quently  its  chairman.  From  what  date  his  double-dealing 
extended,  no  man  knows,  but  he  went  through  the  lines  into 
Boston  and  was  whispering  treachery  with  the  British  com 
mander  before  the  siege  was  forty-eight  hours  old.  Fortu 
nately,  as  six  years  later  in  the  case  of  Benedict  Arnold,  the 
English  profited  little  therefrom. 

The  besieging  lines  were  at  their  leanest  during  the  last 
week  of  April  and  the  first  days  of  May.  Most  of  the  men 
had  returned  to  their  homes — some  to  get  additional  clothes 
and  to  arrange  farm  and  family  affairs  because  they  had  en 
listed  or  because  they  intended  to;  others,  because  they  had 
decided  that  camp  life  was  not  to  their  taste.  On  April  26 
a  considerable  body  of  men  who  had  encamped  in  Watertown 
and  Waltham  were  called  into  Cambridge  and  Roxbury, 
but  they  served  only  as  a  temporary  stop-gap,  for  they  also 
had  begun  to  melt  away.  There  was  a  special  scarcity  of 
officers — they  had  gone  back  not  only  on  personal  missions 
but  also  to  try  to  fill  their  beating  orders  from  among  the 
men  who  had  left  the  camp  without  signing  on. 

On  May  8,  while  the  camps  were  in  this  dangerously 
weakened  condition,  Ward  received  another  of  a  succession 
of  warnings  that  the  English  were  planning  the  seizure  of 
Dorchester  Neck,  and  confirmatory  reports  apparently  left 
little  doubt  that  the  enemy  was  preparing  a  capital  stroke. 

The  situation  had  become  desperate.  The  Provincial  Con 
gress  debated  a  partial  retreat  from  the  American  position, 
and  on  the  morning  of  May  10  directed  a  committee  to  con 
fer  with  the  Committee  of  Safety  on  moving  the  whole  or 
part  of  the  cannon  and  stores  back  into  the  country.  A  plan 
much  urged  was  the  evacuation  of  Cambridge  and  the  posts 


102  ARTEMAS  WARD  Wg*  47 


to  the  north,  retaining  only  the  Brookline  and  Roxbury  posi 
tions. 

But  Ward  and  his  fellow  officers  at  Cambridge  viewed 
matters  from  a  more  aggressive  standpoint.  There  was  no 
symptom  of  weakening  in  their  council  of  war.  Instead, 
they  planned  a  strong  counter-move.  They  unanimously  re 
solved  (May  9)  to  call  in  additional  militiamen  —  not  only  to 
strengthen  Roxbury,  but  also  to  forestall  the  enemy  by  them 
selves  seizing  and  fortifying  the  dominating  heights  of  Dor 
chester  Neck:  "Dorchester  Hill,"  as  the  resolution  reads; 
"Dorchester  Heights,"  as  they  are  best  known  to  history. 

No  narrative  of  the  siege  records  this  episode,  for  it  was 
submerged  by  the  rush  of  events  which  followed  within  the 
next  few  weeks,  but  the  page  opposite  bears  a  facsimile  of  the 
resolution  signed  by  Samuel  Osgood,  General  Ward's  aide- 
de-camp.14 

The  resolution  was  immediately  followed  by  a  request  to 
the  Committee  of  Safety  for  2000  men  to  reinforce  Thomas, 
and  "that  if  possible  the  reinforcements  be  brought  to  camp 
the  ensuing  night." 

The  Committee  of  Safety  responded  with  a  resolution  or 
dering  the  militia  officers  of  the  towns  of  Dorchester,  Ded- 
ham,  Newton,  Watertown,  Waltham,  Roxbury,  Milton, 
Braintree,  Brookline,  and  Needham,  immediately  to  muster 
one  half  of  their  standing  militiamen  and  all  their  minute- 
men,  and  to  march  them  forthwith  to  Roxbury. 

The  order  was,  at  the  direction  of  the  Provincial  Con 
gress,  changed  on  the  next  day  to  a  call  for  all  the  men  en 
listed  in  the  entire  province  to  march  to  Cambridge,  and  the 
following  letter  was  dispatched  to  recruiting  officers  through 
out  the  country  : 

14  S.  A.  Drake  happened  on  the  original,  or  a  copy  of  it,  and  mentioned  it  in  his  His 
toric  Fields  and  Mansions  of  Middlesex,  260—261  (also,  same  page  numbers,  in  the  same 
work  later  published  as  Old  Landmarks  and  Historic  Fields  of  Middlesex  and  Historic 
Mansions  and  Highways  around  Boston),  but  it  sank  out  of  sight  again  and  for  many 
years  lay  buried  in  the  autograph  collection  of  John  Mills  Hale.  It  was  released  only  so 
recently  as  February  14,  1913,  when  the  Hale  Collection  was  sold  by  Henkels  in  Phila 
delphia.  It  is  now  among  the  Artemas  Ward  MSS. 


,1 4  ^  <  ^ 


/  I^,].IH 

5-  A  i  •( i 


m 

^      I 


v    l^MU 

^  <        I  •;}  *J    r  v  Q 
*  ^  ^  ^   Ka 

.1  ^  .>  v  A-^x 

H         -vii 


\ 
1 


Vx 


f    '  % 


w  i  ^  Hf4 

NN!  --\  ^  4^^\\ 

•^  \M    ^    N^    v^     )    v    t 

'  vf  1  T>'1  H 

<  \  *  \  ^  •  y x 

i    i  Ss  4^ 

J  -^    ^   \- xd  JM 

^  1     r\X?£   ?c* 


^    tv^ 


1    ^\v  •.x-'H  T 

M-li^  Wi 


1 


u 


w 

c/a 
W 

ffl 
U 

P^ 

o 

Q 
O 

w 

i  g 

•^      N 

1   S 

b      ^ 
3      W 


*   o 

.s     pt, 


^     P 

U  s 

w 


^ 


J775]  THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON  103 

"In  Committee  of  Safety,  Camb.,  May  10,  1775 
SIR: 

As  we  are  meditating  a  Blow  against  our  restless  Enemies 
— We  therefore  enjoin  you  as  you  would  Evidence  your  Re 
gard  to  Your  Country,  forthwith  upon  the  Receipt  of  this 
Order  to  repair  to  the  Town  of  Cambridge  with  the  Men 
inlisted  under  your  command. 
We  are,  etc. 

BENJA  CHURCH,  JUNR. 
Chairman. 

The  letter  was  intended  by  the  Committee  of  Safety  only 
for  officers  in  outlying  towns,  but  a  copy,  both  written  and 
signed  by  Benjamin  Church  himself,  was  sent  to  Thomas.15 
This  may  have  been  merely  a  blunder — the  possibility  is  sug 
gested  by  the  superscription  "To  General  Thomas  of 
Plymouth" — but  whether  or  not,  and  despite  its  address,  the 
letter  was  promptly  delivered  to  Thomas  at  Roxbury. 

Thomas  did  not  take  the  letter  as  unintentional.  He  read 
it  as  a  direct  order  intended  for  his  compliance.  He  was, 
however,  too  alert  to  withdraw  his  men  from  the  post  en 
trusted  to  him,  even  at  the  command  of  the  head  of  the 
Committee  of  Safety,  without  special  confirmation  of  the 
order.  He  could  not  complain  to  Ward,  for  the  Commit 
tee  of  Safety  was  superior  to  all  military  officers.  The  only 
higher  authority  than  Church,  as  the  head  of  the  Com 
mittee  of  Safety,  was  the  Provincial  Congress  itself.  So, 
refusing  meanwhile  to  move  his  men,  he  immediately  sent  a 
message  of  inquiry  to  Joseph  Warren  as  President  of  the 
Congress. 

Warren's  answer  was  prompt  and  decisive: 

"I  have  this  moment  received  your  letter,  the  Contents 
very  much  surprised  me,  as  I  had  been  absent  from  the  Com 
mittee  of  Safety  all  Day  I  could  not  at  first  understand  the 

15  Original  letter,  Emmet  Collection,  New  York  Public  Library. 


104  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  47 

matter,  but  upon  Enquiry  I  find  the  Committee  gave  Orders 
that  all  recruiting  Officers  should  repair  to  Cambridge  with 
the  Men  they  had  enlisted,  but  the  sending  the  Order  to  your 
Camp  was  certainly  a  very  great  Error,  as  it  was  designed 
only  for  those  Officers  who  are  in  the  Country,  absent 
from  Camp. 

"Your  readiness  to  obey  Orders  does  you  great  Honor,  and 
your  prudence  in  sending  to  Head  Quarters  upon  receiving  so 
extraordinary  an  Order  convinces  me  of  your  Judgment." 

If  Warren,  who  "had  not  the  greatest  affection  for" 
Church,16  had  lived  to  see  him  arrested  for  maintaining  an 
illicit  correspondence  with  the  enemy,  he  might  have  better 
understood  the  "very  great  error"  of  "so  extraordinary  an 
order."17 

It  does  not  require  much  imagination  to  discern  the  great 
danger  in  which  the  American  forces  would  have  been  placed 
if  Thomas  had  obeyed  the  Committee  of  Safety  order.  An 
English  detachment  rushed  into  Roxbury — the  enemy  com 
manding  an  open  road  into  the  country — the  American  center 
at  Cambridge  immediately  untenable;  and  no  alternative  but 
a  pitched  battle  under  the  most  disadvantageous  conditions, 
or  a  hurried — and  surely  disorganized — retreat. 

Ward's  Dorchester  Heights  project  of  May  9  was  not 
fulfilled, — probably  because  Thomas  decided  that  the  seizure 
of  the  peninsula  was  too  hazardous  a  project  for  his  division 
even  if  reinforced.  We  have  his  letter  of  a  few  days  later 
saying  that  he  "much  despaired  of  defending"  Dorchester 
Neck,  had  he  "ever  so  many  men  on  the  spot,"  unless  it  could 
be  strengthened  by  "Regular  Intrenchments"  and  furnished 

18Goss,  Paul  Revere,  I,  207. 

17  This  incident  is  found  in  no  other  account.  The  three  individuals  most  closely  as 
sociated  with  it  had  been  long  dead  when  the  first  American  history  of  the  Revolution 
was  written.  Warren  and  Thomas  had  laid  down  their  lives  for  their  country — Warren 
at  Bunker  Hill,  Thomas  a  year  later  in  Canada ;  and  the  proscribed  Church  had  lost  his 
life  at  sea.  The  letters  which  illustrated  it  lay  buried  in  England  for  many  years — 
until  the  auction  of  the  collection  of  the  Reverend  Thomas  Raffles  of  Liverpool,  England, 
at  Libbie's,  Boston,  February  3-5,  1892 — and  modern  writers  have  overlooked  them 
since  their  recovery. 


'775]  THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON  105 

with  cannon  and  "persons  to  take  the  proper  direction  of 
them"  to  offset  the  land  and  sea  batteries  that  the  English 
could  bring  into  action.18 

Nor  did  Gage  make  his  expected  move.  Instead,  he  held 
his  troops  within  his  lines,  and  American  conditions  took  an 
upward  turn  as  militiamen  in  considerable  numbers  came  into 
both  the  Cambridge  and  Roxbury  camps. 

The  attention  of  the  American  commanders  turned  next  to 
their  left.  A  joint  committee  appointed  by  the  council  of 
war  and  the  Committee  of  Safety  "for  the  purpose  of  recon- 
noitering  the  highlands  in  Cambridge  and  Charlestown,"  ad 
vised,  May  12,  the  raising  of  breastworks  near  Prospect  Hill 
on  both  the  north  and  south  sides  of  the  road  from  Cam 
bridge  to  Charlestown  (the  north  breastwork  to  be  on  the 
side  of  Prospect  Hill)  ;  and  redoubts  on  Winter  Hill  (in 
place  of  the  guard-house  standing  there)  and  Bunker  Hill, 
the  latter  being  the  highest  point  of  the  Charlestown  penin 
sula.  The  report  concluded  with  the  statement  that  "when 
these  are  finished,  we  apprehend  that  the  country  will  be  safe 
from  all  sallies  of  the  enemy  in  that  quarter." 

The  committee's  recommendations  resulted  in  a  breast 
work  being  thrown  up  near  the  base  of  Prospect  Hill  to 
guard  the  Cambridge-Charlestown  road,  but  the  Winter  Hill 
and  Bunker  Hill  plans  were  temporarily  set  aside. 

"On  the  most  important  measure,  that  of  occupying  Bunker 
Hill,  there  was  much  difference  of  opinion.  General  Putnam, 
Colonel  Prescott,  and  other  veteran  officers,  were  strongly  in 
favor  of  it,  and  chiefly  to  draw  the  enemy  out  of  Boston  on 
ground  where  he  might  be  met  on  equal  terms.  .  .  .  Gen 
erals  Ward  and  Warren  were  among  those  who  opposed 
it,  and  chiefly  because  the  army  was  not  in  a  condition,  as 
respected  cannon  and  powder,  to  maintain  so  exposed  a  post; 
and  because  it  might  bring  on  a  general  engagement,  which 
it  was  neither  politic  nor  safe  to  risk.  It  was  determined  to 

18  To   the  Honorable   Gen.   Ward,    May   18,    1775. — Thomas   Papers,    1774-1776,    29, 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 


106  ARTEMAS  WARD  [.Age  47 

take  possession  of  Bunker  Hill,  and  also  of  Dorchester 
Heights,  but  not  until  the  army  should  be  better  organized, 
more  abundantly  supplied  with  powder,  and  better  able  to 
defend  posts  so  exposed."19 

Ward  and  his  council  planned  also  the  equipment  of 
a  fleet  of  "batteaux"  and  whale-boats20  in  Charles  River  and 
other  waters  of  the  vicinity21  and  made  various  attempts  to 
burn  the  English  shiping  by  means  of  blazing  "fire-boats." 

And  still  an  army  held  together  largely  by  moral  suasion ! 
A  full  month  after  the  outbreak  of  hostilities,  and  not  an 
officer  commissioned,  nor  a  man  mustered. 

A  variety  of  circumstances  had  delayed  the  filling  of  the 
regiments.  Very  mischievous  in  effect  had  been  the  action  of 
the  Committee  of  Safety  (possessed  by  its  initial  fears  that 
enlistments  would  fall  short)  in  giving  out  more  beating  or 
ders  than  were  needed  to  enlist  the  number  of  men  authorized 
by  the  Provincial  Congress;  and  in  giving  them  out  somewhat 
indiscriminately.  Many  orders  were  only  partly  filled,  and 
some  were  out  on  which  the  committee  had  no  information 
whatever.  The  men  estimated  to  have  enrolled  fell  consid 
erably  short  of  the  13,600  desired,  yet  the  number  of  orders 
in  circulation  made  the  committee  afraid  to  give  enlisting 
authority  even  to  enterprising  officers  with  men  ready  to  sign 
with  them.  This  not  only  left  such  officers  outside  the  army 
establishment,  but  also  their  men,  unless  they  chose,  as  gen 
erally  they  did  not,  to  enlist  under  strange  officers.  One  en 
tire  regiment  was  thus  affected  because  its  colonel  had  not 
applied  for  beating  orders  with  sufficient  promptness.22  On 

19  Frothingham,  Siege  of  Boston,  116. 

20  There    is    little   whale-fishing   now    done   from    the    shores   of   New    England,    but    in 
those  days  it  was  still  an  important  industry.     Whale-boats  served  the  Americans  as  war 
vessels    in   their   harbor   forays    and   figured    as   transports    in   plans    for   storming   Boston. 
And  when  spears  were  called  for,  it  was  noted  that  they  could  "easily  be  obtained  from 
the  whalemen  in  the  vicinity." — Massachusetts  Archives,  CXCIII,   396. 

21  Committee    of    Safety    resolution,     May     10. — Lincoln,    Journals    of    each    Provincial 
Congress. 

M  This   was    Colonel   Woodbridge,    who  had    "been   in   the   camp   with   his    minute-men 
doing  duty  ever  since  the  battle    [of  April    19],  but  did  not  apply  to  this  committee  for 


17751  THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON  107 

the  other  hand,  some  officers  had  indulged  in  sharp  practice 
— deliberate  fraud  was  charged  in  one  flagrant  case — to 
obtain  them. 

The  situation  was  rendered  the  more  unsatisfactory  be 
cause  no  action  of  any  kind  had  been  taken  even  on  orders 
which  had  been  completed.  The  army  hung  between  heaven 
and  earth — the  men  feeling  themselves  only  provisionally 
enrolled  and  the  officers  not  yet  sure  of  their  rank. 

This  condition  could  not  continue  indefinitely  and  Ward 
again  wrote  to  the  Provincial  Congress,  calling  most  em 
phatically  for  attention:  asserting  it  to  be  "absolutely  neces 
sary  that  the  regiments  be  immediately  settled,  the  officers 
commissioned,  the  soldiers  mustered  and  paid,  agreeable  to 
what  has  been  proposed  by  the  Congress — if  we  would  save 
our  country."23  His  letter,  addressed  to  Joseph  Warren,  is 
reproduced  opposite  page  108. 

The  Congress  responded  by  deputing  James  Warren  to 
wait  "on  the  Committee  of  Safety  for  a  List  of  such  colonels 
and  other  Officers  as  they  shall  report  to  be  prepared  for  re 
ceiving  their  Commissions." 

The  immediate  result  was  meager — only  two  regiments  be 
ing  reported  as  "full"  and  recommended  for  commissions. 
Next  day,  one  more  was  certified  as  "full";  and  a  fourth  a 
few  days  later  as  "nearly  full."  But  Ward's  protests  were 
bearing  fruit,  and  Friday,  May  26,  brought  a  new  list  of 
eleven  "full,"  or  "nearly  full,"  or  in  "good  forwardness." 

Additional  delay  had  arisen  from  disputes  over  field- 
officers'  commissions.  In  Ward's  own  regiment  were  two 
aspirants  for  the  post  of  lieutenant-colonel:  Joseph  Hen- 
shaw,  who  had  marched  to  Cambridge  as  head  of  the  minute- 
men  battalion;  and  Jonathan  Ward,  who  had  brought  down 

enlisting  orders,  until  the  committee  had  issued  orders  sufficient  to  complete  the  army, 
and  therefore  the  committee  did  not  give  him  orders,  but  promised  they  would  recommend 
him  if  there  should  be  a  vacancy." — Committee  of  Safety,  June  10  (Lincoln,  Journals  of 
each  Provincial  Congress). 

23  In  the  American  Archives  copy  of  this  letter,  4th,   II,  647,  May   19,   1775,  the  word 
"numbered"  should  be  corrected  to  read  "mustered." 


io8  ARTEMAS  WARD  [*$<  47 


the  remainder  of  the  regiment.    The  same  circumstances  had 
bred  similar  claims  and  disputes  in  other  regiments.24 

The  privates,  too,  were  quick  to  resent  any  arrangement 
which  did  not  suit  them  —  nor  were  they  always  careful  in 
the  language  used  concerning  officers.  For  example,  twenty- 
seven  privates  petitioned  Ward  against  being  shifted  from 
one  regiment  to  another.  "We  .  .  .  beg  that  your  Ex 
cellency25  would  be  pleased  to  continue  us  in  the  regiment  we 
engaged  to  serve  in,  and  not  to  be  removed  for  the  future 
only  to  serve  the  malevolent  disposition  of  our  Captain." 

Meanwhile,  on  the  afternoon  of  May  20,  the  Provincial 
Congress  had  resolved  "that  the  president  be  desired  to  de 
liver  to  General  Ward  the  commission26  prepared  for  him  as 
general  and  commander-in-chief  of  the  Massachusetts 
forces.'* 

Thus  Ward  formally  received  his  commission,  Samuel 
Dexter  of  Dedham  having  first  "administered  the  oath"  to 
him. 

The  nominal  strength  of  the  Grand  American  Army,  as 
the  newspapers  styled  it,  was  at  this  period  about  16,000  men. 
Of  those  from  beyond  the  borders  of  Massachusetts,  only 
the  New  Hampshire  troops  came  under  Ward's  direct  au 
thority,  but  the  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island  forces  also 
paid  him  a  voluntary  obedience. 

But  now  a  new  and  ugly  danger  had  raised  its  head. 

There  had  been  no  constitutional  government  in  Mas 
sachusetts  for  nearly  a  year,  and  during  this  interim,  and 

24  James  Warren  blamed  much  of  the  Provincial  Congress  embarrassment  in  officering 
the  army  on  the  establishment  of  minute-men  and  declared  he  wished  "it  had  never  taken 
place."  —  May  7,  1775,  to  John  Adams,  Warren-  Adams  Letters,  I,  47. 

28  Ward,     while    in    command    at    the    siege,     was    variously    addressed     and     referred 
to  as:  Your  Excellency,  His  Excellency  General  Ward,  Honorable  General  Ward,  General 
Ward,   Honorable  Artemas   Ward,   Esq.,   The  General  Officer  of  the  Army   of   This   Col 
ony,    The    Commanding    Officer   of    the    Colony    Forces,    and    Captain-General.      The    last 
title  was  the  official  military  designation  of  the  royal  governors  of  Massachusetts. 

29  The  preparation   of  General    Ward's  commission   had   been  entrusted,    May    17,   to   a 
committee  consisting  of  Colonel  Jedediah  Foster  of  Brookfield,  James  Sullivan  of  Biddeford 
(Maine),   and  Captain   Michael   Farley  of  Ipswich.      Amory's  Life  of  James  Sullivan,   I, 
381,  says  that  the  actual  work  was  done  by  James  Sullivan. 


w 


o 

g 

3 

5       £> 
a 

?  Is 

*•>        p^     \—i 

J    i>  ° 

I  £g 

^      W   co 

CO     CO 

.sow 


T 


C 


»So 
r  Q  o 

;l  s«l 

I  Sg 

igi 

W    P" 

I 


$ 


••( 


w/fltfv 


t// 


•  >  i   , 


'  ajac  p 


'•    /?-tw/w/d     t 

^//^:, 


i 


rr  #&  ^ir- 


* 


,/  * 


////  £?si*(f  */$&?&/ 


%,    OS  /A,S& 
%£>  &&&?• 


&Z&e' 


w&m&e'&m 

/  <#/s, ?t,Js/-.>/s 
^     Xx5»  y^-.ir' 


From  the  original   (12^  X  15^4),  owned  by  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society 

WARD'S  COMMISSION  AS  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  OF  THE 
MASSACHUSETTS  FORCES 


'775]  THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON  109 

for  some  years  preceding,  the  most  influential  brains  of  the 
province  had  emphasized  and  enlarged  upon  the  rights  of 
the  people,  and  by  their  reasoning  and  protests  had  highly 
sharpened  the  Massachusetts  wit  and  appetite  for  political 
controversy  and  individual  independence  which  had  been  bred 
by  generations  of  town-meetings. 

The  result  suddenly  assumed  an  alarming  aspect.  The 
militiamen  encamped  in  their  thousands  around  Boston 
found  many  topics  to  debate  and  to  discuss,  and  soon — free 
of  the  restraining  influences  of  their  home  towns — they  ex 
perienced  no  difficulty  in  proving  to  themselves  and  to  each 
other  that  they  need  obey  only  what  and  whom  they  pleased 
— for  was  it  not  true  that  there  was  no  longer  any  law  or 
court  or  government  in  Massachusetts? 

What  was  this  Provincial  Congress,  and  by  what  author 
ity  did  it  or  its  committees  or  its  appointees  presume  to  dic 
tate?  True,  the  delegates,  many  of  them,  had  been  elected 
in  the  ordinary  manner,  but  they  constituted  nevertheless  only 
an  irregular  assembly  which  had  no  place  in  the  charter  of 
the  province.  The  Provincial  Congress  could  recommend, 
and  it  could  appoint  committees  and  they  could  recommend; 
but  on  what  did  it,  or  they,  base  their  right  to  order? 

They,  the  soldiers,  knew  their  duty  to  their  country  and 
were  ready  to  do  it — but  they  did  not  intend  to  submit  to 
anybody's  arbitrary  regulations,  nor  to  be  censured  or  pun 
ished  for  violations  of  rules  to  which  they  had  not  agreed 
and  which  nobody  else  had  a  right  to  make ! 

The  variations  on  the  topic  were  manifold  and  continuous, 
and  the  discussions  developed  a  spirit  of  active  violence  that 
threatened  to  demolish  the  already  attenuated  social  fabric. 

A  comfortable  measure  of  prosperity  had  been  widespread 
throughout  the  province, — in  no  part  of  the  world  had  there 
been  less  want, — but  inequalities  of  condition  inevitably 
showed  themselves  in  every  township,  and,  as  in  all  lands 
and  in  all  ages,  there  were  in  every  company  the  discon 
tented,  the  envious,  the  shiftless,  and  those  of  incendiary 


no  ARTEMAS  WARD  {.Age  47 

heart.  Such  men  now  had  a  clear  field  for  argument,  and 
they  speedily  corrupted  a  large  part  of  the  army,  the  virus 
infecting  each  new  corps  that  came  in  and  spreading  far  and 
wide  throughout  the  country  as  the  men  went  back  and  forth. 
The  abnormal  conditions  everywhere  besetting,  the  strange 
new  era  into  which  the  colonies  had  suddenly  plunged,  and 
the  recourse  to  arms  and  bloodshed  to  resist  old  and  long 
established  authority — these  things  raised  new  thoughts  and 
questions  of  other  rights  and  wrongs:  of  the  respective  merits 
of  law  and  force,  and  of  existing  tenures  of  property  and 
the  distribution  of  property:  that  for  a  time  swept  hundreds 
of  normally  steady-going  men  perilously  close  to  the  vortex. 
Spread  before  them  were  all  the  possessions  of  the  prov 
ince,  save  only  those  under  the  protection  of  the  redcoats  in 
Boston:  all  of  the  bigger  and  more  prosperous  farms  which 
dwarfed  their  own  possessions;  all  the  material  wealth  in 
every  form  that  Massachusetts  had  developed  in  a  hundred 
and  fifty  years:  and  between  this  wealth  and  them,  no  barrier 
but  a  very  shadow  of  a  government.27 

87  M ay  4,  by  the  Committee  of  Safety   (Lincoln,  Journals  of  each  Provincial  Congress)  : 

"Resolved,      .     .     .     that   the    public   good   of   this    colony    requires    that    govern 
ment  in  full  form  ought  to  be  taken  up  immediately." 
May  16,   the  Provincial  Congress  to   the  Continental  Congress: 

"We   tremble   at   having   an    army,    although   consisting   of    our   own    countrymen, 
established  here,  without  a  civil  power  to  provide  for  and  control  it." 
May  26,  Joseph    Warren   to   Samuel  Adams: 

"I  see  more  &  more  the  Necessity  of  establishing  a  civil  Government  here  and 
such  a  Government  as  shall  be  sufficient  to  control  the  military  Forces,  not  only  of 
this  Colony,  but  also  Such  as  Shall  be  sent  to  us  from  the  other  Colonies.  The 
Continent  must  Strengthen  &  support  with  all  it's  Weight  the  civil  Authority  here, 
otherwise  our  Soldiery  will  lose  the  Ideas  of  right  &  wrong,  and  will  plunder  instead 
of  protecting,  the  Inhabitants.  This  is  but  too  evident  already;  &  I  assure  you 
Inter  nos,  that  unless  some  Authority  Sufficient  to  restrain  the  Irregularities  of  this 
Army,  is  established,  we  Shall  very  soon  find  ourselves  involved  in  greater  Diffi 
culties  than  you  can  well  imagine.  .  .  .  My  great  Wish  therefore  is  that  we 
may  restrain  everything  which  tends  to  weaken  the  Principles  of  Right  &  Wrong, 
more  especially  with  regard  to  property.  ...  I  hope  Care  will  be  taken  by 
the  Continental  Congress  to  apply  an  immediate  Remedy,  as  the  Infection  is  caught 
by  every  new  Core  that  arrives  .  .  .  For  the  Honor  of  my  Country,  I  wish 
the  Disease  may  be  cured  before  it  is  known  [to  the  public]  to  exist." — Original  let 
ter,  Samuel  Adams  Papers,  New  York  Public  Library ;  a  copy,  edited  to  modern 
capitalization,  spelling,  etc.,  is  in  Frothingham's  Joseph  Warren,  495—496. 
May  27,  in  the  Provincial  Congress — reported  by  the  committee  appointed  to  bring 
in  a  resolve  for  the  regular  administration  of  justice: 

"Whereas,  it  appears  to  this  Congress,  that  a  want  of  a  due  and  regular  execution 


17751  THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON  in 

It  was  the  good  fortune  of  Massachusetts  (and  of  the 
Revolution)  that  the  chief  command  of  this  restless,  seething 
army  was  in  the  hands  of  a  man  whom  the  troops  esteemed 
and  respected.  Had  Ward  held  less  of  their  respect  and 
affection,  the  much  discussed  "disorder"  might  have  become 
disaster. 

It  had  been  the  sound  judgment  of  the  provincial  dele 
gates  which  had  placed  Ward  above  all  of  the  general  offi 
cers  except  Preble.  His  attributes  had  not  included  seniority 
— for  he  was  the  youngest  of  the  general  officers  who  had 
seen  service;  but  neither  was  he  appointed  because  of  greater 
possible  activity — for  by  that  standard  Thomas  would  have 
outranked  him.  His  military  record,  though  not  from  any 
personal  fault,  was  less  brilliant  than  that  of  Pomeroy,  or 
Thomas,  or  Whitcomb.  And  he  had  neither  wealth  nor 
high  position  to  enhance  his  standing.  But  he  had  been 
tested  and  tried  in  the  political  storms  of  many  years,  and 
he  stood  as  a  recognized  champion  of  the  patriot  cause  and, 
as  such,  an  inspiring  commander  for  the  patriot  army. 

He  was  not  a  "regular  general,"  nor  blessed  with  a  great 
political  following,  but  for  a  full  twenty-four  years  he  had 
been  in  the  closest  contact  with  the  typical  Massachusetts 
life:  meeting  his  home  neighbors  and  those  of  greater  dis 
tance  throughout  Worcester  County  as  justice  of  the  peace 
and  judge  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas;  as  selectman 
and  church  moderator,  as  representative  and  councilor,  and 
as  militia  officer — and  he  thoroughly  understood  the  men 
and  their  manner  of  thought.  The  molding  of  his  character 

of  justice  in  this  colony,  has  encouraged  divers  wicked  and  disorderly  persons,  not 
only  to  commit  outrages  and  trespasses  upon  private  property  and  private  persons, 
but  also  to  make  the  most  daring  attacks  upon  the  constitution,  and  to  unite  in  their 
endeavors  to  disturb  the  peace,  and  destroy  the  happiness  and  security  of  their  coun 
try:  and,  whereas,  this  Congress  conceive  it  to  be  their  indispensable  duty  to  take 
effectual  measures  to  restrain  all  disorders,  and  promote  the  peace  and  happiness  of 
this  colony,  by  the  execution  of  justice  in  criminal  matters: 

"Therefore,  Resolved,  That  a  court  of  inquiry  be  immediately  erected,  consisting 
of  seven  persons,  to  be  chosen  by  this  Congress,  whose  business  it  shall  be  to  hear 
all  complaints  against  any  person  or  persons,  for  treason  against  the  constitution  of 
their  country,  or  other  breaches  of  the  public  peace  and  security." 


1 1 2  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  47 

and  the  ripening  of  his  experience  during  those  twenty-four 
years  now  stood  his  country  in  good  stead. 

Some  there  were  who  thought  him  over-lenient  to  of 
fenders,  and  that  he  held  the  reins  too  loosely;  but  when 
the  point  was  raised,  both  friend  and  enemy  among  the 
leaders  of  Massachusetts  realized  that  to  put  another  in  his 
place  might  overnight  destroy  the  province.  It  was  not  pos 
sible  to  enforce  rigid  discipline,  and  until  a  regularly  consti 
tuted  government  could  be  reestablished  there  was  always 
the  danger  that  the  army  might  get  out  of  hand  no  matter 
who  was  in  command,  but  Ward  filled  his  most  difficult  post 
with  so  substantial  a  degree  of  dexterity  that  even  his  most 
bitter  detractor — James  Warren,  of  Plymouth — feared  the 
result  of  making  a  change  and,  in  the  following  month,  tes 
tified  "we  dare  not  superceed  him  here."  A  severe  or 
arbitrary  or  unpopular  general  would  have  been  defied,  and 
the  defiance  might  have  kindled  the  flames  of  armed  anarchy. 
An  ambitious  general  might  have  torn  authority  from  the 
Congress  and  set  up  a  military  standard.  Either  calamity 
would  have  alienated  the  sympathies  of  the  other  colonies 
and,  rousing  and  confirming  their  dormant  suspicions  of 
Massachusetts,  would  have  destroyed  the  Revolution  in  its 
cradle.  And  either  would  have  brought  a  grim  aftermath 
to  the  patriots  of  Massachusetts:  with  confiscation  and  hang 
ings  to  mark  the  penalty  for  unsuccessful  rebellion. 

There  were  other  able  men  in  Massachusetts,  with  more 
military  experience  and,  some  of  them,  with  stronger  ideas 
of  military  discipline.  But  there  was  none  other  whom 
Ward's  contemporaries  dared  to  trust  at  the  helm  while  there 
threatened  a  return  to  elemental  passions. 

Discipline  indeed  remained  lax,  and  the  camp  slipshod. 
How  could  it  be  otherwise,  with  men  continually  coming  and 
going,  shifting  and  changing  like  the  sands  of  the  sea?  It 
was  a  loose  command,  and  of  a  kaleidoscopic  army,  but 
nevertheless  it  achieved  its  first  main  purpose — the  siege  was 
maintained,  and  the  enemy  kept  within  the  town. 


'775]  THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON  113 

The  Provincial  Congress  pressed  the  Continental  Con-i 
gress  for  advice  on,  and  continental  authority  for,  the  estab 
lishment  of  an  orthodox  form  of  provincial  government. 
Because  they  feared  to  make  the  attempt  without  it,  the 
Massachusetts  leaders  awaited  the  sanction  or  mandate  of 
the  "Continent,"  despite  the  increasing  dangers  of  the  politi 
cal  situation.  But  Joseph  Warren  warned  that  if  a  new  civil 
government  were  not  speedily  come  into,  a  military  govern 
ment  would  of  necessity  evolve — and  every  Massachusetts 
instinct  recoiled  at  the  thought  of  that  possibility.28 

The  Provincial  Congress  suggested  also  the  continental 
adoption  and  general  direction  of  the  Revolutionary  ar 
mies.  In  this  it  was  deemed  necessary  to  move  with  great 
caution  in  order  to  avoid  offending  the  soldiers.  It  would 

2S  There   are  many  examples   of  the  American   revolutionists'   determination   to   preclude 
the  possibility  of  military  dictation — whether  by  English  arms  or  their  own  forces.     They 
quickly  resented  anything  that  savored  of  encroachment  on  civil  power. 
On  June  26  the  Provincial  Congress  had: 

"Resolved,  that  all  the  small  arms  that  are  or  may  be  procured  ...  be 
delivered  to  the  Committee  of  Safety,  at  Cambridge,  they  to  give  their  receipts  for 
the  same  to  the  person  from  whom  they  receive  them ;  that  the  same  be  delivered 
out  to  such  officers  as  shall  produce  orders  therefor  from  the  Hon.  General  Ward, 
they  giving  receipts  for  the  same  to  the  said  committee  of  safety,  to  be  returned  in 
good  order,  unless  lost  in  service  of  the  colony." 
On  June  28  Ward,  acting  on  this  resolution,  ordered: 

"that  the  commanding  officer  of  each  regiment  make  application  to  the  committee 
of  safety  for  so  many  fire-arms  as  their  respective  regiments  stand  in  need  of;  each 
commanding  officer  to  give  his  receipt  for  the  fire-arms  he  may  receive,  and  the 
committee  of  safety  are  hereby  ordered  to  deliver  out  arms  to  such  commanding 
officers  as  make  application  to  them  for  the  same." 

The  words  "the  committee  of  safety  are  hereby  ordered"  acted  like  the  proverbial 
red  rag  on  the  members  of  the  committee,  and  they  immediately  forwarded  an  indignant 
protest  to  the  Provincial  Congress. 

They  pointed  out  with  much  detail  that  the  Provincial  Congress  resolution  did  not 
"impower  the  General  to  order  them  to  deliver  said  arms,  but  only  to  order  his  officers 
to  receive  from  this  Committee  such  arms  as  they  are  ordered  by  the  honorable  Congress 
to  deliver  on  the  general's  orders  to  his  officers,"  and  they  apprehend  "that  it  is  of  vast 
importance  that  no  orders  are  issued  by  the  Military  or  obeyed  by  the  Civil  powers,  but 
only  such  as  are  directed  by  the  honorable  representative  body  of  the  people,  from  whom 
all  Military  &  Civil  power  originates." 

Again,  in  Braintree,  Mass.,  Abigail  Adams  records  the  town's  refusal  to  permit  any 
soldier  to  vote.  "Newcomb  insisted  upon  it  that  no  man  should  vote  who  was  in  the 
army.  He  had  no  notion  of  being  under  the  military  power;  said  we  might  be  so  situated 
as  to  have  the  greater  part  of  the  people  engaged  in  the  military,  and  then  all  power 
would  be  wrested  out  of  the  hands  of  the  civil  magistrate.  He  insisted  upon  its  being 
put  to  vote,  and  carried  his  point  immediately." — Letters  of  Mrs.  Adams,  I,  July  16, 
1775- 


n4  ARTEMAS  WARD  \.Ag*  47 

have  been  indeed  a  serious  matter  if  the  armed  men  of  the 
New  England  provinces  had  challenged  the  continental  au 
thority  as  at  times  they  threatened  the  provincial.  Dr. 
Warren  wrote  Samuel  Adams  that  this  was  a  matter  to  be 
handled  with  "much  delicacy,"  as  otherwise,  despite  even  the 
weight  of  the  united  continental  authority  behind  either  a 
committee  of  war  or  a  new  "generalissimo,"  dangerous  dis 
sensions  might  arise  in  the  army,  for  uour  soldiers,  I  find, 
will  not  be  brought  to  obey  any  person  of  whom  they  do  not 
themselves  entertain  a  high  opinion." 

Further  heightening  the  perturbation  of  the  American 
leaders  throughout  that  feverish  month  of  May  were  the 
continued  warnings  of  the  British  determination  to  occupy 
Dorchester  Neck  and  to  break  through  the  American  lines 
at  Roxbury.  To  guard  against  surprise,  Thomas  kept  out 
posts  near  Dorchester  Neck  by  day,  and  stationed  pickets 
upon  it  at  night — facing  them  toward  both  Boston  and  Castle 
William  and  supporting  them  with  parts  of  two  regiments 
within  easy  call. 

The  English  movements  lent  color  to  the  reports,  for  they 
included  the  fortifying  of  flat-boats  and  other  vessels  to  cover 
landing  parties,  but  Gage  was  not  yet  ready  to  try  his  steel 
again,  and  the  month  closed  with  exultation  over  the  success 
ful  issue  of  a  brush  which  developed  from  a  raid  on  Hog  and 
Noddle's  islands  (now  Breed's  Island  and  East  Boston). 

The  raid  had  several  important  results — the  destruction 
of  an  enemy  schooner  mounting  sixteen  pieces  of  cannon,  the 
bringing  of  hundreds  of  sheep  into  the  American  camps,  and, 
finally,  the  influencing  in  (then)  far-off  Philadelphia  the 
continental  vote  for  Putnam  as  major-general — "Old  Put" 
having  assumed  the  command  when  the  affair  developed  into 
a  land  and  water  engagement  between  the  English  on  their 
vessels  and  on  Noddle's  Island,  and  the  Americans  on  Chelsea 
Neck.  Joseph  Warren  also  joined  the  detachment,  serving 
as  a  volunteer. 

The  edible  outcome  proved  so  satisfactory  to  the  Ameri- 


'775]  THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON  115 

can  commissary  that  night  visits  to  Pettick's  (Peddock's) 
and  Deer  islands  quickly  followed  and  with  almost  equally 
profitable  returns. 

Other  minor  encounters,   preceding  and   following,   also 
served  to  keep  both  sides  on  the  alert. 

But  always,  incessantly,  increasingly  imperative  was  the 
need  for  gunpowder.  Letter  after  letter  by  Ward  calls  for 
it.  Especially  impressive  in  its  extreme  earnestness  and 
courageous  confidence  is  the  address  to  the  Continental  Con 
gress  that  he  signed  on  June  4,  together  with  Joseph  Warren 
(as  chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Safety)  and  Moses  Gill 
(chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Supplies).  They  convinc 
ingly  set  forth  the  danger  to  which  the  province  is  exposed 
by  the  scarcity  of  ammunition,  but  they  dwell  on  the  bravery 
of  the  New  England  troops,  "whom  we  think  we  can  without 
boasting  declare  are  ready  to  encounter  every  danger  for 
the  preservation  of  the  Rights  and  Liberties  of  America." 
They  ask  only  for  "arms  and  ammunition" — feeling  that  thus 
supplied,  even  if  otherwise  unassisted,  they  may  "with  the 
Common  blessing  of  Providence  baffle  the  designs  of  the 
enemy  and  be  greatly  instrumental  in  bringing  our  present 
dispute  to  a  happy  issue." 

Two  days  later,  American  attention  was  again  directed  to 
Dorchester  Neck,  and  Generals  Ward,  Thomas,  Spencer,  and 
Heath,  with  a  number  of  other  officers,  surveyed  the  heights 
with  a  view  to  their  occupation.  The  English  "fired  three 
times  at  them  with  their  Cannon,  but  did  no  harm."29  But 
again  the  project  was  deemed  too  hazardous. 

Looking  next  toward  the  north,  Ward  on  June  12  moved 
Reed's  New  Hampshire  regiment  close  in  to  Charlestown 
Neck,  the  short  isthmus  connecting  the  Charlestown 
peninsula  with  the  mainland.  Reed's  men  are  stationed  on 
the  mainland  side  of  the  Neck,  with  sentries  reaching  onto 

20  Samuel  Bixby's  Diary,  June  6,  1775. — Massachusetts  Historical  Society  Proceedings, 
XIV,  286;  James  Cogswell,  aide  to  General  Spencer,  June  13,  17/5,  to  Levi  Hart. — 
Winsor,  Proofs  and  Corrections,  VI,  130  verso,  Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 


n6  ARTEMAS  WARD 

Bunker  Hill.     In  their  rear,  at  Medford,  is  Stark' s  New 
Hampshire  regiment. 

Then  quickly  approached  a  climax  to  all  the  threats  and 
counter-threats.  The  English  had  received  the  greater  part 
of  the  reinforcements  for  which  they  had  been  waiting.  Well 
equipped,  well  disciplined,  well  officered,  and  headed  by  a 
galaxy  of  famous  generals,  they  felt  that  their  turn  had 
come,  and  they  decided  that  the  time  was  ripe  to  raise  the 
siege.  Their  first  move  was  to  be — on  Sunday,  June  18— 
the  seizure  and  fortification  of  Dorchester  Neck.  This  to  be 
succeeded  by  the  occupation  of  the  Charlestown  peninsula, 
for  it  "was  absolutely  necessary  that  we  should  make  our 
selves  masters  of  these  heights."30 

News  of  the  English  decision  reached  the  besiegers.  A 
crisis  impended.  With  the  English  army  moving  out  of  the 
town,  no  man  could  certainly  foretell  the  issue  if,  unchecked, 
it  should  push  forward  over  either  or  both  peninsulas  to  an 
attack  upon  the  American  lines.  A  successful  English  on 
slaught  might  break  up  the  only  American  army  and  throw 
the  colonies  and  their  cause  into  confusion  and  helplessness. 
For  the  safety  of  America  the  English  must  be  held  in 
Boston. 

The  Committee  of  Safety,  June  15,  addressed  the  Provin 
cial  Congress,  pressing  for  an  immediate  augmentation  of 
the  army,  an  immediate  remedying  of  the  deficiency  in  arms, 
an  immediate  commissioning  of  additional  officers,  and  the 
ordering  of  all  the  militiamen  in  the  colony  to  "hold  them 
selves  in  readiness  to  march  on  the  shortest  notice" ;  and  made 
the  session  historic  by  passing  its  famous  "Bunker  Hill"  reso 
lution: 

"Whereas,  it  appears  of  Importance  to  the  Safety  of  this 
Colony,  that  possession  of  the  Hill,  called  Bunker's  Hill,  in 
Charlestown,  be  securely  kept  and  defended;  and  also  some 

30  General  Burgoyne  to  Lord  Stanley,  June  25,  1775,  American  Archives,  4th,  II,  1094. 
See  also  General  Howe  to  General  Harvey,  and  to  his  brother,  Lord  Howe,  both  of 
June  12,  1775,  Proceedings  of  the  Bunker  Hill  Monument  Association,  1907,  III,  115. 


'775]  THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON  117 

one  hill  or  hills  on  Dorchester  Neck  be  likewise  Secured. 
Therefore,  Resolved,  Unanimously,  that  it  be  recommended 
to  the  Council  of  War,  that  the  abovementioned  Bunker's 
Hill  be  maintained,  by  sufficient  force  being  posted  there; 
and  as  the  particular  situation  of  Dorchester  Neck  is  un 
known  to  this  Committee,  they  advise  that  the  Council  of 
War  take  and  pursue  such  steps  respecting  the  Same,  as  to 
them  shall  appear  to  be  for  the  Security  of  this  Colony." 

All  histories  have  it  that  the  result  of  the  action  of  the 
council  of  war  on  this  resolution  of  the  Committee  of 
Safety  was  Ward's  order  to  fortify  Bunker  Hill — and  the 
resolution  and  order  have  been  variously  interpreted:  as  a 
step  of  almost  blind  recklessness,  a  desperate  hazard,  occa 
sioned  by  the  urgent  necessity  to  do  something  to  check  the 
British  plans  to  raise  the  siege;  as  a  move  to  offset  the 
British  intention  to  take  Dorchester  Neck;  as  an  act  of  de 
fiance  calculated  to  bring  on  a  general  engagement;  as  the 
first  step  in  the  contemplated  expulsion  of  the  English  from 
Boston. 

But  the  determination  at  which  the  council  of  war  of 
June  15  actually  arrived  was  of  a  character  much  bolder — 
no  less  than  a  sudden  tightening  of  the  lines  around  the 
British  forces  by  the  simultaneous  fortification  of  both 
Bunker  Hill  and  Dorchester  Neck. 

Facing  the  next  page  (118),  there  printed  for  the  first 
time,  is  a  facsimile  of  the  record  of  this  decision  in  the  hand 
writing  of  Ward's  secretary. 

At  earlier  meetings,  Ward  and  Joseph  Warren  had  op 
posed  the  fortification  of  Bunker  Hill  until  the  American 
forces  could  be  better  equipped.  But  the  English  onslaught, 
long  threatened,  long  deferred,  was  at  last  imminent,  and 
resolve  ran  high  to  drive  boldly  forward  to  block  it. 

The  supply  of  powder  was  still  very  low,  but  the  army 
had  been  acquiring  regimental  form  as  company  after  com 
pany  filled  up,  and  it  had  achieved  a  little  military  experience 


1 1 8  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  47 

in  the  skirmishes  of  the  preceding  weeks;  so  now  that  the 
Committee  of  Safety  had  placed  the  issue  before  them, 
recommending  the  occupation  of  Bunker  Hill  but  leaving  the 
matter  of  Dorchester  Neck  to  their  discretion,  the  council 
of  war  with  true  New  England  courage  unanimously  decided 
on  occupying  both. 

The  Bunker  Hill  project  alone  had  seemed  rash  a  month 
earlier,  but  now  twice  as  bold  a  movement  was  accepted 
without  a  dissenting  voice,  and  a  joint  committee  of  the  coun 
cil  of  war  and  the  Committee  of  Safety  rode  at  once  to  Rox- 
bury  to  consult  with  Thomas  and  his  staff. 

No  previous  history  has  told  this  because  there  was  no 
record  of  the  resolve  to  the  historian's  hand  at  the  time  that 
most  histories  of  the  Revolution  were  written,  and  when 
twenty-nine  years  ago  the  original  manuscript  came  to  light 
at  the  sale  of  the  Thomas  Raffles  Collection,  the  history  of 
the  siege  had  settled  into  such  a  well-defined  mold  that  later 
historians  have  overlooked  that  ancient  piece  of  writing. 
Even  iconoclasts  have  found  opportunity  only  in  new  or  mul 
tiplied  criticisms  of  strategy,  tactics,  or  personalities.31 

Histories  in  general  state,  or  leave  the  impression,  that 
Ward  advised  against  the  fortification  of  Bunker  Hill,  con 
fusing  his  objections  of  an  earlier  date  with  the  council  of 
war  of  June  15.  The  resolution  of  the  council  of  war  of 
June  15  is  proof  that  he  approved  the  project.  A  council  di 
vided  against  Bunker  Hill,  with  the  chief  character  opposed, 

31  It  is  possible  that  some  students  failed  to  remember  that  the  title  "Dorchester 
Neck"  was  at  that  time  applied  to  the  Dorchester  peninsula,  not  (as  in  the  maps  found 
in  most  histories)  to  the  isthmus  connecting  it  with  the  mainland.  The  isthmus,  the 
modern  "Washington  Village,"  was  then  known  as  the  "Little  Neck." 

A  "Neck"  may  be  either  a  peninsula  or  an  isthmus.  In  some  cases,  a  change  in 
popular  usage  has  shifted  a  "Neck"  title  from  a  peninsula  to  an  isthmus.  "Boston 
Neck"  is  a  good  example  of  such  a  shift:  it  had  first  been  employed  to  signify  Boston, 
the  peninsula  (the  deposition  of  "John  Odlin  and  others,"  and  the  Indian  deed  of  1685, 
etc.),  but  later  it  came  to  mean  instead  the  isthmus  connecting  Boston,  the  peninsula, 
with  the  mainland.  "Charlestown  Neck"  also  signified  an  isthmus.  But  "Dorchester 
Neck"  was  never  employed  up  to  the  time  of  Bunker  Hill,  except  to  signify  the  Dorchester 
peninsula — and  it  adhered  as  the  official  title  of  the  peninsula  for  another  twenty-nine 
years,  when  annexation  to  the  City  of  Boston  brought  its  present  title  of  South  Boston. 


From   the  original    (6J4  X  7^4),   owned  by  the   Boston   Public  Library 

THE  RESOLUTION  OF  THE  COUNCIL  OF  WAR,  JUNE  15,  1775, 
TO  OCCUPY  BOTH  BUNKER  HILL  AND  DORCHESTER  NECK 

Read  first  the  center  resolution  headed  "In  Committee  of  Safety."  This  is  a  copy, 
by  Ward's  secretary,  of  the  Committee  of  Safety  resolution  which  recommended 
the  fortification  of  Bunker  Hill,  but  left  the  matter  of  Dorchester  Neck  to  the  judg 
ment  of  the  Council  of  War. 

Read  next  the  top  section — the  resolution  of  the  Council  of  War  to  take  possession 
of  both  Bunker  Hill  and  Dorchester  Neck. 

Read  last  the  bottom  of  the  manuscript — the  record  of  the  committees  appointed  to 
go  to  Roxbury  to  consult  with  General  Thomas  and  his  officers. 


It  is  possible  that  the  manuscript  should  be  read  straight  down  from  top  to  bottom, 
thus  giving  the  Council  of  War  credit  also  for  initiating  the  resolution,  but  the  form 
of  the  resolution,  considered  with  the  minutes  of  the  Committee  of  Safety,  makes 
it  almost  certain  that  the  above  sequence  is  correct. 


'775]  THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON  119 

could  not  have  unanimously  agreed  to  double  the  risk  by  tak 
ing  Dorchester  Neck  also. 

Thomas  and  his  Roxbury  council  evidently  voted  against 
the  occupation  of  Dorchester  Neck,  for  again  the  plan  was 
set  aside.  One  may  dream  a  great  variety  of  dreams  as  to 
the  result  of  the  simultaneous  fortification  of  Bunker  Hill 
and  Dorchester  Heights  by  the  Americans  on  the  night  of 
June  1 6.  Perhaps,  if  Thomas  had  acceded,  it  would  have 
been  June  75 — note  the  "immediate"  of  the  council  of  war 
resolution. 

The  Roxbury  decision  did  not,  however,  dampen  the  ardor 
of  the  headquarters  generals.  They  held  to  their  deter 
mination  to  fortify  Bunker  Hill,  and  on  the  following  day 
(June  1 6)  Ward  issued  his  orders  for  the  movement. 

Colonel  Prescott  was  given  command  of  the  detachment. 
His  force :  the  greater  part  of  his  own,  F  rye's,  and  Bridge's 
regiments;  Samuel  Gridley's  artillery  company;  and  about  two 
hundred  of  Putnam's  Connecticut  men — a  total  of  about 
1200.  His  instructions:  to  proceed  that  evening  to  Bunker 
Hill,  build  fortifications  to  be  laid  out  by  Colonel  Richard 
Gridley,  and  defend  them  until  he  should  be  relieved. 

The  cooperation  of  the  right  division  at  Roxbury  being  im 
possible,  and  the  center  division  at  Cambridge  being  incapable 
of  heavy  withdrawals  without  weakening  it  to  a  dangerous 
degree,  the  decision  to  take  Bunker  Hill  was  a  step  bold  to 
the  point  of  rashness.  It  meant  that  Ward,  with  only  5000, 
or  fewer,  effectives,32  including  Putnam's  Connecticut  men, 

32  Ward's  center  division  numbered  during  the  week  preceding  Bunker  Hill  about  7500 
rank  and  file,  including  the  Connecticut  men  and  Sargent's  small  command,  but  the  "fit 
for  duty"  proportion  at  that  period — I.e.,  the  regimental  strength  after  deducting  the  sick 
and  the  absent  and  those  necessarily  held  "on  command" — seldom  averaged  more  than 
two-thirds  and  generally  fell  below  it.  Hence  the  above  estimate  of  "5000,  or  fewer, 
effectives." 

The  main  body  of  the  division  consisted  of  sixteen  Massachusetts  regiments,  returning 
a  total  strength  of  6063  privates  in  a  General  Report  of  June  9  preserved  in  the 
Massachusetts  Archives  and  printed  in  Frothingham's  Siege  of  Boston,  118,  note. 
(Frothingham's  figure  for  Gridley's  regiment  should  be  corrected  to  379  and  the  "Drum 
mers,  etc."  line  to  read,  "officers,  drummers,  fifers,  &c.")  I  have  found  no  general 
report  closer  to  June  17.  There  are  in  the  Massachusetts  Archives,  CXLVI,  separate 
returns  of  several  of  the  regiments  dated  after  June  9  and  before  June  17,  but  the  net 
change  they  effect  in  the  total  is  not  important. 


120  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  47 

must  hold  his  center  secure  from  attack  and  support  his  left 
while  fortifying  a  dangerously  exposed  eminence  within  the 
range  of  both  the  English  land  and  water  artillery. 

At  noon,  Ward  and  a  number  of  other  officers  went  out  on 
Charlestown  peninsula  to  reconnoiter  Bunker  Hill  and  its 
surroundings.33 

Charlestown  peninsula  was  at  that  time  of  the  general 
shape  of  a  conventional  isosceles  triangle,  set  a  trifle  south  of 
southeast  from  its  neck.  It  was  a  little  more  than  a  mile  in 
length,  and  less  than  a  mile  in  width  at  its  base,  the  angles 
of  its  base  pointing  south  and  east. 

The  Mystic  River  flowed  down  its  northeast  side;  a  mill- 
poncj  and  a  small  bay  bounded  it  on  the  west.  On  the  south, 
the  passage  to  the,  larger,  "back  bay"  separated  it  from 
Boston. 

The  easterly  side  of  the  peninsula  was  laid  out  chiefly  in 
hay  fields  and  pastures :  their  strong  dividing  fences — of  stone 
and  timber — were  on  the  following  day  to  prove  a  serious  ob 
struction  to  the  English  troops. 

The  westerly  side  was  devoted  in  large  part  to  orchards 
and  gardens. 

Covering  the  south  point,  stood  Charlestown  itself — save 
one,  the  oldest  town  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony. 

The  northerly  face  of  Bunker  Hill  commenced  its  rise  a 
little  distance  south  of  Charlestown  Neck  and  presented  an 
easy  incline  of  about  350  yards  to  its  smoothly  rounded  sum 
mit,  110  feet  in  maximum  height  and  roughly  elliptical  in 
form,  its  long  axis  extending  about  500  yards  southeast  by 
east.  On  both  sides  (easterly  and  westerly)  it  sloped 
toward  the  water.  Southerly,  it  was  connected  by  a  stretch 
of  high  ground  with  the  smaller  hill  called  Breed's  Hill. 

Breed's  Hill  attained  a  maximum  height  of  seventy-five 
feet.  Its  southerly  slope  reached  to  the  houses  of  Charles- 
town,  and  its  summit,  about  600  yards  from  the  shore,  looked 

83  The  Narrative  of  Major  Thompson  Maxwell,  Essex  Institute  Historical  Collections, 
VII,  107. 


/775]  THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON  121 

across  a  ribbon  of  water  onto  the  Copp's  Hill  section  of 
Boston. 

Easterly  of  Breed's  Hill  were  clay  pits  and  brick  kilns, 
and  both  northerly  and  easterly  was  a  good  deal  of  sloughy 
ground. 

The  two  peninsulas  (Charlestown  and  Boston)  faced  each 
other  like  miming  marionettes  (see  map  facing  page  92). 
The  water  separating  them  was  only  about  a  quarter-mile  in 
width. 


CHAPTER  VI 

June  16-17,  /775:  Age  47 

Prescott's  detachment  for  the  fortification  of  Bunker  Hill.  Arrange 
ments  for  its  relief.  The  change  to  Breed's  Hill.  The  battle  told 
from  headquarters  standpoint.  The  day  after  the  battle— the  de 
pression  in  Boston,  and  the  excitement  and  apprehension  in  the 
surrounding  towns.  The  English  decision  to  abandon  Boston. 

A  FEW  short  hours  after  Ward's  return  to  headquarters 
from  Bunker  Hill,  Prescott's  men  paraded  on  Cam 
bridge  common. 

Pens  of  all  kinds — well  informed  and  otherwise — have 
told  of  the  assembling  of  the  detachment  and  its  evening 
march  for  the  Charlestown  peninsula:  two  sergeants  with 
dark  lanterns  leading  the  way;  then  the  tall  form  of 
Prescott  at  the  head  of  his  men;  and,  in  the  rear,  the  carts 
loaded  with  intrenching  tools.  Instead  of  recounting  the 
story  in  the  coldness  of  the  printed  black  and  white,  let  us 
conjure  it  up  in  the  warmth  of  living  thought.  Let  us  hope 
that  we  all  possess  sufficient  imagination  to  picture  those 
brave  men  as  they  went  silently  on  their  way.  Uncover  and 
bow  your  head  with  reverence  as  they  pass,  for  on  the  mor 
row  many  of  them  will  die  in  the  bloodiest  of  all  of  the  bat 
tles  of  the  American  Revolution. 

Prescott's  detachment  was  to  be  relieved  the  following 
evening  by  a  force  of  about  equal  strength — the  Nixon, 
Little,  and  Mansfield  regiments,  and  200  Connecticut  troops. 
This  relief  party  "with  two  days  provisions  and  well  equipped 


/775]       THE  BATTLE  OF  BUNKER  HILL          123 

with  arms  and  ammunition"  to  be  on  "parade  at  five  o'clock 
ready  to  march."  1 

At    Ward's    headquarters — an    evening    and    a    night    of 

1  The  relief  order,  recorded  in  the  orderly  book  kept  by  Nathan  Stow,  sergeant  of 
Abishai  Brown's  company,  Nixon's  regiment,  is  an  important  addition  to  the  history  of 
the  battle,  for  previous  accounts  have  left  the  subject  of  relief  or  reinforcement  vague  and 
contradictory. 

Frothingham's  Siege  of  Boston,  122,  cites  Brooks  and  Swett  as  authority  for  the  state 
ment  that  "it  was  understood  that  reinforcements  and  refreshments  should  be  sent  to 
Colonel  Prescott  on  the  following  morning."  On  a  later  page  (127) — with  "Brooks' 
Statement ;  Swett's  History ;  Prescott's  Memoir"  as  authorities — it  says  that  Prescott  told 
his  men  "that  he  would  never  consent  to  their  being  relieved."  Thus  it  would  seem  that 
though  reinforcements  were  expected  (in  the  morning),  Prescott  did  not  expect  or  want 
relief  (in  the  morning).  The  two  expressions  "relief"  and  "reinforcement"  are,  however, 
so  loosely  used  that  it  is  not  safe  to  attach  great  importance  to  their  comparative  mean 
ings  or  positions. 

At  an  earlier  date  (March,  1818,  256)  the  Analectlc  Magazine,  in  citing  "Par 
ticulars  respecting  the  action,"  collected  from  Brooks  and  others,  had  stated  that  "There 
was  some  diversity  of  opinion  as  to  the  course  to  be  pursued  and  what  message  should  be 
sent  to  the  commander-in-chief  at  Cambridge."  Relief  was  urged  by  some,  but  Prescott 
said  "No."  .  .  .  "It  was  determined  to  request  the  other  three  companies  of 
Bridge's  regiment  to  be  sent  as  a  reinforcement." 

The  "Prescott  MS."  (Butler's  History  of  Groton,  337;  and  elsewhere)  deposes  that 
General  Ward  stated  "that  the  party  should  be  relieved  the  next  morning."  Also, 
however,  that,  next  morning,  Prescott  refused  to  "request  the  commander  to  relieve 
them" — but  said  he  would  send  for  reinforcements. 

The  "Judge  Prescott  Account"  (Massachusetts  Historical  Society  Proceedings,  XIV, 
68;  and  elsewhere)  contains  in  different  form  the  same  ideas:  "The  officers 
urged  him  to  send  to  the  Commander-in-chief  and  request  him  to  relieve  them  according 
to  his  engagement  or  at  least  to  send  a  reinforcement.  .  .  .  The  Colonel  at  once 
told  them  that  he  would  never  consent  to  their  being  relieved  .  .  .  but  he  would 
send  for  reinforcements  and  provisions." 

Prescott's  own  account  has  nothing  on  the  subject. 

The  Stow  record  clears  away  the  mist  and  presents  a  clearly  defined  plan — Prescott's 
detachment  to  be  relieved  on  the  following  evening  (Saturday,  June  17)  by  a  new  force 
of  equal  strength. 

Though  agreed  upon  at  the  time  of  planning  the  occupation  of  Bunker  Hill,  the  re 
lief  orders  were  not  issued  until  the  following  morning,  for  the  enterprise  was  a  close 
secret. 

Putnam  signed  the  orders  for  the  Connecticut  men.  At  least  two  examples  survive: 
one  in  the  orderly  book  by  Moses  Fargo,  William  Coit's  company,  Connecticut  Historical 
Society  Collections,  VII,  22  (the  hour  for  the  parading  of  the  relief  party  given  as  6, 
instead  of  5  P.M.)  ;  the  other  in  that  of  Captain  John  Chester  (?),  Massachusetts  His 
torical  Society  Proceedings,  XIV,  91. 

Nathan  Stow  died  April  15,  1810,  and  his  wife,  Abigail,  four  days  later.  His 
estate  descended  by  inheritance  and  purchase  to  two  sons,  Nathan  and  Cyrus.  Nathan 
died  November  10,  1831,  and  the  homestead  and  its  contents  became  the  property  of 
Cyrus.  Cyrus  died  September  8,  1876,  and  his  widow,  Matilda,  March  13,  1878.  As 
they  had  no  children,  their  family  effects  were  sold  at  auction.  The  old  papers  in  the 
attic  were  bought  by  a  junkman,  and  by  him  sold  for  a  nominal  sum  to  Albert  E. 
Wood,  a  well-known  resident  of  Concord.  Among  them  Mr.  Wood  found  Sergeant 
Nathan  Stow's  Orderly  Book. 

Albert  P.  Putnam  in  1896,  and  earlier,  quoted  the  June  17  entries  in  letters  to 
the  Danvers  (Mass.)  Mirror.  In  1901  he  reprinted  his  1896  letter,  with  a  number 
of  others  on  the  Putnam-Prescott  controversy,  in  a  pamphlet  "Gen.  Israel  Putnam  and 


124  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  47 

anxious  thought.  Will  Prescott  succeed  in  fortifying  the 
hill  without  arousing  the  enemy?  If  attacked  before  the 
works  are  strong  enough  to  shield  his  men,  what  will  be  the 
fate  of  his  little  army?  And  if  the  defenses  are  completed 
without  disturbing  the  English  sentries — what  next?  What 
will  be  the  English  counter-move?  An  attack  on  Prescott's 
position?  A  drive  at  the  American  center  by  way  of  Lech- 
mere's  Point  or  Willis  Creek?  Or  ...  Dorchester  Neck? 
Will  the  American  occupation  of  the  Charlestown  peninsula 
cause  the  English  to  change  their  plan  to  seize  Dor 
chester  Neck,  or  will  they  carry  it  out  nevertheless,  and, 
thence,  try  to  raise  the  siege  by  attacking  the  Roxbury  lines? 

Meantime  happened  that  midsummer  night's  madness: — 
that  protracted  officers'  conference  near  the  foot  of  Bunker 
Hill  which  resulted  in  as  bold  a  case  of  gauntlet-throwing  as 
history  anywhere  relates — the  substitution  of  Breed's  Hill 
for  Bunker  Hill2  and  Gridley's  deliberate  marking  out  of  a 
redoubt  on  the  lower  hill  directly  facing  Boston. 

The  fortification  of  Bunker  Hill  would  have  held  Charles- 

the  Battle  of  Hunker  Hill."  He  pointed  out  the  new  light  shed  by  the  June  17  entries 
but  used  them  chiefly  to  aid  his  claipi  for  Putnam  preeminence. 

The  orderly  book  was  published  in  1893—4,  m  Eben  Putnam's  Monthly  Historical 
Magazine,  Salem,  Mass.,  a  periodical  devoted  principally  to  genealogy.  In  a  prefatory 
letter  in  the  issue  of  March,  1893,  A.  P.  Putnam  directed  attention  to  the  entries  of 
June  17  with  the  remark  that  everything  appearing  on  that  day  is  of  interest,  but  he 
apparently  did  not  realize  their  specific  importance. 

The  orderly  book  was  evidently  unknown  to  otherwise  well-informed  writers  of 
histories  published  several  years  after  A.  P.  Putnam's  use  of  it.  This  is  probably 
due  to  the  obscure  mediums  in  which  it  was  given  space — a  local  newspaper;  a  small 
pamphlet  of  reprints  from  the  same  paper  devoted  to  the  interminable  Putnam-Prescott 
controversy ;  and  a  local  genealogical  magazine. 

The  original  is  now  in  the  Public  Library,   Concord,   Mass. 

2  The  majority  weight  of  circumstantial  evidence  supports  the  generally  accepted 
opinion  that  the  fortifying  of  Bunker  Hill  was  ordered  and  that  the  change  to  Breed's 
Hill  was  made  after  consultation  on  the  ground. 

Prescott's  letter  of  August  25,  1775,  to  John  Adams  (Frothingham,  Siege  of  Boston, 
395 )  speaks  of  his  orders  to  fortify  "Breed's  Hill,"  but  this,  though  followed  in  Ban 
croft's  History  of  the  United  States,  is  usually  taken  as  an  unintentional  mistake.  The 
letter  was  written  many  years  before  Bunker  Hill  discussions  and  arguments  became 
popular,  and,  hence,  Prescott  may  be  forgiven  for  not  having  employed  the  care  in  differ 
entiating  the  two  hills  that  would  have  been  exercised  by  a  writer  of  later  date. 

Both  the  "Prescott  MS."  and  the  "Judge  Prescott  Account"  have  Bunker  Hill  as  the 
original  order,  hut  both  also  state  that  the  two  hills  were  at  that  time  generally  covered 
by  the  one  name  of  "Bunker  Hill" — the  title  "Breed's  Hill"  for  the  southern  elevation 
being  of  only  local  usage. 

The  Committee  of  Safety  report  says  that  Breed's  Hill  was  fortified  "by  some  mistake." 


1  •  j 


m$ 

-    XM:* 


'775]       THE  BATTLE  OF  BUNKER  HILL          125 

town  Neck  fairly  safe  against  an  enemy  attempt  to  land 
there  to  cut  off  the  detachment,  for  the  Neck  would  have  lain 
between  the  double  protection  of  Prescott's  men  on  the  hill 
and  Reed's  regiment  on  the  mainland.  Breed's  Hill  could 
have  been  occupied  later,  if  Bunker  Hill  had  proved  de 
fensible,  just  as,  in  the  following  March,  Nook  Hill  was 
fortified  after  Dorchester  Heights  had  been  secured.  Mov 
ing  forward  to  Breed's  Hill  on  that  night  of  June  16  greatly 
increased  the  danger  of  the  detachment,  for  it  left  an  un 
occupied  commanding  height  between  it  and  the  Neck. 

The  choice  is  made,  however,  and  picks  and  spades  set 
immediately  to  the  task — plying  hurriedly  but  most  efficiently. 

Gridley's  lines  call  for  a  rectangular  redoubt  about  130 
feet  square,  with  projecting  angles  to  the  south.  The  ram 
parts  to  be  about  six  feet  high. 

A  few  short  hours  of  whispered  earnest  labor — and  then 
the  day  breaks.  The  redoubt  is  nearly  finished! 

As  the  English  discover  it,  they  rub  their  eyes  in  amaze 
ment.  Yesterday  evening,  an  empty  hill;  at  dawn,  a  fortified 
enemy  position:  and  the  work  done  under  the  very  muzzles 
of  their  cannon  without  a  sentry  having  been  alarmed. 

The  English  ships  and  forts  open  fire,  but  the  Americans 
keep  steadily  at  work. 

In  Cambridge,  hard  upon  the  firing  of  the  Lively  (the  first 
English  ship  to  bark),  Putnam  calls  at  headquarters  to 
consult  Ward  before  riding  out  to  view  the  result  of  the 
night's  labors  which  are  to  make  Prescott's  men  world-famous. 

It  is  still  early  in  the  morning  when  he  returns  to  make  his 
report.  He  urges  the  sending  of  reinforcements.3  Ward 
orders  forward  two  hundred  men  of  Stark's  regiment  (on  the 
left  at  Medford),4  but  decides  against  drawing  any  more 

3  Despite  this  request  for  additional  men,  Putnam  fully  agreed  with  Ward  on  the 
necessity  of  strongly  guarding  the  Cambridge  position  against  attack.  His  forenoon 
instructions  to  his  lieutenant-colonel  were  not  immediately  to  bring  his  men  onto  the 
peninsula,  but  to  get  ready  for  the  later  relief  decided  upon.  (See  extract  from  Storrs' 
diary  on  page  128,  note  10.) 

*  Stark's  letter  to  the  President  of  the  New  Hampshire  Provincial  Congress,  June  19, 
1775. — New  Hampshire  Provincial  Papers,  VII,  522- 


126  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  47 

men  from  his  Cambridge  force  until  able  to  judge  the  British 
intention,  for  he  has  long  center  lines  and  the  military  sup 
plies  of  the  province  to  defend,  and  now  fewer  than  4000 
effective  men  for  the  purpose. 

After  the  conference  with  Putnam,  Ward  leaves  head 
quarters  to  see  if  preparations  are  under  way  for  the  relief 
detachment.5 

At  ten  o'clock  Major  Brooks  arrives  at  Cambridge  to 
press  for  reinforcements,  but  Ward  declines  to  add  to  the 
order  just  dispatched  to  Colonel  Stark. 

The  Committee  of  Safety  is  next  to  urge  additional  troops; 
and  Devens,  a  prominent  member,  goes  to  Ward  and  demands 
that  they  be  sent. 

Ward  refuses  to  change  the  disposition  of  his  forces  or  to 
weaken  his  center  by  even  so  much  as  a  corporal's  guard  until 
the  English  plans  are  shown.6 

5  Colonel   Daniel  Putnam's  Letter,   Connecticut  Historical  Society   Collections,    I,    240. 

6  The   conventional   method   of  telling  the    story   is   to   say   that    at   "about    1 1    o'clock" 
or    "later    in    the   morning,"    Ward    ordered    forward    Reed's    and    (the    main    body    of) 
Stark's    regiments    to    reinforce    Prescott ;    hut    Reed's    and     (the    main    body    of)     Stark's 
regiments    were   not   ordered    forward   until    the   time   of   the   general    "alarm" — between 
noon   and    I    P.M.      The  best  authority  on   the  movements   of  Stark's   regiment   is    Stark's 
letter     (already    cited — page     125,    note    4)     to    the    President    of    the    New    Hampshire 
Provincial   Congress,   written  on  the  second  day  after  the  battle  while  details   were   fresh 
in    his    mind.      In    it,    Stark    records    Ward's    morning    instructions    to    send    200    men    to 
Prcscott's    assistance,    and    the    detailing    of    Lieutenant-Colonel    Wyman    with    a    force    of 
that  number.     He  then  adds  that  "about  2  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  express  orders  came 
for  the  whole  of  my  regiment  to  proceed  to  Charlestown  to  oppose  the  enemy  who  were 
landing    on    Charlestown     point."       This    agrees    considerably    better    with    the    arrival 
of  the  regiment  on  the  battlefield  than  do  the  conventional  accounts.     "About  2  o'clock" — 
between    i    and    2    o'clock — any    time    after    i    o'clock    (Dearborn    stated    that    the    regi 
ment    marched     at     "about     i     o'clock") — is     when    one    might     expect     a     message     to 
get   through   to    Stark   if   dispatched   when    (between    12    and    i    o'clock)    the    news    was 
received    at    Cambridge   of   the   first    English    landing.      Numerous    stories    of   the    battle 
have    told    (in    conjunction    with    accounts    of    the    supposed    "n    o'clock"    or    "later    in 
the   morning"    order)    that    Stark    was    delayed    by    the    necessity    to    make    up    his    am 
munition  and   it  is  assumed  that  this  explains   why  many  of  the   men   marching   on   the 
"noon"  to  "i  o'clock"  alarm  got  to  the  field  before  he  did.     The  making  up  of  the  am 
munition    is    apparently    well    attested,    but    it    also   fits    in    with    the    "about    2    o'clock" 
order,    for    when,    in    the   morning,    Stark    found    that    part    of    his    regiment    was    ordered 
into  action,   it  is  not  unreasonable  to  presume  that  he  began  making  preparations   against 
further  orders  and  was  ready  to  march  promptly  on  their  receipt. 

As  Reed's  and  Stark's  regiments  are  always  coupled  in  these  orders,  and  in  their 
movements  on  June  17,  it  is  probably  correct  to  state  that  Reed's  regiment  also  was 
not  ordered  forward  until  the  time  of  the  general  alarm.  Otherwise,  because  of  its 
proximity  to  the  battleground,  its  long  delay  in  reaching  the  field  would  have  required 
a  great  deal  of  explaining. 


/775]      THE  BATTLE  OF  BUNKER  HILL          127 

Ward  has  been  charged  with  hesitancy  and  indecision  on 
the  day  of  the  "Battle  of  Bunker  Hill" — the  irrevocable  title 
of  the  action  despite  the  change  to  Breed's  Hill.  If  those 
who  disagree  with  his  judgment  had  accused  him  of  being 
stubborn?  they  would  have  assumed  a  defensible  position. 
But  "hesitating  and  "indecisive" ! — the  witnesses  prove  that 
such  statements  are  very  far  from  the  truth. 

Ward  was  again  suffering  from  a  severe  attack  of  calculus, 
and  his  condition  lends  an  element  of  the  dramatic  to  his 
stand  on  that  fateful  morning — the  "sulky"  man  whom 
Hutchinson  had  tried  in  vain  to  bribe,  now  in  a  day  of  sick 
ness,  as  commander  of  the  rebel  forces,  inflexibly  holding  to 
what  he  believes  to  be  right  in  the  face  of  entreaty,  argu 
ments,  and  demands,  and  successfully  maintaining  it  in  the 
face  of  all  opposition. 

In  Boston,  is  much  stir  and  discussion.  Short  of  moving 
to  raise  the  siege,  the  English  officers  have  no  choice  but  to 
dislodge  the  Americans  on  Breed's  Hill,  for  another  day 
may  see  heavier  cannon  mounted,  with  Boston  as  a  point- 
blank  target.  There  is,  though,  difference  of  opinion  as  to 
the  tactics  to  be  employed. 

General  Clinton  and  other  officers  want  to  cut  the  Americans 
off  by  taking  them  in  the  rear,  but  General  Gage  opposes  this. 

The  English  officers  decide  to  carry  the  post  by  storm— 
they  will  "take  the  bull  by  the  horns" — and  "teach  the  im 
pudent  Yankees  a  lesson" ! 

Then  to  Cambridge  between  twelve  and  one  o'clock8 
comes  news  of  the  landing  of  the  British  troops  on  the 
peninsula  1  The  alarm  is  sounded :  bells  ring,  the  drums  beat 

7  This    adjective    was    applied    by    one    critic — Curtis    Guild,    Jr.,    in    his    address    at 
the   1910  meeting  of  the  Bunker  Hill   Monument  Association. 

8  Captain  Chester    (Spencer's  regiment)    is  the  authority  usually  quoted  to  fix  the  time 
that   the   alarm    was   given:   he   says   "about    i    o'clock"    and    "just   after   dinner."      The 
testimony   of   Jesse    Smith    (Nixon's    regiment)    was    similar   to    that    of   Chester. — Froth- 
ingham,    Siege    of   Boston,    132,    note.      Lieutenant-Colonel    Storrs     (Putnam's    regiment) 
says    "at    noon"     (see    diary    extract,    page    128,    note    10).      Caleb    Haskell,    fifer    in 
Captain  Lunt's  company    (Little's  regiment),   states  that  the  army  "set  out"   after  news 
that  the  "enemy  were  landing  at  Charlestown." — Caleb  Haskell's  Diary. 


128  ARTEMAS  WARD  {.Age  47 

to  arms.  The  English  commander  has  at  last  shown  his 
hand — and  Ward  orders  a  strong  force  forward  to  meet  him. 
All  available  men  of  nine  Massachusetts  regiments,  part  of 
Gridley's  regiment  of  artillery,  and  one  of  the  remaining  com 
panies  of  Bridge's  regiment  set  out  at  once  for  the  battlefield. 
And  an  express  rider  gallops  to  Charlestown  common  and 
thence  to  Medford  to  summon  Reed's  and  Stark's  New 
Hampshire  men  to  the  fray.9 

At  the  same  time  Captain  Israel  Putnam,  Jr.,  brings  word 
from  his  father,  and  orders  forward  his  own  company  and 
the  center  contingent  of  Spencer's  men.10 

Ward's  center  division  is  now  reduced  to  the  Jonathan 
Ward  and  Gardner  regiments;  rather  more  than  half  of  Put 
nam's  Connecticut  men;  Sargent's  small  command  (posted  at 
Lechmere's  Point)  ;  and  two  companies  of  Bridge's  regiment. 
It  is  guarded  on  the  left  by  Patterson's  regiment,  held  at  the 
breastwork  near  Prospect  Hill. 

The  Jonathan  Ward  regiment  is  marched  to  Lechmere's 
Point  to  join  Sargent's  men  as  a  vanguard  to  meet  any  at 
tempt  of  the  British  to  attack  via  Willis  Creek. 

0  See   foot-note  on   page    126,  note  6. 

10  Frothingham  (Siege  of  Boston,  188)  refers  to  a  statement  that  all  of  Putnam'* 
regiment  was  in  the  action,  and  also  says  (132),  "General  Putnam  ordered  on  the 
remainder  of  the  Connecticut  troops" — giving  Chester's  letter  (July  22,  1775,  Siege  of 
Boston,  389)  as  authority.  Chester's  letter  suggests  the  idea,  but  the  diary  of  Storrs, 
lieutenant-colonel  of  Putnam's  regiment,  and  the  casualty  list  show  that  the  instructions 
to  the  Connecticut  men  were  limited  as  I  have  given  them  above. 

Following  is  Storrs'  entry  for  June  17  (Massachusetts  Historical  Society  Proceeding*, 
XIV,  85-86)  : 

"At  sun  rise  this  morning  a  fire  began  from  the  ships,  but  moderate;  about  10  went 
down  to  Gen.  Putnam's  post  who  has  the  command.  Some  shot  whistled  around  us. 
Tarried  there  a  spell  and  returned  to  have  my  company  in  readiness  to  relieve  them;  one 
killed  and  one  wounded  when  I  came  away." 

"About  2  o'clock  there  was  a  brisk  cannonade  from  the  ships  on  the  battery  or  en 
trenchment.  At  noon  orders  came  to  turn  out  immediately,  and  that  the  regulars  were 
landed  at  sundry  places.  Went  to  headquarters  for  our  regimental.  Received  orders  to 
repair  with  our  regiment  to  No.  i  and  defend  it.  No  enemy  appearing,  orders  soon 
came  that  our  people  at  the  entrenchment  were  retreating  and  for  us  to  secure  the  re 
treat.  I  immediately  marched  for  their  relief,  the  regulars  did  not  come  off  from 
Bunker's  Hill,  but  have  taken  possession  of  the  entrenchments,  and  our  people  make 
a  stand  on  Winter  Hill  and  we  immediately  went  to  entrenching;  flung  up  by  morn 
ing  an  entrenchment  about  100  feet  square.  Done  principally  by  our  regiment  under 
Putnam's  directions,  had  but  little  sleep  the  night." 


/775]      THE  BATTLE  OF  BUNKER  HILL          129 

Gardner's  regiment  is  sent  to  join  Patterson,  taking  the 
place  of  Doolittle's  regiment,  which  is  marching  to  Charles- 
town. 

The  Putnam  men  are  drawn  in  toward  Cambridge. 

The  two  companies  of  Bridge's  regiment  are  posted  for  the 
immediate  protection  of  headquarters. 

At  Roxbury,  also,  all  was  activity.  The  English  com 
mander  might  attempt  a  diversion  by  a  drive  from  the  Boston 
Neck  lines.  Every  man  was  ordered  to  arms,  and  Colonel 
Learned  marched  his  regiment  to  the  meeting-house  and 
thence  to  the  burying-yard,  which  was  the  alarm-post,  and 
there  placed  his  men  in  ambush  with  two  field-pieces  "placed 
to  give  it  to  them  unawares,  should  the  regulars  come."11 

At  Cambridge,  the  noise  and  excitement  died  down  as 
regiment  after  regiment  passed  on.  The  town,  says  David 
Townsend,  a  young  man  studying  medicine  under  Joseph 
Warren,  was  "quiet  as  the  Sabbath."  Breathless  tension  suc 
ceeded  the  hurry  of  forming  and  marching  troops.  Ameri 
can  and  English  forces  were  for  the  first  time  opposed  in 
formal  battle.  Prescott's  men  had  challenged;  Gage  had 
accepted  the  challenge;  and  all  that  Massachusetts  stood  for 
was  at  stake. 

Ward  had  done  the  utmost  that  lay  in  his  power.  His 
center  was  carved  lean  of  troops  and  stripped  all  but  bare 
of  powder. 

He  was  again  out  (presumably  on  a  tour  of  inspection) 
when  Townsend  called  at  headquarters.12  The  only  man 
there  was  Dr.  Warren,  just  appointed  Massachusetts'  second 
major-general,  also  indisposed  that  day  and  taking  a  much 
needed  rest. 

On  Townsend's  arrival  Warren  rose  and  left  the  house, 
riding  direct  to  the  battlefield  on  which  before  the  sun 
set  he  was  to  lay  down  his  life.  When  he  reached  the  re 
doubt  he  cheered  Prescott's  men — all  of  them  fatigued,  some 

|r 

11  Samuel  Bixby's  Diary,  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  Proceedings,  XIV,  287. 

12  Ne iv  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  XII,  230. 


130  ARTEMAS  WARD 

of  them  hungry  and  thirsty13 — by  telling  them  that  2000  addi 
tional  troops  would  be  with  them  in  twenty  minutes;  that  he 
had  passed  them  on  the  way. 

The  English  complete  their  debarkation  at  Moulton's  Point 
without  mishap  or  interruption,  but  Howe,  who  commands 
them,  sees  that  the  American  position  is  stronger  than  it  had 
appeared  and  he  sends  word  for  additional  troops.  He 
awaits  their  arrival  before  beginning  the  attack. 

Back  in  Cambridge,  when  Ward  learns  that  the  English 
troops  on  the  Charlestown  peninsula  are  being  reinforced, 
and  that  there  is  consequently  little  danger  of  a  raid  on  Cam 
bridge  via  Willis  Creek,14  he  orders  Sargent  and  Jonathan 
Ward15  also  on  to  Charlestown. 

13  The  orders  to  Prescott's  detachment  required  "provisions  for  24  hours,"  but  some — 
perhaps  a  considerable  number — of  the  men  had  failed  to  husband  their  supplies.     Efforts 
were  made  by  Devens  and  others  to  send  fresh  supplies,  but  horses  were  scarce.     A  few 
wagons   crossed,    but   the   cannonade    frothing   over   the   Neck,    though    not   very    danger 
ous,    was    effective    in    checking    vehicular    traffic.      The    want    most    keenly    and    most 
generally  felt  was   for  liquid  refreshments.     This   fact  has  been  translated  into  pathetic 
accounts  of  the  longing  for  drinking  water:  "and,  the  greatest  want  of  all,  they  lacked 
the    delicious    draught    of    pure,    cool    water    for    their    labor-worn    and    heat    exhausted 
frames"    (Ellis)  ;    "during  the  whole  day  they  received  not  even   a  cup  of  cold   water" 
(Bancroft)  ;    and,   similarly,   with   variations,   many  other   writers.      But   what  those   New 
England  farmers  were  awaiting  was  their  rum,  beer,  or  cider.     If  the  men  had  merely 
wanted   water,   they  could   have   obtained   plenty   of   it   from   the   houses    along    the   main 
road    and    from    the    wells    in     Charlestown.       Charlestown    was    in    their    undisputed 
possession    during   the   entire   morning.      Contemporary    depositions    state    that    some    bar 
rels   of   beer    were   received    (Frothingham's   Siege   of  Boston,    133,   note;    Winsor's  Nar 
rative   and   Critical   History   of  America,   VI,    137),    and    in   the    Boston    Public    Library 
is  the  order  signed  by  Joseph  Ward,  as  secretary,  for  two  barrels  of  rum  "for  the  Troops 
at  Charlestown."     But  the  quantities  that   reached  the  men  were  not  sufficient  to  meet 
their  needs  or  desires. 

14  About  the  same  time  he  also  perhaps  received  word  from  Colonel  Sargent,  at  Lech- 
mere's  Point,  that  the  schooner  Sargent  mentioned  in  his  letter  of  long  after  had  given  up 
the  attempt  to  make  a  landing  by  Willis  Creek.     "A  large  schooner,   with  from  five  to 
six   hundred  men,   attempted  to  gain  the  landing,  but  the  wind  against  her  and  the  tide 
turning,   she   returned.     About  4   P.M.,   General   Ward   permitted   me  to  march  my   regi 
ment  with  one  called  his  own  to  Charlestown." — Paul  Dudley  Sargent  to  S.  Swett,  De 
cember  20,    1825    (Frothingham's  Command  in   the  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill,   lo). 

1B  Washhurn's  History  of  Leicester,  304,  and  A.  H.  Ward's  History  of  Shrewsbury, 
55.  have  the  story  of  the  halting  of  Jonathan  Ward's  regiment  on  the  mainland  side  of 
Charlestown  Neck  by  a  horseman  who  declared  (Washburn's  Leicester)  that  "orders 
had  been  sent  that  no  more  troops  should  go  into  action."  Part  of  the  Jonathan  Ward 
regiment,  nevertheless,  in  defiance  of  the  order,  marched  across  the  Neck  and  toward  the 
battlefield  in  time  to  help  cover  the  retreat  from  the  redoubt.  According  to  tradition 
the  horseman  was  Benjamin  Church,  but  other  circumstances  make  this  doubtful. 


/775]      THE  BATTLE  OF  BUNKER  HILL          131 

Shortly  after,  Gardner,  too,  sets  his  regiment  in  motion, 
drawn  in  the  same  direction.16 

Meanwhile,  what  of  that  first  main  force  dispatched  to 
Prescott's  assistance? 

After  leaving  Cambridge,  there  is  a  great  deal  of  con 
fusion,  for  the  men  are  not  yet  experienced  soldiers.  They 
start  out  as  companies  and  regiments,  but  many  units  lose 
formation  and  become  inextricably  tangled.  Some  troops 
fail  to  cross  Charlestown  Neck;  others  halt  on  Bunker  Hill 
instead  of  pressing  forward.  Some  do  not  reach  the  firing 
line  until  the  battle  is  almost  over;  many  do  not  reach  it 
at  all.17 

The  American  positions  are  nevertheless  fairly  well 
manned  by  the  time  the  English  are  ready  to  attack.  And, 
in  one  form  or  another,  they  all  but  span  the  peninsula. 

The  redoubt  and  its  breastwork  extension  running  north- 
by-east  down  the  hill,  are  held  by  Massachusetts  men  under 
Prescott's  direct  command.  As  also,  with  one  company  of 
New  Hampshire  men,  is  the  short  impromptu  line  to  the 
right. 

The  breastwork  is  about  300  feet  in  length  and  reaches  to 
a  piece  of  sloughy  ground  that  has  been  mentioned  so  often 
that  it  has  become  known  as  "the  Slough." 

In  the  redoubt  is  Dr.  Warren.     He  has  set  aside  his  high 

16  Gardner's    instructions    had    been    to    assist    Patterson    in    holding    the    position    later 
known    as    Fort    No.    3,    but    inactivity    within    sight    of    the    first    pitched    battle    of    the 
siege   galled   him    because   of   what   he   considered    a    stigma   on   his    reputation — the   sud 
den  dispersal  of  his  command  in  the  battle  of  April  19. 

17  Of   the   nine   Massachusetts    regiments   ordered    forward    in    force    between    12    and    I 
o'clock,    five     (Brewer's,    Nixon's,    Little's,    Doolittle's,    Woodbridge's)     were    represented 
on   the   firing    line   at   the   time   of   the   first   attack — about   3    P.M.      The    additional   com 
pany  of   Bridge's   regiment   also   was  there,   and   one   new  company  of  Gridley's   artillery. 
Later  in  the  action,  two  other  regiments  were  represented  on  the  field — Asa  Whitcomb's 
and   Gerrish's    (the   latter   by   Adjutant   Febiger's    detachment)  ;    and   Trevctt   brought   on 
his  company  of  Gridley's  artillery  in  time  to  do  good  service.      The  other  regiments  and 
parts    of    regiments    failed    to    be    represented    because    their    commanders    misconstrued    or 
disobeyed   orders   and   halted   at   other   points :  on   the  wrong   side   of  the   Neck,   as   Mans 
field's   regiment,   Major  Scarborough  Gridley's  companies  of  Gridley's  regiment,  a  part  of 
Gerrish's  regiment  under  Captain  Mighil,  and  Scammon's  regiment   (Scammon's  regiment 
did  cross  the  Neck   but  not   until    the  fighting   was  over);   or  on   Bunker   Hill    proper,   as 
part  of  Gerrish's  regiment  under  Colonel  Gerrish. 


132  ARTEMAS  WARD  Wg*  47 

military  appointment  and  is  serving  as  a  volunteer  in  the 
ranks. 

Behind  the  urail  fence" — that  famous  hay-stuffed  double 
fence,  and  its  stone  wall  extension — starting  from  a  point 
near  the  base  of  Bunker  Hill  and  reaching  across  to  the 
shore  of  the  Mystic  River,  are  Colonels  Stark  and  Reed  with 
their  New  Hampshire  regiments;  Captain  Knowlton  with  the 
original  Connecticut  detachment,  and  some  Massachusetts 
men. 

The  weakest  point  of  the  line  is  between  the  slough  and 
the  rail  fence.  It  is  only  slightly  protected  by  short  stretches 
of  fence  or  hedge.  Part  of  the  time  it  is  defended  by  the 
few  American  cannon  brought  on. 

A  second  line  of  defense — of  earth  breastworks — has  been 
commenced  on  Bunker  Hill. 

The  English  reinforcements  land  at  about  three  o'clock. 

There  is  no  longer  any  sign  of  life  in  the  redoubt.  The 
English  officers  begin  to  fear  that  the  Americans  have  re 
treated  and  that  there  will  be  no  fight. 

But  the  Americans  are  there — coolly  awaiting  the  enemy. 

Their  officers  have  ordered  them  to  lie  low  and  hold  their 
fire  until  the  English  are  within  sixty  yards. 

The  redcoats  advance  in  two  divisions — one  under  Howe 
to  flank  the  American  position  by  turning  or  breaking 
through  the  rail  fence;  the  other,  under  Pigot,  to  storm  the 
redoubt  and  breastwork. 

They  move  slowly,  for  they  are  burdened  with  full  knap 
sacks,  hindered  by  the  field  fences,  and  sweltered  by  a  hot 
June  sun.  But  they  feel  unbounded  confidence  in  their 
strength  and  expect  an  easy  victory. 

The  English  draw  near  to  the  American  positions. 

The  Americans  receive  the  order  to  fire! 

A  sudden  hail  of  bullets  stops  the  English  advance  and 
mows  down  the  ranks. 

A  few  minutes  the  redcoats  hold  firm — then  they  fall  back 
in  full  retreat! 


1775']      THE  BATTLE  OF  BUNKER  HILL          133 

The  American  farmers  have  won  the  first  round  against 
the  famed  soldiers  of  Great  Britain! 

A  short  breathing  space — then  the  English  rally  and  ad 
vance  again. 

Charlestown  meantime  had  been  set  ablaze,  completing 
an  extraordinarily  spectacular  panorama  of  war  and  destruc 
tion: 

An  earth-fort  set  upon  a  hill ;  further  back,  a  fragile  fence 
line  stretching  to  the  shore.  A  brilliantly  accoutered  army  ad 
vancing  over  their  dead  comrades  to  the  assault.  Shells 
and  cannon-balls  belching  from  ships  and  land-batteries; 
flames  coursing  the  streets  of  Charlestown  and  curling  up  its 
church  spires.  Hundreds  of  spectators  on  the  surrounding 
hills  and  the  roof-tops  of  Boston. 

The  English  are  within  thirty  yards  of  the  American  lines 
when  the  militiamen  receive  the  order  to  fire. 

Again  their  bullets  tear  through  the  enemy's  ranks  with 
terrible  effect. 

The  English  press  forward  a  few  steps  in  the  face  of  the 
storm — but  it  is  too  deadly — and  again  they  retreat,  this  time 
precipitously  and  in  blank  disorder. 

There  is  a  longer  interval  now,  and  some  on  both  sides 
think,  and  hope,  that  the  fighting  is.  over  for  the  day. 

Instead,  the  English  general  is  making  new  plans.  He 
has  learned  that  it  is  not  always  easy  to  "take  the  bull  by 
the  horns,"  and  for  this  third  assault  he  adopts  new  tactics. 

He  trains  his  artillery,  hitherto  misplaced  and  ill-handled, 
so  that  the  cannon-balls  penetrate  the  end  of  the  breastwork 
and  scour  its  length,  driving  its  defenders  into  the  redoubt; 
then  concentrates  his  attack  on  the  redoubt,  telling  his  men 
to  hold  their  fire  and  take  the  position  at  the  point  of  the 
bayonet. 

As  Howe  moves  his  men  forward  for  a  third  assault,  Pres- 
cott  realizes  that  his  position  is  desperate.  His  powder  is 
almost  exhausted,  and  cannon-shot  come  crashing  into  the 
redoubt  through  the  north  passageway. 


134  ARTEMAS  WARD 

But  he  has  no  thought  except  to  fight  to  the  last  moment ! 

His  men  reserve  their  fire  until  the  English  are  within 
twenty  yards.  But  this  time  the  enemy  push  forward  with 
out  returning  it — the  American  fire  slackens  for  want  of 
ammunition  and  the  Englishmen  crowd  up  to  and  over  the 
parapet. 

The  Americans  fight  their  way  out  of  the  redoubt  and 
through  the  two  divisions  closing  in  on  them. 

The  English  attempt  to  flank  in  force,  but  are  held  back  by 
the  men  at  the  rail  fence  and  a  few  gallant  companies  of 
late  arrivals  descending  Bunker  Hill.  The  American  death 
toll  is  heavy  here ;  and — unhappy  day  for  his  beloved 
Massachusetts — Joseph  Warren  is  among  those  who  fall. 

The  Americans  retreat  over  Bunker  Hill.  On  its  brow 
Putnam  tries  to  make  another  stand — but  the  projected 
breastworks  are  not  half  built  and  the  position  is  too  exposed, 
so  the  retreat  continues  over  Charlestown  Neck. 

The  English  have  won  the  battle,  but  they  have  been  so 
severely  handled  that  Howe  fears  the  risk  of  following  the 
Americans  onto  the  mainland. 

Instead,  the  two  shaken  armies  settle  themselves  on  op 
posite  sides  of  the  Neck  and  feverishly  begin  throwing  up 
protective  works:  the  English  on  Bunker  Hill  facing  the  main 
land;  the  Americans  on  Prospect  and  Winter  hills. 

And  thus  the  sun  went  down  on  the  bullet-riddled  fences 
and  the  blood-stained  fields,  and  the  long  summer  evening 
brought  to  a  close  the  most  eventful  day  in  American  history. 

The  officers  on  both  sides  were  glad  of  the  respite  from 
active  hostilities,  but  there  was  no  truce  in  the  hearts  of  the 
venturesome  of  the  American  rank  and  file.  Darkness  had 
scarcely  fallen  when  a  number  of  them  were,  as  individuals, 
trying  to  carry  the  fight  back  to  the  enemy,  sniping  from  the 
cover  of  isolated  houses  and  creeping  toward  the  English 
advance  lines  on  the  Neck  in  search  of  enemy  targets.18 

ls  Martin   Hunter,    later  a   general    of   His    Majesty's    Forces,   then   ensign   of  the    52*! 
Regiment    of    Foot,    recorded    that    attacks    on    his    regiment    were    made    all    through    the 


1775']      THE  BATTLE  OF  BUNKER  HILL          135 

Nor  did  the  coming  of  darkness  bring  any  pause  in  the 
American  labor  on  the  new  lines — picks  and  shovels  plied 
unceasingly  to  make  ready  for  the  redcoats  if  they  should 
follow  up  their  advantage  by  a  night  assault. 

Once  only  during  the  night  did  the  work  stop — and  that 
when  shortly  before  dawn  there  came  an  alarm  that  the  Eng 
lish  were  sallying  out  from  Bunker  Hill  with  artillery  and 
light  horse.  Every  man  was  ordered  to  drop  his  tools  and 
stand  to  his  arms. 

But  the  redcoats  came  not.  And  within  an  hour  of  day 
break  Ward  had  strengthened  the  new  Prospect  Hill  post 
with  a  thousand  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  men  drawn 
from  the  Roxbury  division.19 

The  Sunday  that  dawned  saw  in  the  American  camps  none 
of  the  peace-time  New  England  Sabbath  calm.  Bullets  had 

night. — Moorsom,  Historical  Record  of  the  $2d  Regiment,  9.     Hunter  had  fought  in  the 
battle  and  was  on  the  following  day  promoted  to  lieutenant. 

Lieutenant-Colonel  Stephen  Kemble  (Journal,  Kcmblc  Papers,  I,  45)  also  complained 
that  "All  this  night  the  Rebels  kept  a  popping  fire  on  our  Advanced  Posts,  from  Houses 
on  the  opposite  side  of  Charles  Town  Neck,  wounded  several  Men,  and  Killed  one  officer." 

19  Histories  give  the  impression  that  the  works  built  on  Prospect  and  Winter  hills 
represented,  during  the  first  two  or  three  days  following,  only  the  labor  of  the  men 
who  had  stopped  in  the  vicinity  after  the  retreat  from  Breed's  Hill.  The  first  rein 
forcement  noted  by  Frothingham  (Siege  of  Boston,  211)  is  an  order  of  June  20  for  one- 
half  of  eight  Massachusetts  regiments  to  be  drafted  daily  to  relieve  the  troops  on 
Prospect  Hill.  But  they  were  strengthened  in  part  much  earlier — at  least  as  soon 
as  the  very  early  morning  after  the  battle.  General  Greene  tells  of  the  marching  of 
1000  men  from  the  Roxbury  division  on  the  night  of  June  17  (Sparks  Papers,  XLVIII, 
f.  68  verso,  Harvard  College  Library)  ;  and  Samuel  Haws  of  Joseph  Read's  regiment 
records  (Military  Journals  of  Tivo  Private  Soldiers,  58,  59)  that  his  regiment  was  "or 
dered  to  Cambridge  to  asist  our  forces  and  we  reached  their  about  twelve  o'clock  at  night 
and  Lodged  in  the  meting  house" — then  at  daybreak  (i8th)  marched  to  Prospect  Hill, 
"expecting  to  come  to  an  ingagement."  Noah  Chapin,  Jr.,  ensign  of  Solomon  Willes' 
company,  Spencer's  regiment,  has  much  the  same  story  to  tell — of  marching  "in  hast"  to 
Prospect  Hill,  reaching  there  "a  Little  after  Sun  Rise." — Original  diary,  State  Library, 
Hartford,  Conn. 

About  noon,  a  new  "alarm"  caused  additional  reinforcements  to  be  sent  to  the  hill 
from  the  center  division. — Caleb  Haskcll's  Diary,  6. 

As  no  engagement  developed,  Read's  men  were  at  "about  4  o'clock"  ordered  back  to 
Roxbury  and  "arived  their  about  sunset  very  weary."  The  Connecticut  contingent  was 
also  back  in  Roxbury  "a  little  before  night." 

On  the  day  following  (June  19),  one-half  (by  companies)  of  seven  Massachusetts 
regiments  of  the  center  division  and  half  of  the  Connecticut  forces  were  ordered  to  Pros 
pect  Hill. — Nathan  Stoiv's  Orderly  Book. 

These  reinforcements  were  evidently  very  pleasing  to  Putnam,  for  Cook  of  Tiverton 
told  Stiles  (Literary  Diary  of  Ezra  Stilest  I,  574)  that  on  June  19  he  "saw  General 
Putnam  entrenching"  on  Winter  Hill  "and  in  good  Spirits  being  fully  reinforced." 


136  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  47 

to  be  "run"  and  cartridges  to  be  made  "in  readiness  for 
another  battle";20  and  fatigue  parties  were  everywhere  busy 
—adding  to  the  Roxbury  and  Cambridge  defenses,  as  well 
as  to  the  rapidly  developing  lines  guarding  the  mainland  side 
of  Charlestown  Neck — from  this  date  a  separate  and  im 
portant  division  of  the  besieging  army. 

It  was  thought  that  the  enemy  would  quickly  strike  afresh 
to  raise  the  siege. 

The  roads  for  miles  around  were  again  filled  with  excited 
travel — but  this  time  it  surged  in  opposing  streams,  mutually 
congesting  and  obstructing:  militiamen  hurrying  toward  the 
American  camps,  and  women  and  children  from  the  neigh 
boring  towns  fleeing  back  into  the  country,21  whole  families 
loaded  into  big  farm-carts,  or  on  horseback,  or  afoot.  And 
at  Watertown  the  Provincial  Congress  ordered  that  a  horse 
be  held  constantly  ready  so  that  the  secretary  could  at  a 
moment's  notice  ride  away  with  his  records.  "It  is  expected 
that  the  English  will  come  out  over  the  Neck  to-night," 
wrote  Abigail  Adams,  "and  a  dreadful  battle  must  ensue. 
Almighty  God!  cover  the  heads  of  our  countrymen,  and  be 
a  shield  to  our  dear  friends."22 

But  in  Boston  that  Sunday  no  battle  plan  was  contem 
plated.  English  cannon  roared  almost  continuously — but  it 
was  the  defensive  roar  of  a  sorely  wounded  lion,  purposed 
to  keep  his  enemy  at  bay.  There  was  no  thought  of  so  soon 
retrying  the  issue  with  the  sharpshooting  New  England  reb 
els.  Gage  had  driven  the  Americans  from  their  hastily  seized 
position,  and  all  of  the  Charlestown  peninsula  had  passed  into 
his  hands,  but  his  army  had  sustained  losses  so  heavy  as  to 
lower  its  morale  and  to  cripple  its  offensive  power.  He  had 
removed  the  immediate  menace  of  Breed's  Hill,  but  he  was 
no  nearer  freedom  of  action  than  before  the  battle.  He 
had  stretched  one  of  the  walls  of  the  jail,  but  the  jail  still 

20  Caleb  Haskell's  Diary,  6. 

21  James  Warren,  June  18,   1775,  Warren- Adams  Letters,  I,  59. 

22  Letters  of  Mrs.  Adams,  I,  June   18,   1775. 


'775]      THE  BATTLE  OF  BUNKER  HILL          137 

held  him  prisoner,  and  its  bars  now  loomed  before  his  eyes  as 
murderously  secure. 

The  battle  just  fought  had  indeed  definitely  decided  the 
outcome  of  the  siege  of  Boston.  It  was  the  direct  and  spe 
cific  cause  of  the  evacuation  of  the  capital.  The  period  of 
English  occupation  following  June  17  constituted,  consciously 
or  otherwise,  merely  so  many  months  of  "marking  time." 
Right  up  to  the  last  dispatch  received  prior  to  the  news  of 
the  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  official  England  had  held  no  in 
tention  to  relinquish  Boston.  On  the  contrary,  Lord  Dart 
mouth,  writing  July  i,  tells  Gage  that  the  King  trusts  "that 
we  shall  soon  hear"  that  the  rebels  surrounding  Boston 
"have  been  dispersed,  their  Works  destroyed,  and  a  com 
munication  opened  with  the  Country."  It  was  further  be 
lieved  that  even  if  the  English  force  should  be  deemed  in 
adequate  "to  advance  further  into  the  country,"  it  was  never 
theless  large  enough  not  only  to  hold  Boston,  but  also  to 
recover  possession  of  New  York,  and  perhaps,  in  addition, 
to  seize  and  maintain  a  post  on  Rhode  Island. 

But  Gage's  report  of  the  battle  changed  all  this,  and  with 
in  five  weeks  of  the  official  acknowledgment  of  its  receipt, 
Lord  Dartmouth  received  word  from  the  King  that  he  con 
sidered  it  not  only  advisable  but  "necessary  to  abandon  Bos 
ton  before  the  winter."23 

23  The  story  is  easily  and  clearly  read  in  the  correspondence  between  Lord  Dart 
mouth  and  the  English  commanders  in  Boston.  At  the  beginning  of  the  year  (January 
1 8,  1775),  General  Gage  had  written  to  Lord  Dartmouth  that  "it's  the  opinion  of  Most 
People,  if  a  respectable  Force  is  seen  in  the  Field,  the  most  obnoxious  of  the  Leaders 
seized,  and  a  Pardon  proclaimed  for  all  other's,  that  Government  will  come  off  Victori 
ous,  and  with  less  Opposition  than  was  expected  a  few  Months  ago." — Stevens  Trans 
cripts,  Library  of  Congress.  And  Lord  Dartmouth  on  April  15  had  said,  "It  is  imagined 
that  by  the  time  this  Letter  reaches  you,  the  army  under  your  Command  will  be  equal  to 
any  operation  that  may  become  necessary." — Stevens  Transcripts,  Library  of  Congress ; 
Bancroft  MSS.,  England  and  America,  New  York  Public  Library.  No  doubt  then  in  his 
mind  of  the  success  of  the  King's  army  in  Boston ! 

The  events  of  April  19  roused  indignation  at  "the  rash  and  rebellious  conduct  of  the 
Provincials,"  but  they  did  not  alarm  official  England.  Gage  sent  his  report  of  the 
"skirmish"  (the  report  was  received  in  London  June  10)  and  Lord  Dartmouth,  replying, 
writes  (as  quoted  above  in  the  main  text)  that  the  King  trusts  "that  we  shall 
soon  hear"  that  the  rebels  surrounding  Boston  "have  been  dispersed,  their  Works  de 
stroyed,  and  a  communication  opened  with  the  Country."  He  continues,  "Whether 


i38  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  47 

you  have  found  it  expedient  or  not  to  advance  further  into  the  Country  will  have  de 
pended  upon  your  own  judgement  of  the  utility  &  propriety  of  such  a  plan  of  operation 
&  upon  the  advice  &  opinions  of  the  able  Generals  by  whom  you  are  assisted ;  but  if 
from  the  probability  of  small  advantage  on  the  one  hand,  &  great  risk  on  the  other 
hand,  you  should  have  desisted  from  such  an  enterprise  or  should  have  been  of  opinion 
that  your  Force  is  inadequate,  in  that  case  it  is  hoped  that  the  defence  of  Boston, 
&  the  possession  of  the  circumjacent  posts  necessary  to  that  defence  may  be  secured  by 
a  part  of  the  Army  &  another  part  detached  under  the  command  of  one  of  the  Majors 
General  to  recover  possession  of  New  York,  which  is  in  every  light  a  post  of  the 
greatest  importance."  Turning  next  to  Rhode  Island,  Lord  Dartmouth  says,  "It  is  not 
wished  to  encourage  ideas  of  a  separation  of  our  Force  into  small  detachments  that  may 
hazard  the  loss  of  the  whole,  &  therefore  I  shall  only  observe  that  the  insular  part  of 
the  Colony  of  Rhode  Island  appears  to  me  to  be  a  post  of  very  great  advantage,  not 
only  from  its  situation  in  general  but  as  it  would  keep  open  a  communication  between 
Boston  &  New  York,  &  from  which  either  might  in  case  of  exigency  receive  succour  & 
support." — July  I,  Stevens  Transcripts,  Library  of  Congress;  Bancroft  MSS.,  England 
and  America,  New  York  Public  Library. 

All  such  dreams  faded  after  the  arrival  (July  25)  of  Gage's  report  of  the  battle  of 
Bunker  Hill.  Lord  Dartmouth,  who  had  been  so  confident  of  the  English  position  in  Bos 
ton,  quickly  decided  to  relinquish  it.  In  a  long  letter  written  a  few  days  after  the  receipt 
of  the  report,  he  notes  the  possible  necessity  of  quitting  Boston  and  perhaps  removing 
the  entire  force  to  Halifax  and  Quebec  (August  2,  American  Archives,  4th,  III,  7)  ; 
and  only  four  weeks  later  he  sends  to  Howe  (about  to  succeed  Gage)  the  message 
(given  in  the  concluding  sentence  of  the  main  text  of  this  chapter)  that  the  King 
considers  it  not  only  advisable  but  "necessary  to  abandon  Boston  before  the  winter" 
(September  5,  American  Archives,  4th,  III,  642). 

Historians  have  noted  the  effect  of  the  battle  on  conditions  in  Boston,  and  Gage's — 
and  Howe's — consequent  desire  to  evacuate  it;  its  effect  also  on  public  and  official 
opinion  in  England  and  elsewhere  in  Europe;  and  further  that  in  November  there 
arrived  from  England  instructions  to  abandon  the  town:  but  the  direct  connection 
between  the  battle  itself  and  the  evacuation  order  has  been  obscured  by  the  length  of 
time  required  for  sailing  vessels  to  make  a  complete  circuit  of  correspondence  between 
the  English  commander-in-chief  in  Boston  and  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  State  in 
London.  No  wireless — no  cable — no  steamships  then  1  Many  students  have  failed  to 
realize  that  Lord  Dartmouth's  letters  of  August  2  and  September  5  were  based  on  con 
ditions  of  much  earlier  dates.  The  report  of  the  battle  of  June  17  was,  as  noted  above, 
not  received  in  London  until  July  25.  When  Lord  Dartmouth  prepared  his  "abandon 
Boston"  letter  of  September  5,  he  had  in  hand  only  the  reports  of  conditions  immediately 
following  the  battle.  Even  at  the  moment  of  signing,  he  was  in  receipt  of  no  advice  of 
later  Boston  date  than  July  26. 

One  sees  also  occasional  reference  to  the  advice  of  Lord  Barrington,  Secretary  of  War, 
so  early  as  November  12,  1774,  to  Lord  Dartmouth,  that  the  troops  be  withdrawn  from 
Boston  as  "a  place  where  at  present  they  can  do  no  good,  and  without  intention,  may 
do  harm." — Political  Life  of  Wm.  Viscount  Barrington,  140.  But  this  advice  can 
have  had  little,  if  any,  influence  with  Lord  Dartmouth  and  his  associates,  for  the  general 
plan  advocated  was  diametrically  opposed  to  the  royal  and  ministerial  policy.  Bar- 
rington's  idea  was  to  rely  exclusively  upon  the  navy  to  reduce  Massachusetts  to  sub 
mission — by  cutting  off  the  fisheries,  killing  commerce,  etc.  He  would  have  Gage 
withdraw  all  troops  from  the  province — first  moving  them  from  Boston  and  then 
taking  them  back  to  England  when  "a  proper  juncture  shall  offer  for  their  return." 
Barrington's  idea  of  Massachusetts  popular  sentiment  was  ludicrously  inaccurate. 
He  would  have  Gage  instructed  that,  on  thus  removing  his  troops  from  Boston,  he 
should  remind  the  people  of  Massachusetts  that  it  was  their  own  fault  that  he  was 
abandoning  them  unprotected  to  the  "tyrannical  anarchy"  which  had  come  upon  them!  — 
that  he  must  leave  the  colony  to  be  the  prey  of  its  own  "present  distracted  state,  until 
it  shall  become  disposed  to  co-operate  in  helping  itself  to  a  better." 


CHAPTER    VII 

Criticisms  of  the  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill 

IN  the  preceding  chapter  I  have  told  the  story  of  the 
Breed's  Hill-Bunker  Hill  battle  from  headquarters'  stand 
point.  It  reads  differently  from  other  accounts  because  it 
is  based  in  part  on  contemporary  records  hitherto  over 
looked,  but  I  have  been  careful  to  avoid  personal  bias  and 
have  eschewed  embellishment  and  partisan  argument. 

I  have  no  quarrel  with  those  who  criticize  either  the  con 
ception  or  the  execution  of  the  battle.1  There  is  room  for 
honest  disagreement  on  both,  and  hindsight  can  always  find 
points  on  which  to  hang  or  by  which  to  bolster  an  argument. 

1  The  animadversions  of  James  Warren,  of  Plymouth,  are  considered  on  pages  142, 
162-163.  See  also  the  reference  to  Henry  Dearborn,  of  New  Hampshire,  on  page  142. 
Other  criticisms  are  either  milder  or  in  their  exaggeration  hold  an  element  of  humor: 

Lieutenant  Samuel  D.  Webb  could  in  his  Connecticut  enthusiasm  find  no  good  in  any 
general  officer  except  Putnam!  He  wrote,  June  19,  1775:  "For  God's  sake,  to  urge 
Gen.  Lee  and  Col.  Washington  to  join,  head-officers  is  what  we  stand  greatly  in  need 
of;  ive  have  no  acting  head  here  but  Putnam — he  acts  nobly  in  everything."  This  quota 
tion  is  from  an  extract  from  an  additional  leaf  of  the  Chester- Webb  letter  of  June  19, 
printed  in  Frothingham's  Siege  of  Boston,  416,  Third  and  later  editions.  Neither  the 
extract,  nor  any  other  part  of  the  additional  leaf,  is  given  in  Ford's  Correspondence  and 
Journals  of  Samuel  B.  Webb.  The  facsimile  in  the  latter  work  of  the  main  part  of 
the  Chester-Webb  account  also  differs  from  the  copyist's  description  in  the  Siege  of  Boston. 

Colonel  Paul  Dudley  Sargent,  in  his  turn,  could  see  only  New  Hampshire  men!  It 
was  his  retrospective  opinion  that  if  Ward  had  "marched  the  whole  of  his  troops  then 
in  Cambridge  to  Charlestown  not  one  of  the  enemy  would  have  escaped,  but  instead  of 
that  he  only  walked  Hasting's  front  yard  the  whole  day."  Then,  continuing,  he 
brushed  to  one  side  all  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  fighters,  to  bestow  the  entire 
credit  of  June  17  on  Stark's  and  Reed's  New  Hampshire  men,  for  "those  two  regi 
ments  did  all  that  was  done  that  day,  of  any  consequence." — Letter,  December  20,  1825, 
to  S.  Swett.  Another  part  of  this  letter  by  Sargent  is  quoted  on  page  130,  note  14. 

An  unsigned  report  by  an  English  government  agent  recorded  a  poor  opinion  of  Ward 
as  expressed  by  two  French  officers,  then  in  London  after  a  visit  to  America,  whom  he 
believed  to  be  "in  the  service  of  the  Rebel  Americans."  Their  statements,  though, 
cannot  be  taken  very  seriously,  for  they  include  very  tall  yarns  of  the  devices  which 
the  "rebel  chiefs"  employed  "to  keep  up"  the  spirit  of  the  Americans,  "some  of  which 
they  themselves  were  witness  to,  such  as  making  their  own  people  put  on  English  regi- 

139 


1 40  ARTEMAS  WARD  Wg*  47 

Some  of  the  questions  which  have  long  engaged  writers 
and  controversialists  can  now  be  laid  to  rest,  settled  by  the 
publication  of  new  contemporary  evidence  and  the  better 
consideration  of  old.  Of  these  are  the  viewpoints  of  the 
American  military  leaders  at  Cambridge  concerning  both  the 
Bunker  Hill  project  and  the  possibility  of  occupying  Dor 
chester  Neck;  the  original  plan  for  the  relief  of  the  detach 
ment;  and  lesser  items,  as  the  supply  of  "drinking  water." 
Some  others  must  still  remain  largely  a  matter  of  individual 
opinion. 

Questioning  the  fundamental  policy  of  the  expedition,  one 
may  ask  with  much  sapience  why  the  Americans  thought  it 
necessary  to  occupy  the  Charlestown  peninsula,  when  egress 
from  Boston  by  that  route  could  have  been  blocked,  or 
checked,  with  much  less  risk  by  works  on  the  mainland  side 
of  Charlestown  Neck. 

It  was,  perhaps,  a  move  foolishly  reckless,  but  it  was  also 
a  move  of  high  moral  courage — and  was  rewarded  by  suc 
cess  far  beyond  all  expectations:  beyond,  if  you  will,  all 
merit!  It  had  been  projected  to  prevent  the  enemy  from 
moving  out  of  Boston  onto  the  mainland,  and  it  resulted  in 
driving  them  out  of  Boston  into  the  sea ! 

If  the  battle  had  not  been  fought,  the  English  would, 
as  their  least  exploit — and  at  little,  if  any,  cost — have  taken 

mentals,  &  come  into  Camp  in  the  character  of  Officers  &  soldiers  deserting  from  his 
Majestys  troops — &  one  man  personated  a  Member  of  Parliament." — Stevens'  Fac 
similes,  XIII,  1301. 

Another  spy  said  that  the  American  army  was  incensed  against  Ward  because  he 
"never  so  much  as  gave  one  Written  order  that  day." — Belcher,  First  American  Civil 
War,  I,  208.  This  idea  has  found  lodgment  in  the  minds  of  some  writers,  but  (irre 
spective  of  its  merits  as  an  indictment  if  it  were  accurate)  it  is  not  based  on  either 
facts  or  probabilities.  Ward's  Order  Book  contains  only  one  order  of  June  17 — 
that  to  Thomas  for  ordnance  to  be  sent  to  Cambridge  (the  separate  MS.  order  is  owned 
by  the  American  Antiquarian  Society — United  States  Revolution,  IV,  15),  but  there  can 
be  no  reasonable  doubt  that  of  the  many  others  given,  a  number  were  reduced  to  writing. 
Several  fugitive  examples  testify  to  the  probability:  two  are  in  the  possession  of  the 
Boston  Public  Library,  and  the  copy  of  the  relief  order  (page  123,  note)  tells  of  a 
third. 

John  Pitts  wrote,  July  20,  1775,  of  the  confusion  and  lack  of  command,  but  his 
references  apparently  apply  chiefly  to  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  battlefield,  for  his 
specific  complaint  is  that  "there  were  not  officers  enough  to  lead  the  men  on." — Frothing- 
ham.  Siege  of  Boston,  160. 


'775]      THE  BATTLE  OF  BUNKER  HILL          141 

possession  of  Dorchester  Neck  within  the  next  twenty-four 
hours.  Quickly  following  would  have  come  their  occupation 
of  the  Charlestown  peninsula.2  And  thereafter,  even  should 
they  have  found  it  impossible  to  make  any  further  advance, 
they  could  have  safely  and  easily  maintained  the  town  and 
harbor  as  a  base  for  operations  against  both  New  England 
and  New  York. 

One  comes  next  to  Ward's  judgment  against  large  early 
reinforcement  of  Prescott's  detachment,  and  his  determina 
tion  to  hold  his  center  in  full  strength  until  the  enemy  had 
displayed  his  choice  of  attack. 

Whether  we  agree  or  disagree  with  him,  the  contingency 
upon  which  he  based  his  judgment  was  at  all  events  no  fallacy, 
for  the  letters  of  General  Howe — soon  to  replace  Gage  as 
English  commander-in-chief — tell  us  that  Cambridge  was  the 
main  objective  in  his  plan  for  raising  the  siege.3 

It  was  impossible  for  Ward — or  anyone  else  in  the  Ameri 
can  camp — to  divine  what  proportion,  if  any,  of  the  British 
strength  would  be  sent  over  the  Charlestown  peninsula  in  the 
face  of  the  American  intrenchments,  and  what  proportion 
by  way  of  Lechmere's  Point4  or  Willis  Creek. 

An  attack  by  way  of  Lechmere's  Point  or  Willis  Creek 
was  a  very  real  peril.  Washington  also  so  regarded  it  when, 
nine  months  later,  the  American  forces  undertook  the  occu 
pation  of  Dorchester  Neck.  We  find  him  carefully  avoiding 
the  danger  of  unduly  weakening  his  center,  though  the  Amer 
ican  lines  had  by  that  time  been  greatly  strengthened  and 
Lechmere's  Point  had  been  converted  into  a  strongly  forti- 

2  General  Burgoyne  to  Lord  Stanley,  American  Archives,   4th,  II,    1094. 

3  Howe's   plan   was,    first   to   occupy   Dorchester   Neck   and    make   an    attack   upon    Rox- 
bury.     Then  "to  go  over  with  all  we  can  muster"  to  the  Charlestown  peninsula  and  thence 
"either  attack  the  Rebels  at  Cambridge ;  Or  perhaps,  if  the  Country  admits  of  it,  endeavor 
to  turn  that  post:   ...   In  either  case,  I  suppose  the  Rebels  will  move  from  Cambridge; 
And  that  we  shall  take  and  keep  possession  of  it." — General  Howe  to  Lord  Howe,  June 
12,    1775,  Proceedings  of  the  Bunker  Hill  Monument  Association,  1907,    115.      The  same 
plan,  in  different  words,   appears   in  General   Howe's   letter  to  General   Harvey,  June   12, 
1775.     Ibid.,  ill. 

4  See  the  quotation  from  Colonel  Sargent's  letter  on  page   130,  note   14. 


i42  ARTEMAS  WARD  1*9*47 

fied  position,  equipped  with  some  of  the  heavy  Ticonderoga 
guns. 

I  hesitate  to  refer  to  James  Warren's  criticism  that  Ward 
"never  left  his  house"  all  day — repeated  with  variations 
forty-three  and  fifty  years  later  by  Dearborn5  and  Sargent0— 
for  to  me  it  has  always  seemed  trivial.  It  has,  though,  been 
so  widely  quoted  that  it  cannot  be  ignored. 

One  might  indeed  indict  the  sentence  itself  for  malicious 
intent  to  deceive.  To  many  readers  it  has  suggested  a  con 
dition  which  has  no  foundation  in  fact.  That  Ward  "never 
left  his  house"  all  day,  might  or  might  not  signify  a  measure 
of  the  "callous  indifference"  with  which  one  hasty  writer 
charged  him,  even  if  it  meant  that  he  had  remained  away 
from  his  post  and  stayed  home  to  nurse  the  sickness  which 
had  seized  him.  But  the  "house"  in  which  he  stayed  was  both 
his  own  army  headquarters  and  also  that  of  the  Committee 
of  Safety — the  very  heart  and  center  of  the  besieging  force. 

It  happens  that  James  Warren's  statement  was  not  liter 
ally  true,  for  Daniel  Putnam  and  David  Townsend,  calling 
at  headquarters  at  different  hours,  both  found  Ward  out  on 
the  military  business  of  the  day;7  but  I  am  quite  willing  to 
accept  the  statement  that  he  was  not  away  from  headquar 
ters  for  any  considerable  length  of  time  on  June  17,  and  I 
think  that  it  can  well  be  argued  that  headquarters  was  the 
proper  and  the  very  best  place  for  him  to  be  on  that  eventful 
day.  It  was  essential  that  some  one  of  high  authority  be 
there  to  receive  reports  and  to  give  orders. 

There  was  a  deplorable  amount  of  confusion  among  the 
troops  on  the  Charlestown  peninsula  and  in  the  vicinity  (ex 
cepting  always  those  holding  the  battle-line),  but  Ward,  nec 
essarily  remaining  in  Cambridge  until  the  landing  of  the 
English  reinforcement  had  completed  the  disclosure  of  his 
opponent's  plan  of  action,  could  not  have  reached  the  field  in 

8  Dearborn,  An  Account  of  the  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill. 

"  See  page   1 39,  note. 

7  See  pages    126  and    129. 


1775'}      THE  BATTLE  OF  BUNKER  HILL          143 

time  to  have  changed  conditions  there — even  if  (which  is 
doubtful)  he,  or  any  other  man,  could  have  changed  them  to 
any  great  degree. 

And  if  he  had  left  headquarters  before  the  English  com 
mander  had  displayed  his  intention,  he  would  have  been  tak 
ing  an  entirely  unjustifiable  hazard. 

All  of  which  seems  very  plain,  yet  apparently  some  of 
Ward's  critics  would  have  liked  to  see  him  put  the  last  keg 
of  powder  in  a  coach  and  drive  over  to  the  Charlestown 
peninsula  in  order  to  make  a  complete  show  for  the  spectators 
in  Boston. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

June  i8-July  3,  7775:  Age  47 

The  American  camp  after  the  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill.  The  election  of 
George  Washington  as  Commander-in-chief  of  the  American 
forces.  Artemas  Ward  commissioned  as  First  Major-General  ; 
Charles  Lee  as  Second  Major-General.  The  arrival  of  Washing 
ton  and  Lee  at  Cambridge. 

THE  sudden  shock  of  battle  and  the  menace  of  a  re 
newed  onslaught  by  the  English  redcoats  had  tempo 
rarily  cleared  the  surcharged  political  atmosphere  of  the 
camps,  but  the  spirit  of  insubordination  was  still  rife  and  for 
some  hectic  hours  was  heightened  by  poisonous  rumors  charg 
ing  treachery  at  Bunker  Hill  in  some  of  the  officers.1  The 
accusations  were,  however,  quickly  discredited2  and  their 
venom  as  speedily  dissipated,  leaving  a  better  feeling  in  their 
wake. 

Further  relief  proceeded  from  the  handbills  sent  broad 
cast  by  the  Provincial  Congress — with  the  authority,  finally 
received,  of  the  Continental  Congress — for  the  election  of 
representatives  to  a  General  Court  to  function  "as  near  as 

1  Diary  of  Ezekiel  Price,  June  19,  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  Proceedings,  VII, 
191. — "An  opinion  prevails  among  the  Continental  Army,  that  treachery  was  in  some  of 
the  Continental  Officers.  A  suspicion  also  arises  among  them  that  sand  was  mixt  with 
the  powder,  and  that  the  cartridges  and  ball  being  thus  sent  was  with  design:  all  which 
creates  great  uneasiness  in  the  camp." 

Provincial  Congress,  June  20. — "Ordered,  that  Colonel  Gushing,  Major  Perley,  Colonel 
Prescott,  Colonel  Barrett,  and  Deacon  Fisher,  be  a  committee  to  inquire  into  the  grounds 
of  a  report  which  has  prevailed  in  the  army,  that  there  has  been  treachery  in  some  of 
the  officers;  and  that,  if  they  find  that  such  report  is  without  foundation,  they  bring  in 
a  resolve  for  quieting  the  minds  of  the  people,  in  respect  thereof." 

a  Diary  of  Ezekiel  Price,  June  20. — "  ...  all  the  reports  of  treachery  were  entirely 
without  foundation,  and  propagated  by  the  enemies  to  the  cause,  and  weak,  discon 
tented  men,  and  by  some  cowards  who  fled  from  the  engagement  and  formed  these  lies 
to  favour  their  escape  from  danger." 

144 


/775l  THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON  145 

may  be,  to  the  spirit  and  substance  of  the  [provincial]  char 
ter." 

The  spreading  of  this  call  for  the  resumption  of  provin 
cial  government  had  been  shortly  preceded  by  the  news  that 
Connecticut  had  formally  placed  her  troops  under  Ward's 
command;  and  was  quickly  followed  by  word  that  the  thirteen 
colonies  represented  in  the  Continental  Congress  had  united 
in  action  and  had  adopted  both  the  rebellion  and  its  army; 
and,  next,  that  Rhode  Island  had  put  her  troops  also  under 
Massachusetts  control. 

These  developments  set  increasingly  strong  checks  upon 
camp  malcontents,  for  they  suggested  and  signified  both  a 
politically  united  New  England  and  a  politically  united  "Con 
tinent"  behind  those  in  authority.  And,  fortunately  for 
Massachusetts  and  the  Revolutionary  cause,  the  flames  of 
anarchy  died  down  and  burned  themselves  out.  Indiscipline 
still  flourished,  but  sedition  had  passed. 

A  new  and  confident  military  ardor  also  pervaded  the 
ranks  as  a  result  of  the  battle.3 

3  Some  writers  have  pictured  the  American  forces  as  thrown  into  dismay  by  the  loss 
of  the  Charlestown  peninsula.  To  get  oneself  into  the  proper  frame  of  mind  to  believe 
this,  one  must  discard  the  testimony  of  the  men  who  lived  and  fought  in  those  days ! 

Both  the  project  and  its  execution  drew  a  certain  quantity  of  censure,  and  there  was 
hurry  and  fear  among  the  non-combatants  in  nearby  towns,  but  the  typical  American 
attitude  was  the  very  opposite  of  "dismay": 

"We  remain  in  good  spirits  as  yet,  being  well  satisfied  that  where  we  have  lost  one 
they  lost  three." — Colonel  Stark,  June  19,  to  the  President  of  the  New  Hampshire 
Provincial  Congress.  Nc<w  Hampshire  Provincial  Papers,  VII,  523. 

"Our  Troops  are  in  exceeding  high  spirits,  &  their  Resolution  increases,  they  long  to 
speak  with  them  again." — Wm.  Williams,  June  20.  Frothingham,  The  Battle-Field  of 
Bunker  Hill,  42. 

"The  ministerial  troops  gained  the  hill,  but  were  victorious  losers.  A  few  more  such 
victories,  and  they  are  undone." — Wm.  Tudor,  June  26,  to  John  Adams.  Frothingham, 
Siege  of  Boston,  396. 

"I  wish  we  could  sell  them  another  hill  at  the  same  price.  .  .  .  Our  people  are  in 
good  spirits." — General  Greene,  June  28,  to  his  brother  Jacob  Greene,  Chairman  of  the 
Committee  of  Safety,  Warwick,  R.  I.  Johnson,  Sketches  of  the  Life  of  Nathanael 
Greene,  I,  32. 

"I  am  glad  to  hear  that  the  Number  of  killed  &  wounded  on  the  side  of  the  Enemy 
amounts  to  so  many  more  than  1000.  I  dare  say  you  would  not  grudge  them  every 
Hill  near  you  upon  the  same  terms." — Samuel  Adams  to  James  Warren,  July  2.  Pro 
ceedings  of  the  Bunker  Hill  Monument  Association,  1898,  26. 

"The  Continental  army  .  .  .  were  in  high  spirits." — Diary  of  Ezekiel  Price,  June  20, 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society  Proceedings,  VII,  191. 

Letters   printed   in    the   newspapers   breathe   the    same   spirit. 


146  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  47 

Other  vital  problems  still  remained,  however,  for  the 
battle  had  emphasized  the  need  for  powder,  artillery,  tents, 
clothing,  etc.  On  the  day  following,  Ward  wrote  to  the 
Committee  of  Supplies  voicing  his  "immediate  want"  of 
"large  Ordnance,  a  Quantity  of  powder,  and  small  Musket 
Balls";4  and  on  June  19  to  the  Provincial  Congress  say 
ing,  "I  must  earnestly  entreat  the  Congress  to  furnish  the 
train  of  artillery  with  a  company  of  artificers  immediately,  as 
the  army  greatly  suffers  for  want  of  them.  This  ought  to 
have  been  one  of  the  first  establishments,  and  I  hope  the 
Congress  will  not  delay  the  matter  a  day  longer."5 

Then  again  to  the  Committee  of  Supplies  the  very  urgent 
reminder  of  the  need  for  tents,  blankets,  etc.,  reproduced  on 
the  page  opposite. 

On  the  same  day  (June  24)  the  Provincial  Congress  or 
dered  the  dispatch  of  appeals  to  Connecticut,  Rhode  Island, 
and  New  Hampshire  for  an  "immediate  augmentation"  of 
their  troops.  It  declared  that  it  had  "the  best  grounds  to 
suppose  that,  as  soon  as  the  enemy  have  recovered  a  little 
breath  from  their  amazing  fatigues  of  the  seventeenth  of 
June,"  and  their  "surprising  losses"  should  be  made  up  by 
the  arrival  of  new  troops,  "which  is  almost  daily  taking 
place,"  they  would  make  "the  utmost  efforts"  to  break  the 
American  lines  and  "strike  general  terror  and  amazement 
into  the  hearts  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  whole  continent." 

But  the  English  generals  never,  during  all  their  remaining 
sojourn  in  Boston,  sufficiently  recovered  from  the  "amazing 
fatigues"  engendered  by  the  "seventeenth  of  June"  to  feel 
any  desire  to  again  force  the  American  lines  I 

They  did,  however,  hope  to  consummate  their  plan  for  the 
occupation  of  Dorchester  Neck,  and  they  set  Friday  or 
Saturday  (June  23  or  24)  for  the  purpose.6  But  Ward, 

4  Artemas   Ward   MSS. 

''American  Archives,  4th,  II,   1028. 

"  "I  may  therefore  safely  predict,  that  with  our  present  Force,  the  and  Divisn  from 
Ireland  not  being  yet  arrived,  we  shall  not  do  more  than  to  possess  these  Heights 
[Breed's  Hill  and  Bunker  Hill]  &  the  Dorchester-neck,  wch  Gen.  Clinton  will  take 


«\ 


,j  //; 

Fl   *J 


tn       *>  * 


<*-~s 


>+S~t*+* 

t^t&ei 


"^  * 


^ 


From  the  original   (6J4  x 


in  the  Massachusetts  Archives 


WARD'S  DEMAND  THAT  THE  TROOPS  BE  PROTECTED 
FROM  THE  WEATHER 


'775]  THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON  147 

learning  their  intention,  reinforced  Thomas's  division,  and 
Gage  reconsidered  his  determination  and  renounced  the 
project.7 

This  same  Saturday  (the  twenty-fourth)  brought  news  of 
the  Continental  Congress  election  (June  15)  of  George 
Washington  (iately  "Colonel  Washington  of  Virginia")  to 
the  supreme  command  of  the  American  forces;  that  (June 
17)  Ward  had  been  made  second  in  command,  and  Charles 
Lee,  third. 

On  June  17,  also,  the  lesser,  but  very  important,  post  of 
adjutant-general  had  been  given  to  another  English  officer- 
Horatio  Gates,  a  retired  English  major  who  had  settled  in 
the  Shenandoah  Valley,  Virginia,  after  the  peace  of  1763. 

Advice  of  the  appointments  had  been  sent  in  letters  by  Han 
cock  andothers.  Thoughintendedforofficialinformationonly,8 

possession  of,  either  to  morrow  or  on  Saturday." — General  Howe  to  Lord  Howe,  June  22, 
1775.  Stopford-Sackville  MSS.,  II;  Proceedings  of  the  Bunker  Hill  Monument  Asso 
ciation,  1907,  121. 

[June]  "23d.  .  .  .  great  talk  of  some  expedition  tomorrow ;  the  6^d  rcgt  and  Batt.  of 
Marines  being  order'd  to  Boston,  and  the  flank  companies  of  the  64th  from  the  Castle." — 
Diary  of  a  British  officer,  Atlantic  Monthly,  XXXIX,  551. 

7  June    24 :    "The    expedition    talked    of    was    to    attack    Dorchester    Hill,    and    was    to 
have  been  today  at  6  oclock  in  the  morng.     All  the  Troops  on  this  side   [Charlestown] 
were   drawn   out   and    paraded   on   the   Hill    [Bunker   Hill]    and    some   march'd    into    the 
road ;   this  was  to  alarm   the   Rebels   on  this   side   and  keep  off  their  attention ;    but   soon 
after  we  heard  it  was  put  off,  the  Genl  hearing  they  had  got  intelligence  and  had  rein 
forced  that  place  with  4000  men." — Diary  of  a  British  officer,  Ibid. 

"Four  days  ago  I  received  an  order  to  command  three  armed  vessels,  and  to  put 
myself  under  the  command  of  General  Gage;  as  soon  as  I  did  I  was  ordered  to  be  ready 
at  six  o'clock  next  morning  to  cover  a  part  of  some  Troops  which  were  to  make  an 
attack  on  the  left  side  of  Boston,  and  to  flank  a  breastwork  and  a  wood,  which  was 
supposed  had  a  number  of  men  in  it ;  but  about  seven  o'clock  General  Clinton  sent  to  me 
not  to  proceed,  till  farther  orders  from  him.  Some  little  time  after  I  was  ordered  up  to 
General  Howe's  camp  to  lie  with  the  vessels  on  his  right,  where  I  last  night  left  them, 
having  been  relieved,  as  I  had  not  been  in  bed  for  four  nights.  I  found,  since  I  came 
down,  the  reason  of  the  attack  not  going  on  was,  that  the  rebels  knew  of  our  coming, 
and  had  seven  or  eight  thousand  men  ready  to  receive  us.  I  own  I  could  have  wished 
it  had  went  on,  as  I  had  placed  the  vessels  in  such  a  situation  as  must  have  mowed 
them  down,  and  done  great  execution." — Extract  of  a  letter  from  a  British  officer  in 
Boston,  June  26,  1775,  American  Archives,  4th,  II,  1107. 

8  "I    am   under   a   strict    Injunction   not    to   Communicate   the    Doings    of   Congress,    but 
two   or  three   Circumstances   having   Taken   place   in   Congress    which   affected   our   Army, 
indued  me  to  ask  Leave  to  mention  them   which   I   obtain'd   with   this   positive   Direction 
that  at  present  they  be  not  mentioned  in  the  Newspapers  which  you  will  please  observe." — 
John  Hancock  to  Joseph  Warren,  June   18,    1775,  Proceedings  of  the  Bunker  Hill  Monu 
ment  Association,   1898,  22. 


i48  ARTEMAS  WARD  [40*47 

it  filtered  through  rapidly  and  became  camp  gossip  within 
forty-eight  hours.9 

It  is  unnecessary  to  re-tell  the  story  of  the  appointment  of 
Washington  as  commander-in-chief.10  Careful  students  no 
longer  find  in  it  any  reflection  upon  Ward.  They  have  read 
John  Adams'  testimony11  and  know  that  in  the  Congress 
which  held  the  decision  "the  greatest  number"  were  for  Ward 
to  head  the  continental  armies,  but  that  his  title  to  first  place 
was  sacrificed  by  the  New  England  statesmen  to  meet  the 
overwhelming  necessity  of  uniting  the  colonies.12 

America's  great  good  fortune  wa-s  that,  for  once,  the 
choice  of  expediency  was  also  the  best  choice.  During  the 
first  stages  of  the  conflict  Washington  frequently  proved  his 
lack  of  military  perspective  and  experience,  but  not  all  the 
seven  years  of  the  war  developed  another  man  as  capable. 
He  grew  to  great  stature  in  the  school  of  experience. 

I  "We   hear   a   chief   officer    is    appointed,    Gen.    Washington    of   Virginia,    to    supersede 
in  the  command  of  the  troops  here." — June  26,   1775,  Diary  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Storrs, 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society  Proceedings,  XIV,  86. 

10  The  choice  of  Washington  satisfied  the  pride  of  the  Southern  delegates  and  dis 
pelled  their  fear  of  a  military  Massachusetts  dominating  the  other  colonies.  That  was 
the  preponderant  motive  underlying  his  nomination — but  it  was  not  the  only  one.  The 
conclusion  at  which  John  Adams  arrived  was  strengthened  by  several  additional,  and 
very  important,  points.  To  be  acceptable  to  all  of  the  provinces  it  was  essential  that 
the  commander-in-chief  selected  be  native-born,  of  proved  courage,  and  of  military 
prominence ;  or  the  troops  of  strange  provinces  might  refuse  to  acknowledge  him.  He 
must  be  a  man  sufficiently  aggressive  politically  to  command  the  respect  of  the  New 
England  patriot  leaders — civilian  and  other;  yet  he  should  also  be  moderate  enough  to 
ease  the  minds  of  the  less  ardent  in  the  central  colonies.  It  was  desirable  that  he  be  of 
social  importance,  for  the  encouragement  of  the  rather  small  proportion  of  the  well- 
to-do  on  the  patriot  side.  All  of  these  requirements  were  combined  with  remarkable 
completeness  in  Washington's  personality,  character,  career,  and  circumstances. 

II  Works  of  John  Adams,  II,   415-418;   X,    162-165. 

12  John  Adams  and  his  companions  fully  realized  how  desperate  was  New  England's 
need  for  the  assistance  of  the  other  colonies.  To  continue  unsupported  the  fight  against 
Great  Britain  meant  certain  destruction.  With  the  other  colonies  indifferent  or  (as 
perhaps  some  of  them)  actively  loyal,  the  British  forces — regulars  and  loyalist  militia — 
could  come  to  the  attack  from  every  side — and  there  was  not  enough  powder  in  New 
England  to  carry  the  provincial  armies  through  a  single  campaign. 

There  were  then  no  powder  mills  in  New  England ;  and  with  the  sea  and  surround 
ing  country  under  English  control,  no  powder  could  have  been  obtained  from  out 
side.  All  the  patriotism  of  New  England's  sons  would  have  weighed  but  little 
against  empty  casks  and  empty  horns:  and  to  learn  the  trade  of  making  powder  while 
defending  themselves  against  an  empire,  would  have  required  more  than  human 
strength  and  ingenuity. 

A  condition  that,  later,  spelled  serious  danger  for  the  united  colonies  would  have 
meant  the  political  annihilation  of  a  detached  group. 


/775]  THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON  149 

And  Charles  Lee — what  were  his  thoughts  when  the  Con 
gress  reached  its  decision?  Disgruntled  and  disappointed 
he  was  without  a  doubt,  for  he  had  failed  to  achieve  his 
dream  of  American  leadership.13  He  had  jockeyed  himself 
so  far  to  the  front  in  popular  esteem  that  a  number  of  dele 
gates  had  urged  his  name  for  the  chief  command;  but  not  all 
his  adroitness  and  ability  had  been  sufficient  to  win  that  high 
prize.  The  Congress  was  filled  with  a  superlative  belief 
in  his  knowledge  and  skill,  was  anxiously  eager  to  secure  his 
services,  and  was  imbued  with  sincere  deprecation  of  colonial 
experience  in  the  art  of  war;  but  a  majority  of  the  delegates 
drew  back  at  the  suggestion  that  the  supreme  command  be 
placed  in  the  hands  of  a  foreign  officer. 

Lee  had,  next,  played  for  second  place,  but  that  also 
eluded  him.  In  harmony's  interest  and  for  the  quicker  weld 
ing  of  the  colonies,  the  delegates  had  unanimously  joined 
in  the  appointment  of  Washington  as  commander-in-chief, 
but,  led  by  John  Adams,  those  who  had  previously  advocated 
Ward  for  that  post  refused  to  set  his  name  aside  again. 
Not  even  the  magic  of  Lee's  foreign  service,  nor  their  desire 
to  gratify  his  demands,  could  prevail  upon  them  to  rank  him 
above  Ward. 

For  third  place,  that  of  second  major-general,  Lee  re 
ceived  the  vote  of  the  Congress,  so  he  brushed  aside  his 
ultimatum  of  "either  second  or  nothing"  and  accepted  the 
commission. 

Two  men  between  him  and  his  ambition!  But  still  no 
reason  to  lose  hope  of  making  his  dream  come  true!  It  is 
seldom  that  the  general  heading  an  army  at  the  inception  of 
a  war  is  in  the  saddle  when  it  ends.  There  were  many  pit 
falls  ahead  that  were  likely  to  prove  disastrous  to  inexperi 
enced  riders.  Charles  Lee  might  yet  confound  his  old  ene 
mies  in  England  by  confronting  them  as  America's  leader! 

13  In  the  month  following  the  appointments,  Lee  declared  that  he  might  have  con 
sidered  "at  least  the  preferment  given  to  General  Ward  over  me  as  the  highest  indig 
nity." — To  General  Thomas,  July  23,  1775,  Lee  Papers,  I,  197.  As  Washington  was 
the  only  other  officer  placed  over  him,  the  inference  is  plain. 


1 50  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  47 

On  June  26  the  Congress  delegated  Benjamin  Church 
(still  high  in  Revolutionary  councils,  still  unsuspected)  and 
Moses  Gill  as  a  committee  to  repair  to  Springfield,  there  to 
receive  Washington  and  Lee  uwith  every  mark  of  respect 
due  to  their  exalted  characters  and  stations"  and  "to  pro 
vide  proper  escorts  for  them,  from  thence,  to  the  army  before 
Boston." 

Three  days  later  Ward  gave  "Washington"  as  parole 
and  "Virginia"  as  countersign.  This  started  a  fresh 
set  of  rumors  which  before  night  had  spread  through  the 
lines  into  Boston,  telling  of  "Colonel  Washington's  being 
expected  this  day  to  take  upon  him  the  Command  of  the 
Rebel  Army."14 

On  the  following  day  Ward  received  Hancock's  two  let 
ters  of  June  22:  one  telling  him  of  the  appointment  of 
Schuyler  and  Putnam  as  fourth  and  fifth  major-generals, 
and  of  eight  brigadier-generals;  the  other  transmitting 
his  commission  as  first  major-general.  The  second  letter 
is  reproduced,  together  with  Ward's  acceptance,  on  the  page 
opposite.15 

Washington  and  Lee  were  on  the  same  day  met  at  Spring 
field  by  the  Provincial  Congress  escort. 

14  Lieutenant-Colonel   Kemblc's  Journal,  Kemble  Papers,  I,  45. 

15  Ward's  apprehension,  expressed  in  his  letter  of  acceptance,  that  some  of  the  appoint 
ments  might  create  "uneasiness"  was   fully  justified.      Washington  was  much   troubled  by 
the  ill  feeling  they  excited.     He  informed  the  Continental  Congress  that  "General  Spencer 
[5th  brigadier-general]   was  so  much  disgusted  at  the  preference  given  to  General  Putnam 
[5th  major-general]    that   he  left   the   Army   without   visiting   me,   or   making   known   his 
Intentions  in  any  respect."      In  consequence,  Washington  held  back  the  other  commissions 
until   receiving   further  advice,   for  he  feared   that,   in   the   appointments   of  the   brigadier- 
generals,    the   "postponing  of   General    Thomas   to   Pomeroy   and    Heath    [the   placing   of 
Thomas   as   6th,   with    Pomeroy   as    ist   and   Heath   as   4th],    whom   he   has   commanded, 
would  make  his  continuance  very  difficult,   and  probably  operate  on  his  Mind,   as  the  like 
Circumstance  has  done  on  that  of  Spencer." 

Though  the  commissions  were  held  back,  the  news  of  the  appointments  had  become 
public  property  and  it  affected  Thomas  as  Washington  had  anticipated. 

Strong  influence  was  brought  to  bear  upon  Thomas,  for  his  resignation  would  have 
been  a  serious  loss.  Charles  Lee  was  among  those  who  urged  him  to  remain  in  the 
service,  invoking  his  patriotism  in  his  country's  hour  of  trial.  It  was  in  his  exhortation 
to  Thomas  that  Lee  made  his  allusion  to  his  being  passed  over  in  favor  of  both  Wash 
ington  and  Ward  that  is  quoted  on  the  preceding  page,  note  13.  Thomas  remained,  and 
very  shortly  after  received  the  continental  appointment  as  first  brigadier-general  "in  the 
room  of  General  Pomeroy,  who  never  acted  under  the  commission  sent  to  him." 


From  the  original    (7j^  X  12 5/3),  owned  by  the  Massachusetts  Historical   Society 

PRESIDENT  HANCOCK'S  LETTER  TRANSMITTING 

WARD'S  COMMISSION  AS  FIRST  MAJOR-GENERAL 

OF  THE  CONTINENTAL  ARMY 


X 


tiy  rft.   ^s^< 
1  // 

S/Sf*.  <&?*- 


__ 


, 


, 


• 

*S  sr+rsStsr  s^& 


45/0  ***"  &****£•  <rt£c^& 


From  the  original   (,ll/2  *><•  12)    in  the  Library  of  Congress 

WARD'S  LETTER  ACCEPTING  HIS  COMMISSION  AS  FIRST 
MAJOR-GENERAL  OF  THE  CONTINENTAL  ARMY 


17751  THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON  151 

Two  days  later,  on  the  morning  of  Sunday,  July  2,  they 
reached  Watertown. 

The  Provincial  Congress  was  ready  for  them  with  ad 
dresses  of  welcome  prepared  and  adopted  at  the  session  of 
the  preceding  day.  The  glamour  cast  by  Lee  may  be  noted 
even  here :  the  address  to  Washington  lacked  nothing  in  re 
spect  or  cordiality,  but  that  to  Lee  displayed  more  personal 
enthusiasm. 

Upon  James  Warren  as  the  new  president  of  the  Provin 
cial  Congress,  succeeding  Joseph  Warren,  who  had  died 
at  Bunker  Hill,  devolved  the  chief  honor  of  receiving  Wash 
ington  in  the  provisional  capital  of  the  province.  It  was  an 
unhappy  augury  for  the  future  relationship  of  two  men  so 
dissimilar  as  the  Massachusetts  Puritan  and  the  rich  planter 
from  Virginia,  that  from  James  Warren,  General  Ward's 
detractor — instead  of  from  Dr.  Joseph  Warren,  his  friend- 
Washington  should  receive  an  advance  impression  and  an 
advance  judgment  of  the  man  he  was  to  succeed.  If  Joseph 
Warren  had  lived,  Washington  would  have  continued  on 
toward  the  American  camp  with  a  very  different  and  much 
truer  impression  of  Artemas  Ward  and  his  works. 

It  was  between  twelve  and  one  o'clock  (some  accounts  say 
two  o'clock)  when  Washington,  weary  from  the  journey  and 
the  ceremonies  en  route,  rode  quietly  into  the  little  town  of 
Cambridge,  which  was  to  serve  as  his  headquarters  thence 
forth  so  long  as  the  British  flag  waved  over  the  capital  of 
Massachusetts.16 

18  Irving's  Life  of  George  Washington,  First  edition,  I,  496  (different  page  number  in 
other  editions),  says  that  "As  he  entered  the  confines  of  the  camp  the  shouts  of  the 
multitude  and  the  thundering  of  artillery  gave  note  to  the  enemy  beleaguered  in  Boston 
of  his  arrival."  Lodge's  George  Washington,  I,  134,  also  greets  him  with  the  "booming 
of  cannon."  Other  old  style  historians  have  similarly  indulged  their  imaginations. 

All  this  is  spurious.  It  is  thus  one  writes  of  the  arrival  of  the  famed  or  conquering 
general — but  Washington  had  not  yet  made  the  name  or  established  the  reputation  by 
which  we  know  him.  The  records  of  July  2,  British  and  American  alike,  contain  no 
reference  to  any  cannonading  at  the  time  of  Washington's  arrival.  The  English  firing 
(upon  Roxbury)  had  ceased  several  hours  earlier  and  there  was  none  by  the  Americans. 

Even  without  these  disproofs  one  would  naturally  regard  such  statements  with  sus 
picion — Ward  would  not  have  ordered  and  Washington  would  not  have  desired  the  use 
of  powder  in  complimentary  salvos  of  artillery.  The  irreplaceable  value  of  every  grain 


1 52  ARTEMAS  WARD  \.Age  47 

There  is  no  record  of  how  the  newly  arrived  officers  spent 
that  Sunday  afternoon  and  evening,  but  tradition  has  it  that 
their  first  dinner  at  Cambridge — with  Ward  as  host — was  an 
affair  of  much  joviality.17  Ward  welcomed  his  successor, 
the  new  commander-in-chief,  in  the  same  spirit  of  whole 
hearted  unpretentious  sincerity  with  which  he  had  received 
the  news  of  his  appointment. 

The  next  day  (which  was  "exceeding  pleasant"  in  the  morn 
ing,  but  "towards  noon,  very  warm"18)  Washington  formally 
assumed  the  command. 

No  eye-witness  recorded  the  occasion  despite  its  high 
historic  significance,  but  Ward  had  arranged  that  it  should 
be  "attended  with  a  great  deal  of  grandeur."  The  troops 
had  been  "turned  out  early  in  the  morning"  to  be  "got 
in  readiness  to  be  reviewed"  and  there  .were  "one  and 
twenty  drummers,"  all  especially  drilled  "respecting  their 
duty,"  and  "as  many  fifers,  beating  and  playing  around  the 
parade."  10 

was  in  every  patriot  mind,  and  the  Provincial  Congress  resolution  of  June  26  had  ex 
plicitly  echoed  John  Adams'  admonition  (to  Elhridge  Gerry,  June  18,  1775,  Austin'* 
Life  of  Gerry,  I,  90)  against  any  such  consumption. 

T  "In  the  long,  low  dining-room,  fronting  on  the  common,  and  separated  from  the 
parlor  hy  a  double  vestibule,  lighted  by  small  heavily  sashed  windows  on  either  side  and 
opening  out  by  another  main  door  in  that  direction,  Ward  entertained  Washington  and 
the  other  generals  soon  after  their  arrival,  the  banquet,  if  not  brilliant  in  its  appoint 
ments,  having  been  enlivened,  tradition  tells  us,  by  patriotic  songs." — Amory,  Old  Cam 
bridge  and  New,  23. 

"Washington  .  .  .  first  dined  at  Cambridge  with  General  Ward  and  his  officers, — an 
occasion  when  all  restraint  appears  to  have  been  cast  aside  in  the  spontaneous  welcome 
which  was  extended  him.  After  dinner,  Adjutant  Gibbs,  of  Glover's,  was  hoisted  (Eng 
lish  fashion),  chair  and  all,  upon  the  table,  and  gave  the  company  a  rollicking  bachelor's 
song,  calculated  to  make  the  immobile  features  of  the  chief  relax.  It  was  a  generous, 
hearty  greeting  of  comrades  in  arms.  Glasses  clinked,  stories  were  told,  and  the  wine 
circulated.  Washington  was  a  man ;  we  do  not  question  that  he  laughed,  talked,  and 
toasted  with  the  rest." — S.  A.  Drake,  Historic  Fields  and  Mansions  of  Middlesex,  262 
(also,  same  page  number,  in  the  same  work  later  published  as  Old  Landmarks  and  His 
toric  Fields  of  Middlesex  and  Historic  Mansions  and  Highways  around  Boston). 

18  Diary  of  Ezekiel   Price,  July   3,    1775,   Massachusetts   Historical  Society   Proceedings, 
VII,   194. 

19  Ward's    Order   Book,    July    2,    1775;    Paul    Lunt's    Diary,    July    3,    1775;    letter    of 
Lieutenant  Joseph   Hodgkins,  July  3,    1775,  Ipswich  Antiquarian  Papers,  June,    1881. 

Many  historians  and  multitudinous  orators  have  pictured  the  camp  as  full  of  enthusiasm 
on  Washington's  assumption  of  the  command.  All  such  statements  may  be  set  aside, 
for  such  writers  and  speechmakers  are  again  self-deluded  by  a  wrong  perspective. 

There  was  no  such  sentiment  on  July  3,  1775.     It  is  probable  that  by  that  date  every 


'775] 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON  153 


New  Englander  had  heard  of  "Washington  of  Virginia" — and  that  some  of  them  had 
from  a  much  earlier  period  held  him  admiringly  in  mind.  Further,  having  discussed 
among  themselves,  town-meeting  style,  the  political  exigencies  of  the  situation,  the  rank 
and  file  had  accepted  the  action  of  their  representatives  in  the  Continental  and  Provincial 
Congresses  and  were  ready  to  receive  Washington  with  deference  and  fair  cordiality. 

But  that  is  all  one  can  say.  There  was  no  general  enthusiasm — that  was  to  come 
in  after  years  when  he  had  earned  it  by  many  long  days  and  nights  devoted  to  America's 
cause.  No  one  was  sufficiently  impressed  by  his  assumption  of  the  command  to  send  a 
letter  to  any  newspaper,  though  events  of  much  lesser  moment  were  thus  reported ;  no 
one  seems  to  have  described  the  ceremony  in  any  letter  to  family  or  friends;  and  no 
diary  recorded  it. 

There  are  the  references  already  quoted  concerning  the  preparations  for  music  and 
parade,  but — of  authentic  material — nothing  more. 

Most  of  the  many  diaries,  memoirs,  etc.,  that  I  have  consulted  pass  both  July  2  and  3 
without  any  reference  to  Washington.  Some  diarists  noted  his  arrival — as  Jonathan  Car 
penter  (Original  diary,  owned,  1921,  by  N.  L.  Boyden,  Randolph,  Vt.),  Noah  Chapin 
(Original  diary,  Connecticut  Historical  Society),  Reverend  David  Avery  (Original  diary — 
in  one  of  the  volumes  owned  by  Hannah  C.  Partridge,  Hartford,  Conn.),  Caleb 
Haskell  (Diary],  General  Heath  (Memoirs],  James  Thacher  (Journal],  Ezekiel 
Price  (Diary,  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  Proceedings,  VII,  194),  James  Stevens 
(Journal,  Essex  Institute  Historical  Collections,  XLVIII,  49),  Ezra  Stiles  (Literary 
Diary,  I,  582)  ;  but  all  of  these  nevertheless  pass  July  3  without  speaking  of  his 
installation.  Carpenter  records  that  he  "took  the  command,"  but  this  evidently  refers 
to  his  arrival,  for  the  entry  is  of  July  2.  Several  diaries  specifically  testify  that  on  July  3 
there  happened  "Nothing  new"  or  "Nothing  remarkable"  or  "Nothing  extraordinary": 
as  those  of  Caleb  Haskell,  Samuel  Haws  (Military  Journals  of  Tico  Private  Soldiers, 
60),  John  Kettell  (Original  diary,  Frothlngham  Papers,  1630-1775,  Massachusetts 
Historical  Society),  and  James  Stevens. 

Simms'  Life  of  Nathanacl  Greene,  I,  33,  states  that  "It  was  Greene  who,  according 
to  the  usage  of  the  time,  welcomed  Washington  to  the  army  in  a  public  address,"  but 
this  statement  is  incorrect.  Greene's  own  testimony  in  his  letter  of  July  4,  1775  (Geo. 
W.  Greene's  Life  of  Nathanael  Greene,  I,  99),  is  as  follows:  "I  sent  a  detachment  today 
of  two  hundred  men,  commanded  by  a  colonel,  lieutenant-colonel,  and  major  with  a  letter 
of  address  to  welcome  his  Excellency  to  camp.  The  detachment  met  with  a  very  gracious 
reception,  and  his  Excellency  returned  me  a  very  polite  answer,  and  invitation  to  visit 
him  at  his  headquarters." 

Lodge  in  his  George  Washington,  I,  134,  quotes  Dr.  Thacher  to  lend  verisimilitude 
to  his  story  of  the  installation:  "The  next  day  he  rode  forth  in  the  presence  of  a  great 
multitude,  and  the  troops  having  been  drawn  up  before  him,  he  drew  his  sword  beneath 
the  historical  elm-tree  and  took  command  of  the  first  American  army.  'His  Excellency,' 
wrote  Dr.  Thacher  in  his  journal,  'was  on  horseback  in  company  with  several  military 
gentlemen.  It  was  not  difficult  to  distinguish  him  from  all  others.  He  is  tall  and  well 
proportioned,  and  his  personal  appearance  truly  noble  and  majestic.'  "  But  the  quotation 
from  Dr.  Thacher  is  of  an  encounter  of  July  20,  seventeen  days  later  (Thacher's  Mili 
tary  Journal], 

In  conclusion,  one  may  read  with  some  curious  interest  the  following  alleged  recollec 
tion  of  the  ceremony  published,  1883,  in  Secomb's  History  of  the  Town  of  Amhcrst, 
N.  PL,  371.  The  account  had  been  given  to  the  author  forty  or  so  years  earlier  by 
Andrew  Leavitt,  a  very  old  soldier,  then  about  ninety  years  of  age. 

"The  officers  placed  their  men  in  as  good  shape  as  they  could,  but  they  were  a  motley 
looking  set,  no  two  dressed  alike.  Some  were  armed  with  fowling  pieces,  some  with 
rifles,  others  with  muskets  without  bayonets.  When  all  was  in  readiness,  Washington 
and  his  staff  advanced  to  the  square  prepared  for  their  reception.  He  was  a  large 
noble  looking  man,  in  the  prime  of  life,  and  was  mounted  on  a  powerful  black  horse 
over  which  he  seemed  to  have  perfect  control. 

"After  a  short  address  to  the  soldiers,  he  took  from  his  pocket  a  Psalm  book,  from 
which  he  read  the  one  hundred  and  first  Psalm  (another  account  says  it  was  then  sung 
by  the  soldiers  to  the  tune  of  Old  Hundred)." 


CHAPTER  IX 

Criticisms  of  Ward  as  Commander-in-chief 

I  HAVE  said  that  I  have  no  quarrel  with  those  who  cen 
sure  either  the  conception  or  the  execution  of  the  battle 
of  Bunker  Hill,  and  I  make  the  most  generous  allowances 
for  overheated  and  overstated  assertions  and  insinuations  in 
spired  by  it,  whether  of  contemporary  or  later  date;  but  I 
do  most  decidedly  protest  against  the  manner  in  which,  con 
cerning  other  periods  of  Ward's  tenure  as  commander-in- 
chief,  contemporary  testimony  has  been  distorted  and  mis 
used  to  the  disadvantage  of  his  reputation. 

Bancroft  promulgated  the  theory  that  Ward  was  incom 
petent  as  commander-in-chief  j1  and  it  has  been  adopted  by 
many  historians,  both  American  and  English.  But  its  founda 
tions  are  fictitious,  and  examination  crumbles  them  to  nothing. 

The  witnesses  marshaled  by  Bancroft  were  Joseph 
Warren,  Elbridge  Gerry,  and  James  Warren.  One  finds 
that  the  first  two  did  not  testify  against  Ward;  and  that  the 
third,  though  violently  anti-Ward,  became  indirectly  his  best 
witness. 

This  is  not  the  only  instance  in  which  Bancroft  sacrificed 
historical  accuracy  to  the  zest  of  portraying  a  special  view 
point  and  nullified  the  value  of  his  great  historical  labors  by 
incorrectness  of  statement  or  quotation — but  that  fact  has  not 
saved  Ward's  reputation  from  being  cruelly  wounded. 

The  most  serious  injustice  has  been  that  wrought  by  Ban 
croft's  declaration  that  Joseph  Warren,  one  of  the  finest 

1  Bancroft?!  History  of  the  United  States,  early  editions,  VII,  321,  388-389,  405; 
Centenary  editions,  IV,  541,  589-590,  602;  "Author's  last  revision,"  IV,  173. 

'54 


/775]  AS  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  155 

characters  of  his  time,  held  but  a  poor  opinion  of  General 
Ward  as  commander-in-chief:  that  he  noted  his  inefficiency 
for  the  post,  and  advised  his  supersession.  These  statements 
have  carried  much  weight  because  intimate  association  gave 
Warren  full  opportunity  for  judgment — but  they  are  entirely, 
utterly  untrue. 

Especially  insidious  is  the  perversion  of  the  Joseph  War 
ren  letter  of  May  17,  1775,  to  Samuel  Adams  which  accom 
panied  the  Provincial  Congress  letter  of  May  16  to  the 
Continental  Congress  (both  of  which  letters  I  have  cited  in 
an  earlier  chapter).2 

The  Provincial  Congress  letter,  also  signed  by  Joseph 
Warren  (as  President  pro  tern.),  was  devoted  chiefly  to 
voicing  the  serious  need  for  the  reestablishment  of  civil  gov 
ernment  in  Massachusetts  and  the  urgent  Massachusetts  de 
sire  for  the  advice  and  cooperation  of  the  other  colonies. 

It  concluded  with  the  following  request  that  the  Conti 
nental  Congress  assume  the  direction  of  the  army: 

uAs  the  Army  collecting  from  different  colonies,  is  for  the 
general  defence  of  the  rights  of  America,  we  would  beg 
leave  to  suggest  to  your  consideration  the  propriety  of  your 
taking  the  regulation  and  direction  of  it,  that  the  operations 
may  more  effectually  answer  the  purpose  designed." 

It  would  be  easy  to  expand  on  the  numerous  reasons — 
political  as  well  as  military — that  rendered  both  desirable 
and  essential  the  supreme  control  by  the  Continental  Con 
gress  of  the  separate  independent  colonial  armies  raised,  and 
being  raised,  in  defense  of  a  common  cause;  but,  in  so  far 
as  it  affects  the  point  under  discussion,  the  important  fact  is 
that  the  Provincial  Congress  letter  did  not  express  any 
lack  of  faith  in  Ward's  ability,  nor  did  it  request  or  sug 
gest  putting  any  one  in  his  place.  On  the  contrary,  the  Pro 
vincial  Congress  immediately  followed  it  by  preparing  a 
formal  commission  for  Ward  as  commander-in-chief  of  the 
Massachusetts  forces.  It  is  its  own  authority  which  it  offers 

2  See  page  no,  note  27;  also  pages  113—114. 


156  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  47 

to  surrender.  It  suggests  that  the  Continental  Congress  (of 
all  the  colonies),  instead  of  the  Provincial  Congress  (of  only 
Massachusetts),  ought  to  be  empowered  with  the  general 
direction  of  the  army. 

This  point  being  very  clear,  Bancroft  had  recourse  to  the 
Joseph  Warren  letter  referred  to — that  of  May  17  to  Samuel 
Adams,  which  accompanied  the  Provincial  Congress  letter. 
Bancroft  described  Warren's  letter  as  "interpreting"  the 
conclusion  of  the  Provincial  Congress  letter  as  a  request  that 
the  Continental  Congress  take  the  command  by  appointing 
a  .generalissimo,  and  succeeded  this  by  declaring  that  the 
generalissimo  whom  Warren  (and  others)  desired  was 
Washington.3  These  statements  follow — are  in  the  same 
paragraph  with — his  assertions  that  Warren  had  observed 
"the  incompetency  of  Ward  for  his  station"  and  that  "every 
hour  made  it  more  imperative  that  he  be  superseded." 

Nothing  could  be  more  completely  inaccurate  than  the  im 
pression  thus  created.  There  is  not  in  Warren's  letter  of 
May  17 — nor  in  any  other  letter  by  him — any  statement  or 
suggestion,  direct  or  indirect,  that  asperses  in  even  the  slight 
est  degree  either  Ward  or  his  ability;  nor  the  expression  of 
any  wish  for  Washington  or  any  other  man  to  fill  Ward's 
place.  One  finds,  instead,  direct  testimony  to  Ward's  hold 
upon  the  troops — for  Warren  fears  that,  despite  its  self- 
evident  desirability,  the  assumption  of  the  general  direction 
of  the  army  by  the  Continental  Congress  may  cause  trouble 
among  the  Massachusetts  men,  as  they  may  object  to  having 
anyone — whether  a  continental  committee  or  a  continental 
generalissimo — placed  in  command  over,  or  in  place  of, 
Ward;  and  so  he  sends  the  following  warning: 

"I  would  just  observe  that  the  application  made  to  you 

8  Bancroft's  History  of  the  United  States,  early  editions,  VII,  388-380;  Centenary 
editions,  IV,  589-590.  His  "last  revision,"  1884,  dropped  his  earlier  citation  of 
Joseph  Warren,  Gerry,  and  James  Warren  as  witnesses  to  Ward's  "incompetency,"  hut  it 
continued  the  charge  (IV,  173)  and  carried  a  new  inaccuracy — the  direct  assertion  that 
(IV,  203)  Joseph  Warren's  letter  of  May  17  interpreted  the  Provincial  Congress 
letter  of  May  16  "as  a  request  that  the  continent  should  'take  the  command  of  the 
army  by  appointing  Washington  as  its  generalissimo.1  " 


1775'}  AS  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  157 

respecting  the  taking  the  regulation  of  this  army  into  your 
hands,  by  appointing  a  committee  of  war,  or  taking  the  com 
mand  of  it  by  appointing  a  generalissimo,  is  a  matter,  I 
think,  must  be  managed  with  much  delicacy." 

Bancroft  (and  many  of  those  following  him)  adopted 
from  Warren's  letter  both  the  idea  of  the  "delicacy"  re 
quired,  and  the  word  itself — but  they  misapplied  it.  They 
have  made  it  appear  that  Ward's  "private  virtues"  consti 
tuted  one  of  the  chief  reasons  for  using  "delicacy"  in  super 
seding  him.  The  context  shows,  however,  that  the  "delicacy" 
advised  had  nothing  to  do  with  any  possibility  of  reflecting 
upon  his  "private  virtues"  or  reputation,  or  of  hurting  his 
feelings,  but  was  essential  in  the  choosing  of  either  a  com 
mittee  or  a  generalissimo  to  assume  from  his  hands  the  reins 
of  chief  command  lest  the  troops  should  balk  at  the  orders 
of  such  a  committee  or  generalissimo  and  defy  their  or  his 
authority.  For,  continuing,  it  was  then  that  Warren  re 
marked: 

"Unless  great  care  is  taken,  some  dissentions  may  arise  in 
the  army,  as  our  soldiers,  I  find,  will  not  yet  be  brought  to 
obey  any  person  of  whom  they  do  not  themselves  entertain  a 
high  opinion." 

With  the  complete  letter  before  one,4  there  is  no  possi 
bility  of  misunderstanding.  Political  conditions  direct  the 
offer  of  the  supreme  command  of  the  army  to  the  Continental 
Congress,  but  its  assumption  must  be  very  "delicately" 

4  Here  is  the  full  literal  text  of  Joseph  Warren's  letter  of  May  IJ,  /775-' 
"Yesterday  Dr.  Church  was  appointed  to  wait  on  the  Continental  Congress,  with  the 
address  from  this  Congress,  which  renders  it  unnecessary  for  me  to  write  so  perticularly 
to  you  as  I  intended,  as  you  will  have  from  him  an  Exact  state  of  Affairs,  viva  Voce. 
I  would  just  observe  that  the  Application  made  to  you  respecting  the  taking  the  Regu 
lations  of  this  Army  into  your  Hands,  by  appointing  a  Committee  of  War,  or  takeing 
the  Command  of  it  by  appointing  a  Generalissimo,  is  a  Matter  I  think  must  be  managed 
with  much  Delicacy.  I  am  a  little  suspicious  unless  great  care  is  taken,  some  Dissen 
tions  may  arise  in  the  Army,  as  our  Soldiers  I  find  will  not  yet  be  brought  to  obey  any 
Person  of  whom  they  do  not  themselves  entertain  an  High  Opinion.  Subordination  is 
absolutely  necessary  in  an  Army;  but  the  Strings  must  not  be  drawn  too  tight  at  first. 
The  Bands  of  Love  &  Esteem  must  be  principally  relied  on  amongst  Men  who  know 
not  of  any  Distinction  but  what  arises  from  some  superior  Merit.  I  know  your  Prudence 
and  thorough  Knowledge  of  our  Countrymen,  their  many  Virtues  and  their  few  Faults. — 
The  matter  of  taking  up  Government  I  think  cannot  occasion  much  debate,  if  the  South- 


i58  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  47 

handled  to  avoid  offending  the  Massachusetts  men  assembled 
under  Ward's  command. 

That  political  conditions  constituted  the  controlling  im 
pulse  is  further  clinched  by  the  fact  that  Warren's  first 
reference  is  not  to  a  "generalissimo"  but  to  a  continental 
"Committee  of  War"  as  the  chief  military  executive.5 

If  he  had  meant  more — if  he  had  felt  that  the  cause  was 
suffering  from  Ward's  continuance — he  would  not  have  hesi 
tated  to  so  express  himself  to  Samuel  Adams,  for  he  and 
Adams  were  very  close  friends.6 

Consider,  next,  Elbridge  Gerry — another  of  the  three  men 
cited  by  Bancroft  as  having  observed  the  "incompetency  of 
Ward."  His  views  and  testimony  on  the  army  command  and 
the  military  situation  are  in  his  letter  of  June  4,  1775,  to 
the  Massachusetts  delegates  in  the  Continental  Congress. 
This  letter  has  been  widely  quoted  and  misquoted,  but  not 
so  heavily  employed  as  Joseph  Warren's  of  May  17,  because 
it  is  improbable  that  it  reached  Philadelphia  in  time  to  have 
had  any  influence  on  John  Adams'  sudden  determination  to 
achieve  the  coup  d'etat  which  resulted  in  the  election  of 
Washington  to  the  post  of  commander-in-chief. 

An  impartial  reader  vainly  seeks  in  Gerry's  letter  for  any 
reflection  on  Ward. 

crn  Colonies  have  any  Apprehensions  from  the  Northern  Colonies,  they  surely  must 
now  be  for  an  Establishment  of  Civil  Government  here,  for  as  an  Army  is  now  necessary, 
or  is  taking  the  Field,  it  is  obveous  to  every  one,  if  they  arc  without  Controul,  a  military 
Government  must  certainly  take  Place;  and  I  think  I  cannot  see  a  Question  with  them 
to  determine  which  is  most  to  be  fearrd,  a  military,  or  a  civil  Government. 

I  am  Dear  Sir  with  great  Esteem,  Your  most  Obedient  Servant, 

Jos.  WARREN." 

The  original  (May  14—17,  1/75)  is  among  the  Samuel  Adams  Papers,  New  York 
Public  Library.  A  copy  edited  to  modern  capitalization,  punctuation,  etc.,  is  in  Frothing- 
ham's  Life  of  Joseph  Warren,  485. 

5  The  manner  of  the  Continental  Congress's  adoption  and  regulation  of  the  army 
proved  to  be  fundamentally  different  from  a  widely  prevalent  idea  of  a  continental 
"Committee  of  War"  or  "generalissimo"  which  would  permit  the  continued  existence  of 
the  various  colonial  armies  under  their  own  commandcrs-in-chief.  Under  such  a  "Com 
mittee  of  War,"  Washington  would  have  been  commander-in-chicf  of  the  Virginian 
forces;  Ward  of  the  Massachusetts;  Schuyler  of  the  New  York.  Under  the  alternative, 
Washington  would  probably  have  held  the  double  role  of  continental  generalissimo  and 
Virginian  commander-in-chief. 

"Wells,  Life  of  Samuel  Adams,  IT,  313-314;  Frothingham,  Life  of  Joseph  Warren, 
27,  525  note. 


/775]  AS  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  159 

After  emphasizing  the  lack  of  money  and  gunpowder,  and 
the  vital  necessity  for  the  reestablishment  of  government, 
Gerry  says: 

"We  want  also  a  regular  general  to  assist  us  in  disciplining 
the  army,  which  in  twelve  months'  time,  and  perhaps  less,  by 
frequent  skirmishes  may  be  brought  to  stand  against  any 
troops,  however  formidable  they  may  be,  with  the  sounding 
names  of  Welsh  fusileers,  grenadiers,  etc." 

But  this  cannot  be  accepted  as  evidence  against  Ward 
unless  one  wishes  to  decry  every  colonial  officer,  including 
Washington  himself.  A  "regular  general" — i.e.,  a  profes 
sional  soldier — must  necessarily,  at  that  time,  have  been  of 
European  training;  and  the  man  whom  Gerry  had  in  mind 
(as  one  discovers  in  his  next  sentence)  was  the  Englishman 
Charles  Lee. 

A  "regular  general" — one  versed  in  the  training  and  dis 
ciplining  of  large  numbers  of  men — was  certainly  needed; 
but  not  only  during  Ward's  tenure  as  commander-in-chief. 
Such  experience  was  as  prime  an  essential  under  Washington 
as  under  Ward.  Hence  the  great  value  attached  to  the  ser 
vices  of  Charles  Lee  and,  even  so  late  as  the  winter  of  1777- 
1778,  the  impelling  need  for  the  organization  and  drill,  in 
structions  and  reforms  instituted  by  the  Prussian  general 
Steuben  in  Washington's  headquarters  army.7 

It  is  after  his  reference  to  Charles  Lee  and  his  acknowl 
edgment  that  "the  pride  of  our  people  would  prevent  their 
submitting  to  be  led  by  any  general  not  an  American,"  that 

7  A  further  reference  to  General  Steuben,  the  conditions  he  found,  etc.,  appears  on 
pages  172—173,  note  14. 

It  is  important  that  the  student  bear  in  mind  that  slighting  references  by  either  con 
temporary  or  later  writers  should  be  regarded  only  so  far  as  they  are  supported  by 
facts.  If  unsupported  statements  are  to  be  accepted,  one  may  well  be  tempted  to  push 
the  Revolutionary  records  from  him  with  a  sigh  for  the  ability  and  character  of  the 
founders  of  the  United  States — for  all  of  the  leaders  of  that  eventful  period  were  sub 
jected  to  scathing  abuse. 

The  criticisms  of  Ward  are  matched  by  similar  criticisms  of  Washington.  We  find 
Washington  accused  of  lack  of  decision  and  initiative — the  count  made  by  several  his 
torians  against  Ward.  We  find  the  same  charges  against  the  discipline  of  the  men  under 
Washington  that  were  made  against  the  army  under  Ward — even  to  invidious  com 
parison,  praising  by  contrast  a  subordinate  officer. 

It  has  always  been  found  easy  to  abuse  the  man  in  command ! 


160  ARTEMAS  WARD  Wge  47 

Gerry  makes  his  much-quoted  reference  to  Washington — as 
follows: 

"I  should  heartily  rejoice  to  see  this  way  the  beloved 
Colonel  Washington,  and  do  not  doubt  the  New  England 
generals  would  acquiesce  in  showing  to  our  sister  colony  Vir 
ginia,  the  respect,  which  she  has  before  experienced  from  the 
continent,  in  making  him  generalissimo." 

Thus  we  again  sense  the  strong  impulse  for  political  unity. 
Gerry  holds  Washington  in  very  high  esteem,  but  the  reason 
given  for  the  New  England  commanders'  expected  acquies 
cence  is  neither  the  feeling  of  any  imperative  need  for  Wash 
ington  as  commander-in-chief,  nor  any  dissatisfaction  with 
Ward.  It  is  a  matter  of  deference  to  Virginia — showing  to 
her  "the  respect  which  she  has  before  experienced  from  the 
continent." 

Gerry  adds,  "This  is  a  matter  in  which  Dr.  WTarren  agrees 
with  me."  Here  is,  even  at  second-hand,  Joseph  Warren's 
only  expression  bearing  upon  Washington  as  generalissimo, 
and  we  find  it  presented  as  of  political  inspiration — not  con 
ceived  by  distrust  of  Ward's  ability  but  having  for  its  object 
the  gratification  of  Virginia  and  the  closer  welding  of  the 
colonies. 

Furthermore,  in  Gerry's  letter,  even  the  expressed  great 
necessity  for  the  reestablishment  of  civil  government,  and  the 
desire  for  a  "regular  general"  and  George  Washington,  are 
subordinate  points — the  chief  need  is  for  assistance  by  am 
munition  and  money.  If  they  could  be  furnished,  the  writer 
felt  no  doubt  of  the  result,  even  without  other  continental 
aid.  "A  full  supply  of  these,"  he  declared,  "would  render 
Lord  North  and  his  myrmidons  as  harmless  as  they  are  in 
famous."  8 

*  ft i- low  is  the  full  text  of  Gerry's  letter  of  June  4,  1775  (fJitfd  to  modern  capitali 
zation)  : 

"A  public  express  for  your  honorable  body  gives  me  opportunity  to  hand  you  informa 
tion  of  the  affairs  of  this  province.  From  the  confusion,  in  which  the  engagement  at 
Lexington  threw  the  people,  they  are  now  beginning  to  recover,  and  I  hope  by  the 
speedy  assistance  of  some  form  of  government  that  the  measures,  which  will  be  neces 
sary  for  defence,  will  not  only  be  practicable,  but  executed  here  with  success.  The 


/775]  AS  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  161 

So  disappear  the  main  foundations  of  the  charge,  so  in 
correctly  reported  and  so  carelessly  perpetuated,  that  his  con 
temporaries  considered  Ward  deficient  as  commander-in- 
chief.  One  finds  nothing  of  the  sort  by  Joseph  Warren,9  nor 

spirit  of  the  people  is  equal  to  our  wishes,  and  if  they  continue  as  they  began,  it  will 
be  as  familiar  to  fight  as  to  pursue  the  dangers  of  the  ocean.  We  want  assistance  by 
ammunition  and  money.  A  full  supply  of  these  would  render  Lord  North  and  his 
myrmidons  as  harmless  as  they  are  infamous.  We  have  stripped  the  seaports  of  canvass 
to  make  tents ;  and  it  is  of  great  importance  to  possess  ourselves  of  about  five  hundred 
pieces  of  ravens  duck  to  keep  the  soldiers  in  health.  I  should  be  glad  if  the  bearer 
could  obtain  it  on  the  credit  of  our  vote,  as  we  want  all  our  specie  to  send  out  of  the 
government  for  other  purposes ;  but  I  am  doubtful  whether  you  can  assist  us  in  this 
matter  although  very  important,  as  the  great  objects  of  your  attention  must  take  up  your 
whole  time. 

"Government  is  so  essential  that  it  cannot  be  too  soon  adopted;  and  although  no 
argument  can  be  necessary  to  convince  you  of  so  plain  a  truth,  yet  it  may  not  be  amiss 
to  hint  a  matter  which  can  only  be  discovered  by  being  where  it  has  taken  place.  The 
people  are  fully  possessed  of  their  dignity  from  the  frequent  delineation  of  their  rights, 
which  have  been  published  to  defeat  the  ministerial  party  in  their  attempt  to  impress 
them  with  high  notions  of  government.  They  now  feel  rather  too  much  their  own 
importance,  and  it  requires  great  skill  to  produce  such  subordination  as  is  necessary. 
This  takes  place  principally  in  the  army;  they  have  affected  to  hold  the  military  too 
high,  but  the  civil  must  be  first  supported,  and  unless  an  established  form  of  govern 
ment  is  provided,  it  will  be  productive  of  injury.  Every  day's  delay  makes  the  task 
more  arduous. 

"We  want  also  a  regular  general  to  assist  us  in  disciplining  the  army,  which  in 
twelve  months'  time,  and  perhaps  less,  by  frequent  skirmishes  may  be  brought  to  stand 
against  any  troops,  however  formidable  they  may  be,  with  the  sounding  names  of  Welsh 
fusileers,  grenadiers,  etc.  And  although  the  pride  of  our  people  would  prevent  their 
submitting  to  be  led  by  any  general  not  an  American,  yet  I  cannot  but  think  that  general 
Lee  might  be  so  established  as  to  render  great  service  by  his  presence  and  councils  with 
our  officers.  I  should  heartily  rejoice  to  see  this  way  the  beloved  Colonel  Washington, 
and  do  not  doubt  the  New  England  generals  would  acquiesce  in  showing  to  our  sister 
colony  Virginia,  the  respect,  which  she  has  before  experienced  from  the  continent, 
in  making  him  generalissimo. 

"This  is  a  matter  in  which  Dr.  Warren  agrees  with  me,  and  we  had  intended  to 
write  you  jointly  on  the  affair. 

"The  letter  from  our  joint  committees  and  the  generals  to  the  congress  will  come 
before  you,  and  nothing  further  is  necessary  on  this  head." — Austin,  Life  of  Elbridge 
Gerry,  I,  77~79- 

9  It  is  of  curious  interest  to  note  in  how  many  different  ways,  and  in  what  strained 
manners,  the  name  of  Dr.  Warren  has  been  used  to  detract  from  Ward's  reputation — 
despite  the  fact  that  in  life  the  two  men  were  warm  friends  and  held  each  other  in  mutual 
esteem.  For  example: 

Avery's  History  of  the  United  States,  V,  263,  says:  "Ward  was  not  energetic  enough 
to  satisfy  the  provincial  congress,  and,  on  the  fourteenth  of  June,  the  more  active  Warren 
was  made  the  second  major-general  of  the  Massachusetts  forces." 

Viewed  from  a  competent  knowledge  of  the  acts  of  the  Provincial  Congress,  Avery's 
comment  reads  as  an  attempt  to  invent  a  piece  of  contemporary  testimony  against  General 
Ward! 

On  June  13,  an  election  was  held  with  the  understanding  that  the  person  named 
should  be  first  major-general.  But  Dr.  Warren  was  not  chosen,  the  post  going  to 
John  Whitcomb,  a  man  fourteen  or  fifteen  years  older  than  Ward.  The  next  day,  the 
election  for  second  major-general  installed  Dr.  Warren. 

By  Avery's  comment,   one  must  judge  that  if  a  commander-in-chief  is  noticeably   lack- 


1 62  ARTEMAS  WARD  {.Age  47 

by  Gerry,  nothing  beyond  the  universal  Massachusetts  desire 
for,  and  need  of,  continental  support;  to  obtain  which,  one 
and  all  of  those  good  Bay  State  patriots — Ward  himself, 
Joseph  Warren,  the  two  Adamses — as  others — were  ready  to 
sacrifice  the  pride  of  personal  position;  were  ready  to,  and 
did,  as  occasion  demanded,  stand  aside,  or  accept  or  resign 
responsibility:  whichever  way  could  best  serve  their  country. 
By  elimination  we  have  come  to  the  head  of  the  stream- 
James  Warren  of  Plymouth,  the  only  one  remaining  of  the 
three  men  cited  by  Bancroft,  and  the  true  source  and  foun- 
tainhead.  There  is  no  mistaking  James  Warren's  attitude. 
He  was  not  only  Ward's  most  malicious  detractor — he  was 
also  an  extremely  successful  detractor;  for  his  calumnies10 

ing  in  energy,  the  specific  remedy  is  to  appoint  a  more  elderly  /irj/-assistant  and  an  active 
second -assistant.  Unless  Ward's  lack  of  energy  became  noticeable  only  between  June  13 
and  June  14 1 

The  truth  is  of  course  that  some  one  had  to  be  elected  second  major-general,  whether 
or  not  Ward  was  energetic. 

10  James  Warren  to  John  Adams,  June  2O,  //75:  "Had  our  brave  men,  posted  on 
Ground  injudiciously  at  first  taken,  had  a  Lee  or  a  Washington  instead  of  a  General 
destitute  of  all  military  Ability  and  Spirit  to  command  them,  it  is  my  Opinion  the  day 
would  have  terminated  with  as  much  Glory  to  America  as  the  igth  of  April.  This  is 
our  great  Misfortune,  and  is  remediless  from  any  other  quarter  than  yours.  We  dare 
not  superceed  him  here — it  will  come  well  from  you,  and  really  merits  your  attention." 
— Warren-Adams  Letters,  I,  63  ;  and  elsewhere. 

James  Warren  to  Samuel  Adams,  June  21,  1775:  "Fine  fellows  you  know  our 
Countrymen  are  and  ivant  nothing  but  a  general  of  spirit  and  abilities  to  make  them 
a  fine  army,  all  our  Efforts  which  are  many  cannot  supply  that  defect,  yours  must 
do  it.  could  you  believe,  he  never  left  his  house  on  Saturday  last;  I  shall  add  no  more. 
I  wish  that  was  the  worst  of  it."  '  The  words  italicized  have  been  struck  out,  by  a  later 
hand,  from  the  original  letter  in  the  New  York  Public  Library  (Samuel  Adams  Papers). 
The  full  text,  in  modernized  form,  is  given  in  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  Proceed 
ings,  XIV,  8 1  ;  and  elsewhere. 

James  Warren  to  John  Adams,  June  27,  1775:  "I  can't  but  hope  you  will  make 
some  suitable  provision  for  our  General  Thomas.  His  merits  in  the  military  way  have 
surprised  us  all.  I  can't  describe  to  you  the  odds  between  the  two  camps.  While  one 
has  been  spiritless,  sluggish,  confused  and  dirty,  I  mean  where  General  Putnam  and 
our  Friend  Warren's  influence  have  not  had  their  effects;  the  other  has  been  spirited, 
active,  regular  and  clean." — Warren-Adams  letters,  I,  68. 

James  Warren's  charges  do  not  lend  themselves  satisfactorily  to  critical  dissection 
because  of  their  sweeping  generality  and  indefinite  innuendo — lack  of  "military  ability"; 
"I  wish  that  was  the  worst  of  it,"  etc.  They  contain  no  specific  point  for  analysis  ex 
cept  the  assertion  that  Ward  "never  left  his  house"  on  June  17,  which  is  discussed  on 
pages  142-143.  They  are  also  affected  by  consideration  of  the  writer's  career  and  charac 
ter.  James  Warren  was  a  man  of  marked  ability  in  some  lines  (he  succeeded  Joseph 
Warren  as  President  of  the  Provincial  Congress ;  and  Washington,  later,  wished  him  to 
accompany  the  army  to  New  York  as  paymaster-general),  but  he  never  took  any  military 


/775]  AS  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  163 

have  pursued  their  object  living  and  dead  for  several  genera 
tions;  have  been  fostered  and  nurtured  and  handed  down 
even  to  this  day.  But,  praise  be,  some  measure  of  dramatic 
justice  has  also  lain  in  wait,  for  he  unintentionally  left  behind 
him  high  tribute  to  Ward's  standing  and  influence  among 
both  the  rank  and  file  of  the  army  and  its  officers,  for,  as  I 
'  have  noted  in  an  earlier  chapter,11  it  was  James  Warren  who 
testified  that  "we  dare  not  superceed  him  here." 

To  this  testimony  from  the  third  president  of  the  Provin 
cial  Congress,  and  Ward's  enemy  (writing  after  the  Battle 
of  Bunker  Hill),  following  that  of  Joseph  Warren,  the 
second  president  of  the  Provincial  Congress  and  Ward's 
friend,  I  may  add  the  esteem  with  which  he  was  regarded  by 
both  Samuel  Adams12  and  John  Adams — the  latter  testify 
ing  and  recording  that  he  had  much  to  do  to  excuse  himself, 
that  many  arguments  were  necessary  to  convince  his  friends 
that  patriotism  had  demanded  such  a  sacrifice  "of  all  our 

part  in  any  Revolutionary,  or  any  other,  campaign ;  and  never  exhibited  any  military  apti 
tude  or  knowledge.  In  personal  disposition,  furthermore,  he  was  inclined  to  petulancy — 
and  was  querulously  complainant  under  an  adverse  vote.  On  February  14,  1776  (to 
Samuel  Adams,  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  Proceedings,  XIV,  281),  he  complained 
that  the  Council  had  rejected  his  (assembly)  election  to  the  post  of  second  major-general 
of  the  militia  "in  a  manner  as  ungracious  and  indelicate  as  Bernard  or  Hutchinson  would 
have  done,"  adding,  "I  have  serious  thoughts  of  quitting  my  civil  commission  and  be 
come  an  independent  man."  And  he  was  so  great  a  stickler  for  a  point  of  personal 
precedence  that  he  resigned  the  post  when  it  was  later  given  to  him  because  of  a  fancied 
indignity  in  a  command  assigned  (page  245). 

I  have   not    come  -across    the   key   to    James    Warren's    animosity    toward    Ward ;    but 
prejudice,   even   if  it   were  nowhere  else  shown,   is   portrayed    by  the   manifest   unfairness 
of    his    letter    of    June    27,    177?,    to    John    Adams.      It    may    have    been    easy    to    deter 
mine    the    zone    of    Putnam's    influence    if    his     reference    to    Putnam    was    intended    to 
apply    only   to   Putnam's   own,    or   to    Spencer's,    Connecticut   men,    but   there    could   have 
been  no  such  /one  to  credit  to  Dr.   Warren  for  he  at  no  time  exercised   a  military  com 
mand    (he   was   killed   at   Bunker   Hill   on  the  third   day   after  his   appointment   as   second 
Massachusetts    major-general).       James    Warren's    method    was    apparently    to    attribute 
the  good  spots  to  Dr.  Warren  and  charge  the  bad  ones  to  General  Ward  1 

II  See  page   112. 

12  Samuel  Adams  promptly  rebuked  the  criticisms  (presumably  including  James  War 
ren's  attack  on  Ward)  directed  against  "some  of  our  Generals"  following  Bunker  Hill. 
"My  dear  Sir,"  he  wrote  to  James  Warren,  June  28,  "take  Care  lest  Suspicions  be  car 
ried  to  a  dangerous  Length.  Our  Army  have  behavd  valiantly.  There  may  have 
been  an  Error;  but  that  Error  may  have  proceeded  not  from  a  Want  of  Spirit  but  a  Want 
of  Judgment." — Warren-Adams  Letters,  I,  69.  And  a  few  days  later  he  was  writing 
most  cordially  to  Ward,  wishing  him  "a  still  greater  share  of  laurels"  than  the  success 
ful  conduct  of  the  siege  had  already  brought  him. — July  6,  1775,  original  letter 
owned  (1921)  by  Agnes  Ward  White,  Parkersburg,  W.  Va. 


1 64  ARTEMAS  WARD  [A 9*  47 

feelings  to  the  union  of  the  colonies"  as  the  placing  of 
Washington  above  Ward — for  Ward  was  a  ucommander-in- 
chief  universally  esteemed,  beloved,  and  confided  in  by  his 
army  and  country."  13 

Why,  in  the  face  of  such  overwhelming  evidence,  should 
it  have  been  considered  necessary  to  belittle  a  man  who 
labored  so  faithfully  for  his  province  and  his  country? 
Washington's  fame  did  not  require  the  contrast  depicted — 
his  figure  is  far  too  great  to  need  a  false  background.  It  is 
consequently  not  easy  to  understand  why  Bancroft  employed 
his  talents  as  writer  and  historian  to  strip  the  hard-earned 
laurels  from  the  brow  of  an  earlier  son  of  his  own  state.  In 
so  doing,  he  not  only  perpetuated  the  work  of  Artemas 
Ward's  first  and  chief  detractor — he  also  robbed  Massachu 
setts  of  the  finest,  purest  part  of  the  honor  that  is  due  her  for 
having  placed  the  fate  of  all  the  colonies  in  Washington's 
hands. 

Bancroft  made  a  great  point  of  his  assertion  that  Massa 
chusetts  asked  for  Washington  as  commander-in-chief,  but 
failed  to  see  that  the  plain  truth  of  the  reason  for,  and  the 
manner  of,  asking  was  in  conception  and  purpose  infinitely 
higher  and  stronger  and  nobler  than  his  own  specially-staged 
version.  It  is  not  a  pretty  picture  that  he  conjures  up— 
Massachusetts  believing  her  commander-in-chief  to  be  ineffi 
cient  and  yet  afraid  to  remove  him,  asking  the  Continental 
Congress  to  please  do  so  'and  take  charge  of  her  army  for 
her!  The  truth  is  infinitely  different:  it  discloses  a  divine 
blend  of  courage  and  patriotism  worthy  of  the  strong  souls 
that  led  in  the  Old  Bay  State.  It  shows  Massachusetts  fully 
holding  her  own  against  an  English  army  and  proudly  satis 
fied  with  the  commander-in-chief  born  and  bred  on  her  own 
soil,  but  her  spokesmen  offering  his  abnegation — and  their 
own — as  they  had  already  offered  and  risked  all  else,  on  the 
altar  of  patriotism. 

"ff'erkt   of  John   Adam*,  X,    166. 


CHAPTER  X 

July  4,  iris-January  15,  1776:  Age  47-48 

The  siege  after  Washington's  arrival.    Ward  in  command  of  the  Right 
Wing.    Incidents  of  the  siege. 

WASHINGTON  held  his  first  formal  council  of  war 
on  July  9.  Present  to  confer  with  him  were  Major- 
Generals  Ward,  Charles  Lee,  and  Putnam;  Adjutant-General 
Gates;  and  Brigadier-Generals  Thq^as,  Heath,  and  Greene. 
It  probably  galled  Lee  and  Gates°jiot  a  little  that  native 
officers  now  sat  at  the  head  of  the  table.  It  had  been  differ 
ent  in  the  old  days  of  the  French  war — which  they  all 
remembered  well,  for  both  Lee  and  Gates  had  fought  with 
Washington  at  Monongahela ;  and  Lee,  as  we  have  seen, 
had  fought  also  with  Ward  at  Ticonderoga. 

The  council  unanimously  decided  to  maintain  the  posts 
taken  under  General  Ward  and  also  agreed  not  to  attempt 
"to  take  possession  of  Dorchester  Point1  nor  to  oppose  the 
enemy  if  they  should  attempt  to  possess  it."  It  estimated 
that  an  army  of  "at  least  22,000"  was  necessary  to  maintain 
the  siege — 5000  more  than  the  existing  total  enrollment  and 
7500  more  than  the  number  of  those  returned  as  "fit  for 
duty."  It  directed  the  commander-in-chief  to  apply  to  the 
Massachusetts  Provincial  Congress  for  temporary  reinforce 
ments,  and  ordered  a  campaign  to  stimulate  recruiting. 
Weld's  Hill,  in  the  rear  of  the  Roxbury  positions,  was  chosen 

1  I.e.,  Dorchester  Neck.  The  title  of  Dorchester  Point  (or,  briefly,  "the  Point"),  later 
specifically  applied  to  that  part  facing  Castle  Island,  was  then  frequently  employed 
to  designate  the  entire  peninsula. 

165 


1 66  ARTEMAS  WARD  Wg*  47 

as  a  rendezvous  in  the  event  of  the  army  being  dispersed  by 
a  British  attack. 

On  the  following  day  Washington  reported  to  the  Conti 
nental  Congress,  enclosing  a  record  of  the  proceedings  of 
the  council.  "Considering,"  he  said,  "the  great  Extent  of 
Line,  and  the  nature  of  the  Ground,  we  are  as  well  secured 
as  could  be  expected  in  so  short  a  Time  and  under  the 
Disadvantages  we  labour."  He  further  testified  that  one  of 
the  principal  reasons  for  the  decision  to  maintain  the  posts 
that  had  been  "form'd  with  so  much  labor"  was  the  "Uncer 
tainty  of  finding  a  Place  in  all  Respects  so  capable  of  making 
a  stand."2 

To  Richard  Henry  Lee  he  wrote  on  the  same  day,  "I 
should  not,  I  think,  have  made  choice  of  the  present  posts, 
in  the  first  instance,"  but  he  added,  UI  believe  the  communica 
tion  between  the  town*  °nd  country  could  not  have  been  so 
well  cut  off  without  them."  In  this  letter  also  he  acknowl 
edged  that  "much  labor"  had  "been  bestowed  in  throwing 
up  lines,  and  making  redoubts."3 

Washington  continued  the  three-divisions  plan  of  the  army. 
On  July  22  he  assigned  the  largest  division,  that  of  the  right 
wing,  to  Ward;  the  left  wing  to  Charles  Lee;  and  the 
center,  under  his  personal  supervision,  to  Putnam. 

Ward,  three  days  later,  rode  over  to  Roxbury  to  assume 
his  new  command.  The  occasion  was  made  one  of  ceremony. 
Five  regiments  were  "marched  towards  Cambridge"  to  meet 
him  and  "waited  upon"  him  into  Roxbury.4 

The  right  wing  comprised  the  Roxbury  positions  and  their 
"southern  dependencies."  Its  northerly  lines  held  the  main 
land  base  of  Boston  Neck.  Its  easterly  lines  stretched  across 
the  mainland  base  of  the  Dorchester  peninsula  and,  by  pick 
ets,  out  on  the  Neck  itself.  By  detachments  and  special 

3  Ford,  Writings  of  Washington,  III,   10. 
•Ibid.,  23. 

4  Journal  of  Samuel   Haws,  Military  Journals  of  Two  Private  Soldiers,  62  ;    Diary  of 
Ensign  Nathaniel  Morgan,   Connecticut  Historical  Society  Collections,  VII,   103. 


1775]  THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON  167 

commands,  it  later  extended  to  a  number  of  points  along  the 
coast:  easterly  to  Squantum,  Hingham,  and  Cohasset;  and, 
for  a  time,  southerly  to  Plymouth.  Its  strongest  posts  were 
the  "Lower"  and  "High"  forts.  The  Lower  Fort  commanded 
the  Roxbury,  or  Boston  Neck,  road.  It  extended  about  400 
feet  north  and  south  and  averaged  nearly  300  feet  in  width, 
following  on  three  sides  the  natural  lines  of  rock.  High 
Fort,  southerly  of  the  Lower  Fort,  was  a  quadrangular  work, 
about  200  feet  square,  with  bastions  at  each  angle.5 

The  division  under  the  new  alignment  was  manned  by 
twelve  regiments  of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  men,  in 
two  brigades  under  Generals  Thomas  and  Spencer. 

Roxbury  was  at  that  time  still  "a  suburban  village,  with  a 
single  narrow  street,  and  dotted  with  farms,  many  of  which 
were  yet  held  by  the  descendants  of  the  original  proprietors. 
.  .  .  The  business  of  the  town  was  concentrated  in  Rox 
bury  Street,  the  sole  thoroughfare  to  Boston,  through  which 
[in  normal  times]  as  through  a  tunnel,  crowded  all  the  sur 
plus  produce  of  the  country."6 

Ward's  headquarters  was  in  the  mansion  "built  about  the 
year  1723,  by  Col.  Francis  Brinley,  upon  the  estate  of 
eighty  acres  formerly  Palsgrave  Alcock's,"  and  "styled  by 
its  owner,  'Datchet  House,'  having  been  modelled  after  the 
family  seat  of  the  Brinleys,  at  Datchet,  England."7  It  was 
at  the  time  known  as  the  Brinley  Place,  or  "Pierpont  Castle," 
deriving  its  latter  name  from  its  purchase  in  1773  by  Robert 
Pierpont,  a  Boston  merchant.  There  is  much  vivid  descrip 
tion  of  it  in  a  little  volume  entitled  "Fannie  St.  John,"  by 
Emily  Pierpont  Delesdernier. 

"It  was  situated,"  she  wrote,  "in  the  midst  of  a  large 
domain  of  park  and  wooded  hills,  and  presented  a  picture 
of  grandeur  and  stateliness  not  common  in  the  New  World. 

5  High    Fort    Observatory,    Highland    Park,    today    stands    guard    on    its    site,    and    well 
repays  a  visit.     The  inscriptions  on  the  rail  of  the  Observation  Balcony  balustrade  direct 
the  eye  to  many  points  of  historic  interest. 

6  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  III,   571. 

7  Drake,   The  Town  of  Roxbury,  327. 


1 68  ARTEMAS  WARD  {.Age  47 

There  were  colonnades,  and  a  vestibule  whose  massive 
mahogany  doors,  studded  with  silver,  opened  into  a  wide  hall, 
where  tessellated  floors  sparkled  under  the  light  of  a  lofty 
dome  of  richly  painted  glass.  Underneath  the  dome  two 
cherubs  carved  in  wood  extended  their  wings,  and  so  formed 
the  center,  from  which  an  immense  chandelier  of  cut  glass 
depended.  Upon  the  floor  beneath  the  dome  there  stood 
a  marble  column,  and  around  it  ran  a  divan  formed  of  cush 
ions  covered  with  satin  of  Damascus  of  gorgeous  coloring. 
Large  mirrors  with  ebony  frames  filled  the  spaces  between  the 
grand  staircases  at  either  side  of  the  hall  of  entrance.  All 
the  paneling  and  woodwork  consisted  of  elaborate  carving 
done  abroad,  and  made  to  fit  every  part  of  the  mansion  where 
such  ornamentation  was  required.  Exquisite  combinations  of 
painted  birds  and  fruits  and  flowers  abounded  everywhere, 
in  rich  contrast  with  the  delicate  blue  tint  that  prevailed  upon 
the  lofty  walls.  The  state-rooms  were  covered  with  Persian 
carpets,  and  hung  with  tapestries  of  gold  and  silver,  arranged 
after  some  graceful  artistic  foreign  fashion." 

The  "wide  hall,"  forty-four  feet  in  length  and  twenty-two 
feet  in  width,  occupied  the  entire  ground  floor  of  the  center 
of  the  house  and  opened  into  two  large  wings  to  left  and 
right.  In  the  right  was  the  reception  room  in  which  Ward 
and  his  staff  held  council.8 

On  August  3  Ward  took  part  in  the  perturbed  council 
of  war  which  discussed  the  crisis  threatened  by  the  nearly 
empty  powder  magazines.  The  American  generals  had  been 
continuously  concerned  because  of  the  small  amount  of  gun 
powder  (only  about  300  barrels)  reported  on  hand.  Now, 
suddenly,  the  300  barrels  had  shrunk  to  only  ninety  bar 
rels — not  more  than  nine  rounds  to  a  man !  The  powder  had 

8  "Pierpont  Castle"  was,  later,  for  many  years  known  as  the  "Dearborn  House,"  Gen 
eral  Dearborn — who  as  a  captain  had  fought  under  Stark  at  Bunker  Hill — buying 
the  property  in  1809  and  making  it  his  home  until  his  death.  In  1869  the  estate  was 
purchased  by  the  Redemptorist  Fathers  and  has  since  continued  uninterruptedly  in  their 
possession.  In  1876  part  of  the  house  was  destroyed  by  fire,  but  the  remainder  continued 
in  use  as  a  dwelling  until  1902,  when  it  was  torn  down  to  make  way  for  the  present 
handsome  brick  and  stone  rectory  of  the  Mission  Church,  adjoining. 


/775]  THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON  169 

not  been  used,  nor  stolen,  nor  wasted  to  any  considerable 
extent.  The  greater  part  of  the  reputed  300  barrels  had 
been  but  a  will-o'-the-wisp  supply,  non-existent  save  as  a 
clerical  error  of  the  Committee  of  Supplies.  Washington, 
wrote  Sullivan,  "was  so  struck,  that  he  did  not  utter  a  word 
for  half  an  hour."9 

The  council  voted  not  only  to  apply  to  the  neighboring 
provinces  for  powder,  but  also  to  send  a  party  of  300  men 
to  raid  the  royal  magazine  at  Halifax.  The  latter  project 
was,  however,  allowed  to  subside. 

The  discovery  of  the  mistake  was  reported  to  General 
Gage,  but  the  story  was  considered  so  improbable  that  it 
was  discarded  as  a  ruse  to  draw  him  out. 

The  English  commander  was  also  undoubtedly  influenced 
by  the  remarkable  change  of  viewpoint  brought  about  by  the 
cost  of  his  Bunker  Hill  victory.  Even  prior  to  Bunker  Hill 
he  had  felt  the  need  of  a  larger  force  for  use  in  and 
around  Boston,  but  he  had  apparently  no  idea  of  giving  up 
the  town.  After  Bunker  Hill,  its  abandonment  was  his  upper 
most  thought.  We  find  his  letters  to  Lord  Dartmouth  first 
hinting  for,  and  then  virtually  requesting,  permission  to  give 
it  up  and  to  transfer  the  seat  of  war  to  New  York.  "I  have 
made  your  Lordship  acquainted  with  the  disadvantageous 
situation  of  his  Majesty's  Forces  in  this  place,  and  the  more 
it  is  considered,  the  worse  it  is  found  to  be,"  he  ftclared  in 
his  Secret  Letter  of  August  20.  Bunker  Hill  had  robbed 
him  of  all  hope  of  a  successful  issue  with  the  New  England 
army  which  so  closely  besieged  him. 

On  September  2  there  called  at  Ward's  headquarters  a 
man  who  later  passed  through  glory  into  perpetual  infamy- 
Benedict  Arnold,  then  bearing  a  commission  as  colonel  and 
about  to  start  on  his  expedition  through  the  wilderness  to 
Quebec.  He  came  to  Roxbury  with  a  letter  from  Washing 
ton's  headquarters  requesting  the  "advice  and  assistance"  of 

8  August  5,   1775,  to  the  New  Hampshire  Committee  of  Safety,  New  Hampshire  Pro 
vincial  Papers,  VII,  572. 


1 7o  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  47 

Ward  and  his  brigadiers  "in  promoting  this  important 
service."10 

Arnold's  detachment  consisted  of  about  1000  rank  and  file. 
A  small  force — but  chiefly  of  picked  men;  and  these  leavened 
with  many  of  more  than  ordinary  daring.  Young  Aaron  Burr 
was  of  its  number;  and  Daniel  Morgan,  later  terrible  to  the 
English  as  the  chief  of  "Morgan's  Rangers,"  commanded  the 
three  companies  drawn  from  the  Virginia,  Pennsylvania,  and 
Maryland  riflemen  who  had  joined  the  army  a  few  weeks 
earlier. 

The  men  were  "taken  off  the  roll  of  duty"  on  September 
8,  and  on  that  date  and  the  ninth  were  encamped  in  separate 
quarters  at  Cambridge  while  preparations  were  completing 
for  their  departure  the  following  week. 

The  shaping  of  this  enterprise — one  so  attractive  to  Wash 
ington's  temperament;  a  project  plentifully  beset  with  ad 
venturous  danger — aroused  in  the  Virginian  a  restless  im 
patience  over  the  deadlock  to  which  his  own  campaign  seemed 
tending. 

The  opposing  armies  lay  in  sight  of  each  other,  yet  there 
promised  no  opportunity  of  decisive  action.  The  English 
strengthened  their  works  on  the  Boston  and  Charlestown 
peninsulas,  and  the  Americans  strengthened,  and  contracted, 
their  encircling  lines  without;  but  the  English  army  was  not 
strong  eniugh  to  raise  the  siege,  nor  the  American  to  attempt 
a  general  assault.  Instead,  were  only  occasional  skirmishes 
and  a  succession  of  fruitless  alarms. 

The  enforced  inaction  sorely  tried  Washington's  soul.  The 
eyes  of  two  continents  were  upon  him  and  he  had  not  yet 
learned  the  caution  which  the  calamitous  campaign  of  the  next 
summer  instilled  into  him.  With  mounting  recklessness  he 
planned  to  hazard  his  army  on  a  single  stroke. 

10  The  letter  enjoined  "profound  secrecy"  concerning  the  project,  but,  as  on  many  similar 
occasions,  the  news  leaked  through  to  the  camps.  Jedediah  Huntington,  writing  to  his 
father,  Jabez  Huntington,  on  September  5,  refers  to  the  Arnold  expedition  as  "Secret, 
thou*  known  to  every  Body." — Original  letter,  September  4-5,  1775,  General  Jedediah 
Huntington  Letters,  Connecticut  Historical  Society. 


'775]  THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON  171 

The  average  reader — also,  many  a  historian — takes  as  his 
model  for  the  Washington  of  the  siege  of  Boston,  the  re 
sourceful  self-contained  commander-in-chief  of  two  or  so 
years  later.  And  thereby  greatly  errs,  and  spoils  the  picture 
which  should  most  interest  him — the  forming  of  the  character 
of  the  "father  of  his  country,"  of  the  Washington  of  York- 
town  and  the  presidency. 

The  Washington  of  the  siege  of  Boston  was  he  of  the 
French  war — a  man  of  but  scant  military  experience,  unused 
to  the  command  of  large  bodies  of  men;  older  but  still  un 
tamed,  distrustful  of  what  the  future  might  bring,  and  ready 
to  stake  everything  on  the  dice  of  the  present. 

His  plan,  submitted  in  letters  on  September  8  and  argued 
in  council  of  war  on  September  n,  was  to  attack  Boston  by 
rowboats. 

Truly  the  Washington  of  the  French  war,  whose  reckless 
disregard  of  his  enemy's  far  greater  strength  had  compelled 
his  capitulation  on  that  other  earlier  occasion  when  fate  had 
given  him  the  chief  command.  Time  had  not  dimmed  his 
rashness,  for  now,  with  his  troops  only  partly  armed,  and 
crippled  by  shortage  of  powder,  he  proposed  to  storm  a  for 
tified  town  in  open  boats — a  town,  by  his  own  description, 
"surrounded  in  a  manner  by  ships  of  war  and  floating  bat 
teries."11  Before  he  could  attempt  his  musket  attack,  he 
must  carry  his  men  in  those  boats  for  a  mile  or  more  with 
artillery  playing  full  upon  them. 

Among  the  reasons  he  advanced  for  so  wild  a  move  were 
the  expense  of  keeping  his  men  warm  through  the  winter  and 
the  fear  that  necessity  might  destroy  the  fences  and  orchards 
in  the  vicinity ! 

He  doubted  equally  his  ability  to  hold  an  army  together 
and  the  ability,  or  willingness,  of  the  country  to  meet  the 
cost  of  its  subsistence. 

He  was  far  from  realizing  the  length  of  the  fight  ahead 

"To  Robert  Carter  Nicholas,  October  5,  1775. — Ford,  Writings  of  Washington,  III, 
171. 


i?2  ARTEMAS  WARD 

of  him.     His  idea  was,  and  had  been,  that  he  could  speedily 
crush  the  English  army  and  then  disband  the  American.12 

It  was  well  that  Ward  and  the  other  New  Englanders 
whom  Charles  Lee  sarcastically  referred  to  as  the  "Big 
Wigs,"  helped  to  hold  the  hotheaded  Virginian  in  leash  and, 
by  their  decision  against  attempting  the  assault,  prevented 
him  from  thus  wrecking  the  careful  work  of  the  Massachu 
setts  patriots  who  had  for  years  maintained  a  stout  front 
against  British  domination. 

Washington  felt  keenly  also  his  failure  to  impress  profes 
sional  military  standards  on  his  army.  In  his  first  Cambridge 
letter  to  the  Continental  Congress  he  had  apologetically  re 
ferred  to  the  several  days'  delay  in  obtaining  the  regimental 
returns,  explaining  that  he  had  been  "unapprized  of  the  imper 
fect  Obedience  which  had  been  paid  to  those  [orders]  of  the 
like  Nature  from  General  Ward."  To  Richard  Henry  Lee 
he  made  the  point  still  more  strongly:  "Could  I  have  con 
ceived,  that  what  ought,  and,  in  a  regular  army,  would  have 
been  done  in  an  hour,  would  employ  eight  days  .  .  ."  And 
he  had  added  (in  his  letter  to  Congress)  that  he  flattered 
himself  that  the  reasons  "will  no  longer  exist;  and  of  Conse 
quence  more  Regularity  and  exactness  in  future  prevail."13 
But  the  fulfilment  of  that  laudable  expectation  was  to  be  long 
deferred.  Months  later,  on  the  same  point  and  in  the  same 
camps,  there  was  just  as  long  delay;  and  not  until  nearly  three 
years  after  Washington  had  assumed  the  chief  command- 
not  until  after  Steuben  had  overhauled  and  systematized11— 

12  "The  state  of  inactivity  in  which  this  army  has  lain  for  some  time,"  he  wrote  to  the 
Continental  Congress,  September  21,  1775,  "by  no  means  corresponds  with  my  wishes  by 
some  decisive  stroke  to  relieve  my  country  from  the  heavy  expense  its  subsistence  must 
create  .  .  .  there  is  not  a  man  in  America,  who  more  earnestly  wishes  such  a  termination 
of  the  campaign,  as  to  make  the  army  no  longer  necessary." — Ford,  Writings  of  Washing 
ton,  III,  145,  146. 

18  Ford,  Writings  of  Washington,  III,    II,   22. 

14  Steuhen,  in  the  spring  of  1778,  working  with  Washington's  headquarters  army — the 
heroic  little  band  at  Valley  Forge — found  "Nothing  was  so  difficult,  and  often  so  impos 
sible,  as  to  get  a  correct  list  of  the  state  or  a  return  of  any  company,  regiment,  or  corps." 
The  army  had  come  to  be  "looked  upon  as  a  nursery  for  servants,"  and  some  of  the 


'775]  THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON  173 

could  the  American  army  be  described  as  a  disciplined  military 
force. 

Washington  was  slow  to  perceive  that  much  of  the  petty 
insubordination  and  many  of  the  unmilitary  habits  rife  in  the 
American  camps  were  inherent  to  the  conditions,  and  he  had 
at  first  essayed  to  treat  the  men  besieging  Boston  as  though 
they  were  professional  soldiers.  On  July  17  the  Reverend 
William  Emerson  had  written,  "There  is  great  overturning 
in  the  camp,  as  to  order  and  regularity.  New  lords,  new  laws. 
The  Generals  Washington  and  Lee  are  upon  the  lines  every 
day.  New  orders  from  his  Excellency  are  read  to  the  respec 
tive  regiments  every  morning  after  prayers.  The  strictest 
government  is  taking  place,  and  great  distinction  is  made  be 
tween  officers  and  soldiers.  Every  one  is  made  to  know  his 
place,  and  keep  in  it,  or  to  be  tied  up  and  receive  thirty  or 
forty  lashes,  according  to  his  crime."15 

The  "new  lords"  and  "new  laws"  did  produce  a  consider 
able  improvement  in  discipline — variously  attributable  to 
Washington's  personal  efforts,  to  the  military  experience  of 
Charles  Lee  and  Gates,  and  to  the  greater  measure  of  au 
thority  carried  by  commissions  issued  by  a  congress  represent 
ing  all  the  colonies.  But  it  was  very  far  from  being  a  com 
plete  transformation;  it  was  largely  temporary;  and  it  was 
followed  by  severe  reaction.  Harsh  words,  rigorous  punish 
ments,  and  class  distinctions  .were  unpleasant  fare,  and  the 
camps  soon  again  seethed  with  friction.  Before  three  months 
had  passed  we  find  the  New  Englanders  in  such  an  irritated 
condition  that  a  deduction  from  their  allowance  was  sufficient 
to  produce  the  greatest  alarm  in  their  commander — Washing 
ton  was  compelled  to  advise  Congress  on  September  21  that 
"the  greater  part  of  the  troops  are  in  a  state  not  far  from 
mutiny."16  In  the  same  letter  he  confessed  his  inability  to 

irregularities  were  extraordinarily  flagrant.  Regiments  carried  on  their  rolls  men  who 
had  been  absent  for  a  year  or  more. — Kapp,  Life  of  Frederick  William  Von  Stcuben, 
115-119. 

18  Sparks,  Writings  of  Washington,  III,  491. 

16  Ford,  Writings  of  Washington,  III,   147. 


i74  ARTEMAS  WARD  \.Ag*  47 

obtain  the  men's  subscriptions  to  the  new  continental  articles 
of  war. 

These  months  were  marked  also  by  the  birth  and  growth 
of  the  estrangement  between  Washington  and  Ward.  No 
light  was  ever  shed  upon  its  original  cause  by  either  man,  but 
indirect  evidence  points  to  a  mutual  lack  of  cordiality  as  hav 
ing  existed  from  their  first  meeting.  There  are  three  prob 
able  explanations:  first,  James  Warren;  second,  Charles  Lee; 
and  third,  Washington's  biting  comments  on  both  officers  and 
privates  of  the  Massachusetts  troops. 

James  Warren  had  conceived  and  expressed  the  idea  that 
the  failure  to  hold  Bunker  Hill,  the  lack  of  discipline,  and 
pretty  nearly  every  other  trouble,  was  Ward's  fault.  Wash 
ington  had  not  anticipated  the  conditions  he  encountered  in 
the  American  camps  and  he  apparently  adopted  James  War 
ren's  line  of  thought  and  hastened  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
disorder  he  found  was  due  to  laxity  in  Ward's  methods. 

Next  on  the  list  we  have  Charles  Lee,  still  smarting  from 
the  two  wounds  to  his  pride — the  twice  passing  of  his  name 
in  the  selection  of  those  to  command  the  Revolutionary 
army.  Under  the  circumstances  one  would  not  expect  "Boil 
ing  Water"  (so  the  Indians  had  nicknamed  Lee)  to  appre 
ciate  a  provincial  general  who  had  little  to  say  for  himself, 
who  was  a  judge  by  profession  instead  of  a  soldier,  and  who 
had  established  Cromwell's  practice  of  the  troops'  daily 
attendance  at  prayers — "Deacon  Ward,"  Lee  styled  him;  and 
one  would  expect  Lee,  never  sparing  in  criticism  of  people 
whom  he  disliked  or  who  might  be  in  his  way,  to  pass  many 
sneers  to  Washington  concerning  Ward.  We  also  know  that 
until  the  battle  of  Monmouth  (June  28,  1778)  Washington 
held  a  very  high  opinion  of  Lee's  military  judgment  and 
ability. 

The  third  surmise — Washington's  harsh  criticisms  of  New 
Englanders:  his  impugning  of  their  personal  habits,  courage, 
intelligence,  and  morality — was  probably  a  fertile  cause  of 
the  continuance  and  growth  of  the  ill  feeling,  for  General 


17751  THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON  175 

Ward  strongly  resented  disparagement  of  Massachusetts  by 
Southerners. 

Though  no  action  of  moment  broke  the  period  from  Bunker 
Hill  to  Dorchester  Heights,  no  commander  lacked  duties 
or  troubles. 

The  defenses  of  the  right  wing  grew  steadily  more  for 
midable,  and  their  construction  and  maintenance  kept  Ward's 
division  fully  occupied.  The  council  of  war  of  July  9  had 
debarred  any  attempt  on  Dorchester  Neck,  but  the  Boston 
Neck  lines  were  pushed  forward  to  within  musket-shot  of  the 
enemy's  advance-works,  being  there  supported  by  a  strong 
redoubt  at  Lamb's  Dam. 

Constant  watchfulness  was  required  to  see  that  the  works 
were  at  all  times  sufficiently  manned,  that  ammunition  was 
not  wasted,  and  that  the  troops  did  no  damage  to  private 
houses  in  Roxbury,  nor  wantonly  to  the  fields  of  the  surround 
ing  country. 

Also  to  guard  against  the  weakening  of  the  land  blockade 
of  Boston.  Some  cattle  having  been  allowed  to  wander  so 
close  to  the  English  lines  that  they  had  fallen  prey  to  the 
enemy,  to  their  nourishment  and  rejoicing,  Ward  issued 
notice  to  the  owners  of  live  stock  that  they  would  be  deemed 
"enemies  to  their  country"  if  their  stock  were  found  grazing 
beyond  the  advance-works  on  Boston  Neck,  and  ordered  sen 
tries  to  fire  on  any  cattle  permitted  so  to  stray. 

A  few  weeks  later  he  dispatched  orders  to  the  com 
manding  officer  at  Hingham  to  strip  Nantasket  because  of 
the  suspicion  that  "an  unjustifiable  intercourse  has  been  kept 
up  between  some  of  the  inhabitants  .  .  .  and  our  unnatural 
enemies  belonging  to  the  Men  of  War."  Its  inhabitants  and 
all  "moveable  necessaries  of  life"— live  stock,  hay,  corn,  etc., 
—were  ordered  taken  off. 

Unauthorized  liquor  selling  was  another  evil  to  be  guarded 
against,  and  pay-day  generally  spelled  trouble.17 

17  "Peace  with  our  Enemy,  but  disturbance  enough  with  rum,  for  our  men  got  money 
yesterday."— Revolutionary  Journal  of  Aaron  Wright,  October  7,  1775,  Historical  Maga 
zine,  VI,  210. 


176  ARTEMAS  WARD  {.Age  47 

Grievances,  both  real  and  imaginary;  regimental  gossip  and 
scandal;  stories  of  attacks  projected  by  both  armies,  and  all 
manner  of  other  reports — from  authentic  news  to  the  vaguest 
rumors — gave  the  men  plenty  to  talk,  think,  and  grumble 
about.  One  diary  epitomizes  the  condition  in  the  terse  entry: 
"very  much  camp  news,  but  nothing  serious." 

The  long-distance  cannonading  (long,  that  is,  for  those 
days,  and  chiefly  by  the  British  guns)  early  became  an  old 
story.  The  men  soon  lost  their  first  fear  of  cannon  shot 
and  contended  for  the  balls  as  they  ricochetted  along  the 
ground.  The  successful  captor  would  take  the  ball  to  the 
general  of  his  brigade  and  receive  his  reward  in  a  gallon  or 
two  of  rum  with  which  to  stand  treat  to  his  company.  The 
sport  was  at  first  encouraged  by  officers  as  tending  to  offset 
the  moral  effect  of  the  enemy's  bombardment,  but  later  it  be 
came  necessary  to  discourage  and  suppress  it,  as  a  number  of 
men  were  laid  up  from  tackling  the  balls  before  they  were 
sufficiently  spent. 

Even  the  bursting  of  shells  in  the  camp  became  an  occasion 
for  glee  instead  of  fear. 

A  Connecticut  lieutenant  describes  an  artillery  duel  between 
the  American  guns  at  Roxbury  and  those  of  the  Boston  forts, 
during  the  course  of  which  "the  dogs  hove  a  ball  right  over 
our  incampment,  which  made  as  bad  a  noise  as  a  flock  of  wild 
geese."  He  adds,  "I  find  that  the  exchanging  these  few 
shot  has  done  more  to  exhilarate  the  spirits  of  our  people 
than  200  gallons  of  New  England  rum."  The  shells  "had 
scarcely  time  to -break  before  they  would  surround  them  to 
pick  up  the  pieces  of  them  as  so  many  curiosities  !"18 

Occasionally  a  shot  or  shell  would  strike  unpleasantly  close. 

One  of  the  Maryland  riflemen  attached  to  the  Roxbury 
division  tells  of  a  32-pound  cannon  shot  which  "rushed  through 
the  room  and  dashed  one  side  out  of  the  chimney,  broke  2 
partitions  and  filled  our  dishes  with  plastering,  ceiling  and 

18  Diary  of  Jahez   Fitch,   Jr.,    August    15,    1775,   Massachusetts   Historical  Society   Pro 
ceedings,  2d,  IX,  45. 


/775]  THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON  177 

bricks."  He  and  three  others  were  breakfasting  at  the  time. 
He  adds  that  he  couldn't  speak  for  what  his  companions 
thought,  but  "I  went  down  two  pair  of  stairs,  three  strides 
without  a  fall,  and  as  soon  as  I  was  out  of  doors  ran  to  the 
Brestwork  in  great  haste,  which  is  our  place  of  safety,  without 
the  least  concern  about  my  breakfast,  to  James  McCancie's 
amazement!"19 

Again,  one  of  Ward's  chaplains  records  in  his  diary: 
"Nothing  special  to  day  except  we  had  one  cannon  ball  shot, 
which  threw  so  much  dust  into  a  man's  bason  of  bread  and 
milk  as  spoiled  his  breakfast."20 

There  was  always  intense  interest  in  news  from  Boston- 
obtained  from  deserters  from  the  English  army,  from  occa 
sional  captives,  and  from  letters  written  by  residents  of  the 
town  and  sent  into  and  through  the  American  camps  under 
the  military  arrangements  made  for  the  exchange  of  private 
communications. 

The  strict  discipline  and  poor  fare  of  the  English  army 
resulted  in  a  number  of  its  men  deserting  and  slipping  through 
to  the  American  lines.  They  were  welcomed  with  generous 
potations  of  rum  as  pay  for  the  stories  they  told,  until  that 
practice  was  sternly  forbidden  in  general  orders.  The  desert 
ers  generally  tuned  their  tales  to  whatever  key  they  thought 
would  gain  the  best  welcome:  sometimes  giving  solemn 
warnings  of  assaults  projected;  at  other  times  attempting  to 
ingratiate  themselves  by  pictures  of  the  great  weakness  of 
the  enemy's  camp.  One  man  told  with  circumstantial  detail 
of  the  low  state  of  the  English  army — that  there  were  not 
nine  hundred  rank  and  file  fit  for  duty! 

Some  of  these  erstwhile  redcoats  were  passed  into  the  coun 
try,  where  they  were  joyfully  set  at  the  farm  work  which 
the  besiegers  had  perforce  left  undone. 

Traveling  with  the  Boston  news   and  gossip  were  many 

19  Daniel   McCurtin's   Journal,   August    18,    1775,   Papers   relating  chiefly   to    the   Mary 
land  Line,  13. 

20  Diary    of   the    Reverend    Benjamin    Boardman,    September    14,    1775,    Massachusetts 
Historical  Society  Proceedings,  2d,   VII,   4°6- 


i78  ARTEMAS  WARD 

stories,  true  and  otherwise,  of  happenings  in  England:  the 
actions  of  the  ministry,  and  of  various  prominent  men  aligned 
both  for  and  against  the  government's  American  course;  ac 
counts  of  an  "accommodation  arranged";  numerous  tales  of 
large  reinforcements  coming  or  to  be  sent,  and  of  great  dis 
turbances  in  England:  uof  the  Parliament  House  in  London 
being  pulled  down,  and  of  Lord  North  and  Governor  Hutchin- 
son  flying  to  France";  that  "the  people  in  England  were  in 
great  tumult,  and  that  Lord  North  had  been  wounded."21 

A  rumor  early  drifted  through  the  lines  that  the  English 
ministry  had  ordered  the  abandonment  of  Boston;  and 
Howe's  failure  to  make  any  move  to  raise  the  siege  gave  it 
weight  in  Washington's  estimation.  The  rumor  was  baseless 
—no  such  order  arrived  until  several  weeks  later — but  it 
accurately  mirrored  the  desires  of  the  English  commander! 

The  (inevitable)  transgressions  in  the  American  camps 
were  met  with  penalties  which — though  mild  compared 
with  the  English  code — would  seriously  offend  modern 
sensibilities. 

Whipping  has  been  referred  to  in  an  earlier  page  as  a 
common  measure.  Its  severity  depended  largely  upon  the 
disposition  of  those  who  carried  out  the  sentence.  Other 
punishments  were  "riding  the  wooden  horse" — a  barbarous 
torture — and  the  pillory.  One  man  who  was  condemned  to 
the  pillory  for  an  hour  "for  being  concerned  in  writing  an 
infamous  letter"  against  his  colonel,  fainted  before  his  time 
was  up  and  gave  "the  doctors  much  ado  to  bring  him  to."22 

The  letter-writer  had  his  satisfaction  a  few  weeks  later, 
for  that  particular  colonel  faced  a  court-martial  for  employ 
ing  members  of  his  regiment  to  work  on  his  farm,  and  was 
dismissed  from  the  service.  "Amen  to  that"  rejoiced  another 
private  at  the  news.23 

21  Diary  of  Ezekiel   Price,  August    16,    20,    1775,   Massachusetts   Historical  Society   Pro 
ceedings,  VII,  204,  205. 

22  Paul  Lunt's  Diary,  September  20,   1775. 

23  Samuel    Bixby's    Diary,    October    23,     1775,    Massachusetts    Historical    Society    Pro 
ceedings,   XIV,   295. 


'775]  THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON  179 

It  perchance  happened  that  a  culprit  was  popular,  and 
then  his  punishment  stirred  the  troops  to  mutiny.  On 
September  10  there  was  "Great  commotion  on  Prospect 
Hill  among  the  riflemen,  occasioned  by  the  unreasonable  con 
finement  of  a  sergeant  by  the  adjutant  of  Thompson's  regi 
ment;  and  before  it  was  over,  34  men  were  confined  and  two 
of  them  put  in  irons  at  headquarters  in  Cambridge."24 

On  another  occasion  "their  was  a  Rifle  man  whipt  39  stripes 
for  Stealing  and  afterwards  he  was  Drummed  out  of  camp. 
If  the  infernal  regions  had  been  opened  .  .  .  there  could 
not  have  been  a  biger  uproar."25 

These  riflemen  from  the  South  had  at  first  been  the  object 
of  the  greatest  curiosity,  admiration,  and  gratitude.  Their 
marksmanship  continuously  commanded  respect,  but  otherwise 
the  rank  and  file  speedily  outwore  their  welcome.  Ward, 
writing  to  John  Adams,  remarked,  October  30,  1775,  "They 
do  not  boast  so  much  of  the  Riflemen  as  heretofore.  Genl 
Washington  has  said  he  wished  they  had  never  come;  Genl. 
Lee  has  damned  them  and  wished  them  all  in  Boston;  Genl 
Gates  has  said,  if  any  capital  movement  was  about  to  be  made, 
the  Riflemen  must  be  moved  from  this  camp."26 

Charles  Lee,  as  might  be  expected,  reiterated  his  opinion 
freely  and  caustically.  To  Benjamin  Rush  he  wrote,  "I  once 
was  of  opinion,  that  some  Battalions  from  the  Southward 
wou'd  be  necessary — but  I  have  alter'd  my  opinion.  I  am 
now  perswaded  you  have  not  to  the  Southward  so  good  mate 
rials  for  common  soldiers.  Your  Riflemen  have  a  good  deal 
open'd  our  eyes  upon  the  subject,  tho'  to  do  justice  to  their 

24  Revolutionary  Journal  of  Aaron  Wright,  Historical  Magazine,  VI,  209.     So  serious 
appeared  the   possibilities  of  this   outbreak   that   Generals   Washington,    Charles   Lee,   and 
Greene   in   person  took   part   in  quelling  it. — Jesse  Lukens'   original    letter,    September    15, 
1775,  sold  by  Henkels,  Philadelphia,  December  5,  1898. 

25  Samuel    Haws,    October   9,    1775,    Military    Journals    of    Tii-o    Private    Soldiers,    76. 
McCurtin    (October    9,    1775,    Papers    relating    chiefly    to    the   Maryland   Line,    21 )    also 
recorded   that  occasion,   stating  that  fifty-two   drummers   and   as  many  fifers   took  part   in 
the  proceedings  and  that  he  could  not  even  hear  the  man  next  him. 

26  Original  letter,  Adams  Collection,  Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 


i So  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  47 

officers  They  are  unexceptionable;  their  Privates  are  in  gen 
eral  damn'd  riff  raff — dirty,  mutinous,  and  disaffected."27 

On  September  27  came  the  arrest  of  Benjamin  Church 
as  a  traitor,  an  intercepted  cipher  letter  suddenly  rending  the 
high  confidence  that  had  been  reposed  in  him.  A  few  days 
later  (October  3)  a  council  of  war  was  called  to  consider 
the  charge  against  him.  It  resulted  in  a  second  meeting  on 
the  following  morning,  with  the  former  head  of  the  Com 
mittee  of  Safety  present  for  examination.  Church  tried  to 
explain  away  his  clandestine  epistle,  but  the  assembled  gen 
erals  could  see  no  merit  in  his  defense  and  they  unanimously 
found  him  guilty.  Furthermore,  the  punishment  prescribed 
by  the  army  regulations  seemed  to  them  "very  inadequate" 
for  the  offense — and  they  referred  the  matter  to  the  Conti 
nental  Congress  "for  their  special  direction,"  meantime 
isolating  Church  under  strict  guard. 2S 

On  the  following  Sunday  (October  8)  Ward  took  part  in 
a  council  of  war  to  decide  upon  the  number  of  men  needed 
to  continue  the  siege;  the  length  of  service  for  which  they 
should  be  enlisted;  their  pay,  rations,  clothing,  regimental 
organization,  etc. 

It  was  unanimously  agreed  that  the  grand  total  of  the 
army  ought  not  to  be  less  than  20,372  men;  that  enlistments 
should  be  until  December  i,  1776;  and  that  both  pay  and 
rations  should  be  the  same  as  for  the  "eight  months'  army" 
whose  term  was  nearing  an  end.  The  council  was  divided  on 

27  October  10,   1775,  Lee  Papers,  I,  211. 

28  The  Continental  Congress  ordered  Church  to  he  taken  into  Connecticut  and  held   in 
close    confinement    there.      On    Mny    14     (1776),    acting    on    his    pleas    of    ill    health,    it 
authorized   his   return   to   Massachusetts   and   his   release   on    hail.      Reports   followed    that 
he   was  to   he   exchanged    for   an   American   officer   held    prisoner   by   the    English.      Ward 
protested  against  the  move  as  "impolitick,"  and  suggested  that  "for  several  reasons"  well 
known   to  American  councils   it   would   be   "highly   proper  to   procrastinate   the   Exchange" 
as   "I   think   no   one   can  doubt   that   Doctr   Church   is   fully   acquainted   with   the   state   of 
our  Publick  Affairs,  and  can  communicate  to  the  Enemy  Intelligence  which  may  be  greatly 
detrimental  to  the  United  States  at  this  Juncture"   (July  5,   1777,  Artcmas  Ward  MSS.). 
The  plan   was   temporarily   abandoned,   but   it   was   reopened   in   October  of  the   same  year 
by  the  offer  of  Joshua  Loring,  British  commissary  of  prisoners,  to  exchange  Dr.   M'Hcnry 
of   Philadelphia   for  him.     The  Congress  negatived   the   proposal.      Church   was   later  per 
mitted  to  embark  in  a  vessel  bound  for  Martinique.      The  ship  was  lost  at  sea. 


'775]  THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON  181 

the  method  of  payment:  Washington  with  four  others  (Lee, 
Heath,  Sullivan,  Greene)  declared  for  monthly  payments; 
and  Ward  with  four  others  (Putnam,  Thomas,  Spencer, 
Gates)  for  a  pay-day  every  three  months. 

A  little  later  the  camp  was  abuzz  with  the  visit  of  Benja 
min  Franklin  and  his  associates  of  a  Continental  Congress 
committee;  and  shortly  after  there  spread  a  rumor,  which 
became  general  toward  the  end  of  the  month,  that  the  French 
were  willing  to  join  and  aid  the  Revolutionary  cause  if  "we 
would  trade  with  them."29 

On  October  17,  under  the  new  Massachusetts  government, 
Ward  was  appointed  chief  justice  of  the  Court  of  Common 
Pleas  for  Worcester  County.30  Just  a  month  later  the  Eng 
lish  commander-in-chief  made  Timothy  Ruggles,  the  former 
chief  justice,  Commandant  of  the  "Loyal  American  Asso- 
ciaters,"  one  of  Boston's  volunteer  loyalist  organizations. 

On  October  18  Washington  again  submitted  to  a  council 
of  war  the  question  of  assaulting  Boston.  Resolutions  of 
the  Continental  Congress  had  favored  an  attack.  But  again 
the  project  was  voted  down. 

Contemporary  observers  chronicle  the  changes  that  the 
siege  wrought  on  the  country  surrounding  the  capital. 

The  Reverend  Emerson  had  early  noted  various  results 
which  were  "a  little  melancholy"  .  .  .  "all  the  lands,  fields, 
orchards  laid  common,  horses  and  cattle  feeding  in  the 
choicest  mowing  land,  whole  fields  of  corn  eaten  down  to  the 
ground,  and  large  parks  of  well-regulated  locusts  cut  down 
for  firewood  and  other  public  uses,"31  and  each  succeeding 
month  multiplied  the  evidences  of  war's  rough  usage. 

20  Journal  of  Samuel  Haws,  October  24,    1/75,  Military  Journals  of  Tiuo  Private  Sol 
diers,  78. 

30  The  original  joint  commission  of  Ward  and  the  other  three  judges  is  owned   by  the 
American  Antiquarian  Society   (Massachusetts  Papers,  99).     The  first  sitting  of  the  court 
(the    first    since    its    closure — Ward    participating — fifteen    months    before)     was    held    in 
Worcester,    December   5,    1775.      Ward's   military   responsibilities   prevented   him   from   at 
tending. 

31  Sparks,   Writings  of  Washington,  III,  492. 


1 82  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  47 

UA11  around  the  Encampment  is  one  Scene  of  Desolation," 
wrote  Moses  Brown,  the  Quaker,  visiting  the  province  with 
contributions  for  the  poor  and  distressed  in  and  around  Bos 
ton."2  And  Jeremy  Belknap,  the  famous  divine  and  historian, 
declared  that  nothing  struck  him  with  more  horror  than  the 
condition  of  Roxbury — "that  once  busy,  crowded  street  is  now 
occupied  only  by  a  picquet  guard.  The  houses  are  deserted, 
the  windows  taken  out,  and  many  shot-holes  visible;  some 
have  been  burnt,  and  others  pulled  down,  to  make  room  for 
the  fortifications." 

"After  dining  with  General  Ward,"  continued  Dr.  Bel- 
knap,  "I  returned  to  Cambridge;  in  the  evening,  visited  and 
conversed  with  General  Putnam.  Ward  appears  to  be  a 
calm,  cool,  thoughtful  man;  Putnam,  a  rough,  fiery  genius." 

Independence  had  by  this  time  "become  a  favorite  point  in 
the  army."  Hope  for  an  "accommodation"  had  lost  its 
relish.  The  troops  had  brushed  aside  the  distinction  between 
the  Crown  and  Parliament — "it  was  offensive  to  pray  for 
the  king."33 

The  army,  as  also  many  civilians  in  New  England,  were, 
however,  on  that  point  politically  in  advance  of  the  majority 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  other  American  colonies.  Outside 
of  New  England  the  general  hope  was  for  an  alleviation  of 
grievances  and  a  resumption  of  the  old  relations. 

Disturbing  the  minds  of  many,  and  checking  their  support, 
was  the  spectre,  not  yet  laid  to  rest,  of  a  victorious  New  Eng 
land  thrusting  its  domination  on  the  other  provinces — by  force 
of  arms  if  need  be.34 

The  approach  of  winter  again  focussed  attention  on  Dor 
chester  Neck.  The  peninsula  now  stood  bare  of  human  life, 
save  for  Ward's  sentries  and  outposts.  Its  former  inhabitants 
had  deserted  it,  as  too  exposed,  during  the  summer  and 
early  fall. 

K  Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  History  and  Biography,   1877,    171. 

33  Life  of  Jeremy  Belknap,  92,   93. 

34  General   Greene's   letter  of   October    16,    1775,   to  Governor  Ward   of   Rhode   Island 
deprecates  this  fear. — Johnson,  Sketches   of  the  Life  of  Nathanael  Greene,   I,   39. 


1775]  THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON  183 

In  council  of  war,  November  2,  the  possibility  of  forti 
fying  its  hills  was  considered  afresh.  As  "the  situation  of 
American  Affairs  with  respect  to  Great  Britain"  might  "be 
such  as  to  render  it  indispensibly  necessary,  to  attempt  to 
Destroy  the  Ministerial  Troops  in  the  Town  of  Boston"  be 
fore  they  could  be  reinforced  in  the  spring,  "even  if  it  should 
be  by  Bombarding,  &  Firing  the  Town,"  the  question  was 
put  whether  it  was  "advisable  to  erect  any  kind  of  Works 
upon  Dorchester  Point,  before  Frost  setts  in;  &  what  kind."35 

Ensuing  events  prove  that  a  negative  decision  was  again 
reached,  but  the  record  disappeared  long  ago — the  manu 
script  ends  abruptly  at  the  fourth  page,  leaving  its  interroga 
tions  unanswered. 

The  dearth  of  ammunition  is  thrown  into  high  relief  by 
one  of  the  last  questions: 

"In  our  present  Scarcity  of  Powder,  had  not  our  morning 
Gun  better  be  discontinued?" 

The  meeting  devoted  much  thought  to  officering  the  army 
of  '76.  Its  report  contains  tentative  lists  of  colonels,  lieuten 
ant-colonels,  and  majors  for  the  new  establishment.  The  lists 
are  valuable  as  recording  the  general  officers'  approval  of 
the  field-officers  named. 

At  English  headquarters  a  few  days  later,  Howe,  who  had 
replaced  Gage  as  commander-in-chief,  received  Lord  Dart 
mouth's  letter  of  September  5  with  word  that  he  had  been 
"commanded  by  the  King"  to  say  that  it  seemed  "not  only 
advisable,  but  necessary  to  abandon  Boston  before  the 
winter."36 

Here  was  the  permission  to  quit  Boston  that  Gage,  first, 
and  Howe,  succeeding  him,  had  hoped  for.  But  now 
that  it  had  reached  him  after  a  two  months'  voyage  across 
the  Atlantic,  Howe  was  "with  great  reluctance"  obliged  to 
acknowledge  that  it  could  not  safely  be  acted  on.  There  were 
not  enough  ships  in  the  harbor  to  complete  the  evacuation  in 

M  American  Archives,  4th,  III,   1335. 

36  This  is  the  advice,  or  order,  quoted  also  on  page   137. 


1 84  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  tf-jS 

one  move,  and  the  English  officers  considered  it  dangerous 
to  divide  their  forces,  especially  "at  a  season  when  the  navi 
gation  on  this  coast,  from  the  violence  of  northerly  winds, 
is  so  very  precarious."  Deflection  of  transports  by  gales 
might  extend  the  separation  into  months. 

The  week  marked  in  Boston  by  the  arrival  of  Lord  Dart 
mouth's  letter  declaring  for  the  immediate  abandonment  of 
the  capital  of  Massachusetts,  saw  across  the  ocean  his  resig 
nation  as  Secretary  of  State  for  the  American  Department, 
and  the  installation  of  Lord  Germain. 

Germain's  views  differed  from  those  of  his  predecessor 
and  he  was  strongly  against  a  precipitate  desertion  of  Bos 
ton,  but  the  wintry  Atlantic  permitted  neither  his  letters,  nor 
even  the  news  of  his  appointment,  to  reach  the  besieged 
town.  Not  until  after  he  had  abandoned  Boston  did  Howe 
receive  any  inkling  of  a  possible  change  of  the  government's 
decision  to  surrender  it. 

The  two  last  months  of  1775  and  the  first  of  1776  consti 
tuted  a  nerve-racking  period  for  the  American  commanders. 
"Our  situation  is  truly  alarming,"  declared  Washington  on 
November  28.37  The  curse  of  the  short-term  enlistment 
set  its  blight  upon  the  camp.  The  old  enrolment  terms 
expired  and  only  a  few  men  had  joined  the  new  establish 
ment.  The  majority,  dissatisfied  with  their  treatment  and 
conditions  generally,  scattered  to  their  neglected  homes. 
Many  of  them,  after  a  short  absence,  did  reenlist,  but  for 
a  full  two  months  the  weakness  of  the  American  lines  was 
very  real  and  might  have  proved  disastrous. 

The  first  great  defection  was  among  the  Connecticut  men. 
Their  sentiment  was  so  clearly  displayed  toward  the  latter 
part  of  November  that  Washington  arranged  a  conference 
(November  30)  with  a  General  Court  committee  to  devise 
measures  for  meeting  the  dangers  of  the  situation;  Ward, 
Thomas,  and  Spencer  of  the  right  wing  taking  part  in  it  at 
his  request. 

37  To  the  Continental  Congress. — Ford,   Writings  of  tfashington,   III,   243-244. 


1775]  THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON  185 

It  was  decided  to  call  in  5000  Massachusetts  and  New 
Hampshire  militia  to  bridge  the  crisis.  They  came  with  an 
alacrity  which  brought  high  praise  from  Washington;38  and 
Ward,  also,  observed  "with  great  satisfaction  and  pleasure" 
the  "peace  and  quiet"  in  the  camp  that  followed  their  ar 
rival.39  But  the  "peace  and  quiet"  were  not  enduring.  Dis 
order  approaching  demoralization  pervaded  the  ranks  as 
December  closed  and  the  New  Year  opened. 

The  American  generals  kept  anxious  eyes  on  every  move 
ment  in  Boston.  Washington  wrote,  "Not  an  officer  but  what 
looks  for  an  attack." 

Washington  could  not  bring  himself  to  a  satisfactory  esti 
mate  of  either  Howe's  activity  or  his  lack  of  it.  When 
there  was  any  unusual  stir  in  the  English  camps,  he  was  of 
two  minds  as  to  whether  Howe  was  planning  to  attack,  or 
preparing  to  abandon,  the  port.40  When  the  English  had 
permitted  the  precarious  period  to  pass  without  an  attempt 
to  take  advantage  of  it,  he  declared  that  Howe  must  either 
have  been  "very  ignorant"  of  the  American  conditions 
("which  I  do  not  believe"),  or  have  received  orders  to  take 
no  risks  until  his  reinforcements  arrived  ("which  I  think  is 
natural  to  conclude").41 

Tales  of  the  weakness  of  Washington's  force  were  cur 
rent  in  Boston,  but  the  British  again  feared  that  the  reports 
had  been  designed  to  draw  them  out.  To  Boston  eyes  the 
American  camps  presented  a  formidable  appearance,  and  the 
militiamen  coming  in  from  the  country  had  given  the  im 
pression  of  great  numbers. 

38  Washington   to   the   Continental    Congress,    December    ir,    1775. — Ford,    Writings   of 
Washington,  III,  271. 

39  Ward's  Order  Book,  December  13,   1775. 

40  On    December    n,    1775,    part    of    the    English   troops    on    Bunker    Hill    moved    into 
winter  quarters   in  Boston.      This   was   quickly  magnified   by  American  observers,   and   on 
the  same  evening  Washington  dispatched  an  express  to  Ward  warning  him  that  he  had 
"this  moment"   received  a  report   "that   the  enemy  have  Transported   almost   their   whole 
Force  from  Bunkers  Hill,  to  Boston ;   this  semes  as  if  their  intention  was,  either  to  make 
some  considerable  Effort,  or  remove  from  their  present  Quarters." — Original  letter  gwned 

(1921)   by  Agnes  Ward  White,  Parkersburg,  W.  Va. 

41  To  Joseph  Reed,   February   10,    1776. — Ford,   Writings  of  Washington,  III,  413. 


1 86  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  48 

The  English  felt  severely  the  hardships  occasioned  by  the 
American  leaguer.  Food  at  times  ran  dangerously  low. 
Bounteous  stores — cattle  and  provender,  clothing  and  coal- 
were  collected  in  England  and  shipped  outward,  but  only  a 
small  part  reached  General  Howe.  Ill  management  delayed 
the  sailing  of  the  ships;  and  heavy  storms  held  them,  and 
scattered  them,  and  ruined  much  of  their  cargoes.  And, 
finally,  the  American  "armed  vessels" — fishing  craft  and 
merchantmen  with  cannon  mounted  on  them — exacted  a  heavy 
toll  of  those  ships  which  did  successfully  cross  the  ocean  and 
essayed  to  beat  their  way  into  Boston  Harbor.  The  "armed 
vessels"  were  chiefly  privateers.  Howe,  writing  to  England, 
declared  that  they  "infested  the  bay." 

The  miseries  of  Boston  were  multiplied  by  the  curse  of 
smallpox  falling  upon  it.  The  horror  of  the  pestilence  reached 
through  to  the  American  camps,  and  every  precaution  was 
taken  to  prevent  their  infection.42 

The  proximity  of  the  two  armies  and,  especially,  the  weak 
ness  of  the  American,  impelled  unremitting  vigilance,  but  it 
was  difficult  to  impress  the  American  privates,  particularly 
new  recruits,  with  the  vital  importance  of  outpost  and  sentry 
details.  When  both  sides  had  been  inactive  for  some  time, 
and  especially  when  the  weather  was  severe,  the  farmer- 
soldier  was  tempted  to  shirk,  and  to  get  under  cover  for  a 
spell  of  rest  and  a  greater  measure  of  comfort  than  is  ordi 
narily  found  on  sentry  duty.  This  habit  was  the  cause  of 
inexpressible  anxiety  among  commanding  officers. 

The  week   preceding   Christmas  was  marked  by  several 

42  There  are  not  many  Americans  of  the  twentieth  century  who  realize  the  fear  which 
smallpox  excited  in  those  days,  but  Revolutionary  records  are  replete  with  evidence  of  it. 
Washington  wrote  to  the  Continental  Congress,  December  14,  1775,  that  he  believed  that 
the  English  held  its  prevalence  in  the  capital  as  "a  weapon  of  defence  they  are  using 
against  us." — Ford,  Writings  of  Washington,  III,  276.  In  the  following  year,  after  the 
evacuation,  Ward  warned  the  commanding  officers  at  Dorchester  and  Castle  Island  not 
to  permit  any  men  to  go  into  Boston  who  had  not  already  had  the  disease,  that  it  would 
be  very  dangerous  to  have  those  posts  infected,  "for  in  case  of  an  attack  by  the  enemy 
the  Country  people  would  not  come  to  their  assistance." — Ward's  Order  Book,  July  4, 
1776.  At  about  the  same  time  Governor  Trumbull  was  writing  to  Washington  that  the 
Connecticut  men  had  "a  greater  dread"  of  smallpox  than  of  the  British  army. — Ford, 
Writings  of  Washington,  IV,  2 1 8,  note. 


/775]  THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON  187 

days  of  extreme  cold43  and  on  the  night  of  December  22  a 
number  of  Colonel  Learned's  guards  and  sentries  on  Dorches 
ter  Neck  deserted  their  posts.  Ward's  stern  reprimand  to 
the  delinquents  drew  a  graphic  picture  of  the  high  responsibil 
ity  assigned  to  them,  and  the  disaster  to  the  American  cause 
that  might  follow  neglect,  and  carried  an  earnest  appeal  to 
the  more  experienced  officers  "to  use  their  utmost  endeavors 
to  teach  others  their  Duty." 

To  these  trials  of  the  general  officers  was  added  the  short 
age  of  fuel.  On  November  2  Washington  had  emphasized 
the  necessity  of  obtaining  a  sufficient  supply  of  firewood  by 
notifying  the  Massachusetts  General  Court  that  "different 
Regiments  were  upon  the  point  of  cutting  each  others'  throats 
for  a  few  standing  locusts  near  their  encampments,"  and  by 
December  31  Greene  was  writing:  "We  have  suffered  pro 
digiously  for  want  of  wood.  Many  regiments  have  been 
obliged  to  eat  their  provisions  raw  for  want  of  fuel  to 
cook  it."44 

The  same  difficulty  troubled  the  enemy  in  Boston.  "In 
defiance  of  Repeated  Orders,"  the  soldiers  so  persistently 
helped  themselves  to  firewood  by  pulling  down  fences  and 
houses  that  Howe  directed  "the  Provost  to  go  his  rounds 
attended  by  the  Executioner,  with  orders  to  hang  up  upon 
the  spot  the  first  man  he  shall  detect  in  the  act,  without  waiting 
for  further  proof  by  trial."45 

The  American  fuel  supply  was  later  eked  out  by  the 
cutting  of  marsh  turf. 

Impatient  criticism  was  now  making  itself  heard  through- 

43  "[December]    20,  21,  22   [1775].     Those  two  days  past  and  this  day  are  pronounced 
to   be  the  coldest  three  days  that  ever  happened,   to  the   knowledge  of  many  of  the  in 
habitants  here,   .   .   .   they  certainly  are  remarkable  in  my  eyes.      The  bay   was  frozed   up 
in  two  nights." 

"23.    Very  cold  and  frosty." 

"24.  Last  night  it  rained  and  snowed  heavy,  and  continued  the  whole  day.  I  went  in 
company  with  another  young  man  about  three  miles  out  of  our  camp  this  day,  and  never 
felt  such  cold  in  my  living  days." — Daniel  McCurtin's  Journal,  Papers  relating  chiefly 
to  the  Maryland  Line,  29—30. 

44  Johnson,  Sketches  of  the  Life  of  Nathanael  Greene,  I,  48. 
46  Howe's  Orderly  Book,  December  5,    1775. 


1 88  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  48 

out  the  country.  To  anxious  patriots,  ignorant  of  his  diffi 
culties,  Washington  seemed  strangely  inactive.  The  heralded 
"continental  generals"  had  been  in  charge  since  early  summer, 
and  yet,  despite  the  political  advantage  of  the  union  of  the 
colonies,  there  was  little  more  to  show  than  an  extension  of 
the  work  of  Ward  and  the  New  England  militia.  It  was 
freely  stated  that  an  attack  on  Boston  was  withheld  out  of 
regard  not  only  for  its  inhabitants  but  also  for  its  many  fine 
private  properties;  and  there  were  not  wanting  those  who 
accused  Washington  of  prolonging  the  siege  in  order  to 
prolong  his  importance  as  commander-in-chief.46 

Further  perturbing  the  public  mind  was  the  undercurrent 
of  suspicion  that  had  been  started  by  the  arrest  of  Benjamin 
Church.  Many  sinister  rumors  ran  a  startling  course:  one, 
shortly  after,  that  Knox,  who  had  succeeded  Gridley  as  artil 
lery  colonel — and  who  in  later  years  was  Secretary  of  War 
under  President  Washington — had  been  arrested  and  "dis 
covered  to  be  active  in  exposing  our  works  to  the  enemy."47 
The  rumor  carried  weight  because  Knox's  wife  was  Lucy 
Flucker,  daughter  of  the  tory  Secretary  and  mandamus 
councilor. 

Another  tale,  of  later  date,  was  that  John  Adams  and 
Hancock  had  deserted  the  cause  and  sailed  for  England  on 
a  British  man-of-war.  When  the  report  reached  Braintree, 
John  Adams'  home  town,  "such  high  disputes  took  place  in 
the  public  house  .  .  .,  that  some  men  were  collared  and 
dragged  out  of  the  shop  with  great  threats,  for  reporting 
such  scandalous  lies."48 

And  while  Washington  sat  outside  the  capital,  longing  for 
an  opportunity  to  fight  and  chafing  at  the  thought  that  he  had 
submitted  to  the  restraint  of  the  other  general  officers,49  the 

48  Marshall,  Life  of  George  Washington,  First  American  edition,  II,  272  (different 
page  numbers  in  other  editions)  ;  Ramsay,  History  of  the  American  Revolution,  I,  261. 

47  Diary  of  the  Reverend  Benjamin  Boardman,  October  31,  1775,  Massachusetts  His 
torical  Society  Proceedings,  2d,  VII,  412. 

4S  Abigail  Adams  to  John  Adams,  March  2,   1776,  Letters  of  Mrs.  Adams,  I. 

4a  On  January  14,  1776,  Washington  wrote  to  Joseph  Reed,  "Could  I  have  foreseen 
the  difficulties,  which  have  come  upon  us;  could  I  have  known  that  such  a  backwardness 


1775-1776]       THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON  189 

military  fame  of  Charles  Lee  grew  so  great  that  it  threatened 
to  obscure  all  others. 

Every  month  raised  higher  his  name  and  further  inflated 
his  praise.  He  had  come  to  Cambridge  with  a  well  defined 
halo,  and  his  activity,  his  practical  experience,  and  his  eccen 
tric  personality  had  caused  his  reputation  to  grow  apace. 
Public  attention  closely  followed  him  at  the  siege;  in  Rhode 
Island;  at  New  York.  Wherever  danger  threatened,  the  first 
thought  was  for  "General  Lee." 

The  opinion  seems  to  have  been  well-nigh  unanimous. 

An  interesting  reflection  of  the  growth  of  reliance  upon 
Lee,  even  among  those  not  at  first  predisposed  toward  him, 
is  in  the  letters  of  Abigail  Adams.  She  who,  on  Washington's 
arrival,  had  quoted  Dryden  in  order  to  depict  the  enthusiasm 
which  he  inspired  in  her,  learned  to  look  past  him  for  salva 
tion  in  Charles  Lee,  writing  thus  to  John  Adams  in  Phila 
delphia  :  "I  feel  sorry,  that  General  Lee  has  left  us,  but  his 
Presence  at  New  York  was  no  doubt  of  great  importance. 
.  .  .  But  how  can  you  spare  him  from  here?  Can  you 
make  his  place  good?  Can  you  supply  it  with  a  man  equally 
qualified  to  save  us?"50 

would  have  been  discovered  in  the  old  soldiers  to  the  service,  all  the  generals  upon  earth 
should  not  have  convinced  me  of  the  propriety  of  delaying  an  attack  upon  Boston  till  this 
time." — Ford,   Writings  of  Washington,   III,   344. 
•    co  Letters  of  Mrs.  Adams,   I,  March   7,    1776. 


CHAPTER  XI 

January  16,  iffd-March  2J,  1776:  Age  48 

The   fortification  of   Dorchester    Heights   by   Ward's   division.     The 
evacuation  of  Boston. 

ON  January  16  a  council  of  war,  attended  by  John 
Adams,  discussed  the  problems  of  the  siege  in  the  light 
of  the  Continental  Congress  resolution  of  December  22, 
which  authorized  any  offensive  action  that  promised  success 
—"notwithstanding  the  town  and  the  property  in  it  may 
thereby  be  destroyed." 

The  council  decided  that  "a  vigorous  attempt"  ought  to 
be  made  on  "the  Ministerial  army  in  Boston"  as  soon  as 
practicable,  and  with  that  intent  advised  the  calling  in  of  thir 
teen  militia  regiments  to  serve  during  February  and  March. 

Two  days  later,  the  number  of  regiments  was  reduced  to 
ten.  The  other  three  must  go  to  the  aid  of  the  American 
army  in  Canada,  for  the  night  of  January  17  had  brought 
word  of  the  reverses  before  Quebec;  of  the  death  of  Mont 
gomery,  and  the  wounding  of  Arnold. 

As  the  new  army  gradually  filled  up  and  the  reinforcing 
militia  regiments  began  to  come  in,  many  in  the  American 
camps  again  turned  inquiring  and  covetous  eyes  on  the 
Dorchester  hills. 

Ward  had,  it  will  be  remembered,  thrice  planned  to  occupy 
them  in  the  early  days  of  the  siege  prior  to  Washington's 
coming,  and  he  tenaciously  adhered  to  the  project.  The  time 
for  its  consummation  had  not  yet  arrived,  but  his  belief  was 
shared  by  other  American  officers,  and  so  it  happened  that, 

190 


DORCHESTER  HEIGHTS  191 

despite  winter's  grasp  upon  the  camps,  preparation  had  been 
set  afoot. 

To  fortify  the  heights  would  call  for  extensive  earthworks; 
and  to  raise  these  in  winter,  with  the  ground  frozen  deep, 
required  the  use  of  every  available  means  to  lessen  the  labor 
of  digging.  So  fatigue  parties  had  been  set  at  work  in  Ward's 
division  cutting  swamp  brush  and  converting  it  into  fascines 
and  gabions:1  the  former  being  bundles  of  sticks  several  feet 
in  length  tied  together,  to  be  staked  down  and  then  covered 
with  earth;  and  the  latter,  bottomless  hollow  cylinders  for  fill 
ing  with  earth,  made  of  wattled  twigs  and  resembling  very 
high  bottomless  baskets. 

To  accomplish  the  possession  of  the  peninsula  would  mean 
much  of  the  story  of  Bunker  Hill  over  again:  a  stealthy 
"going  on"  at  night — then  a  giant's  labor  at  intrenching  to 
be  ready  to  defend  the  seizure  when  the  dawn  should  break! 
But  now,  unlike  Bunker  Hill,  Ward  had  time  for  preparation 
—and  a  supply  of  fascines  and  gabions  would  double  the  pos 
sibilities  of  the  night's  work,  whenever  that  night  should  come. 

Much  thought  had  been  expended  also  on  the  exposed 
condition  of  the  approach  to  Dorchester  Neck.  A  single 
causeway  traversed  the  marshy  ground  of  the  low-lying 
isthmus  (the  "Little  Neck")  which  connected  the  peninsula 
with  the  mainland,  and  it  was  commanded  by  the  English  ar 
tillery  on  Boston  Neck.  Among  the  plans  discussed  was  a 
covered  way  to  be  built  of  turf,  but  this  was  rejected  because 
of  the  difficulty  of  securing  so  large  a  quantity  during  the 
winter  season.  The  next  suggestion  was  a  barricade  of  tim 
ber,  stone,  and  earth,  but  that  also  was  discarded. 

Washington  took  part  in  a  survey  of  the  causeway  "and 
the  necessary  ground  there  for  erecting  works"2  on  February 
u,  coming  over  to  the  Roxbury  headquarters  with  General 

1  Gordon,  History  of  the  Rise,  Progress,  and  Establishment  of  the  Independence  of  the 
United  States  of  America,  First  edition,  London,  II,   189-190    (different  page  numbers  in 
other  editions)  ;   Botta,  History  of  the  American  War,  I,   315. 

2  Washington    (by    Harrison)     to    Ward,    February    n,    1776. — Original    letter    in    the 
possession    (1921)   of  Ward   Dix  Kerlin,   Camden,   N.  J. 


i92  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  48 

Putnam  and  Colonels  Gridley  and  Knox,  and  there  being 
joined  by  Generals  Ward,  Thomas,  and  Spencer,  and 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Rufus  Putnam. 

A  reconnoitering  visit  to  the  Dorchester  hills  themselves  by 
the  same  officers  on  the  day  following  was  responsible  for  an 
incident  which  at  first  alarmed  onlookers  but  which  fortu 
nately  developed  nothing  more  serious  than  a  good  story  for 
camp-talk. 

The  party  had  ridden  across  the  causeway  which  they  had 
so  carefully  inspected  the  day  previous,  and  had  then  con 
tinued  out  upon  the  peninsula.  As  they  were  "on  the  Point, 
and  within  call  of  the  enemy"  they  observed  two  English 
officers  uon  full  speed  on  Horses  from  the  Old  to  the  New 
[English]  lines  and  concluded  they  were  about  to  order  the 
Artillery  levelled  at  them."  Just  at  that  moment  also,  they 
observed  a  man  deserting  from  the  American  to  the  English 
lines.  "This  set  em  all  a  running  &  Scampering  for  life  ex 
cept  the  lame  Col.  Gridley,  &  Putnam  who  never  runs  & 
tarried  to  wait  on  Gridley.  They  had  left  their  Horses  l/z  a. 
mile  back  &  feard  the  Enemy  might  attempt  to  encompass 
them."3 

The  visit  to  the  hills  was  countered  on  the  early  morning 
of  the  fourteenth  by  the  "British  raid  on  Dorchester  Neck." 
Howe's  report  of  this  to  Lord  Dartmouth  says  that  "having 
intelligence  that  the  enemy  intended  to  possess  themselves 
of  Dorchester-Neck,"  he  "ordered  a  detachment  from  Castle- 
William  .  .  .  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Leslie,  and  one  composed  of  Grenadiers  and  Light  Infantry 
from  Boston,  commanded  by  Major  Musgrave,  to  pass  over 
the  ice,  with  directions  to  destroy  the  houses,  and  every  kind 
of  cover  whatever  upon  that  peninsula ;  which  was  executed, 
and  six  of  the  enemy's  guard  made  prisoners."4 

The  English  experienced  much  relief  because  they  did  not 
find  "any  Fascines  or  Gabions,  as  a  preparation  for  building 

s  Letter  of  Captain  Chester,  Magazine  of  /InterScan  History,  VIII,   127. 
*  American  Archives,  4th,  V,   458. 


/77<*]  DORCHESTER  HEIGHTS  193 

a  Battery  on  Fosters  Hill  [Nook  Hill]  as  we  had  been  given 
to  understand  was  intended."5  The  relief  was  ill-founded, 
for  the  fascines  and  gabions  had  increased  in  number  daily- 
stored,  though,  well  behind  the  American  lines  awaiting  the 
time  for  their  use — but  the  conclusion  which  fathered  it  was 
very  pleasing  to  Howe,  for  he  was,  in  an  orderly  manner,  get 
ting  ready  to  abandon  the  town  in  the  spring,6  and  an  Amer 
ican  occupation  of  Dorchester  Neck — or  any  other  important 
military  move — might  disrupt  his  plans  and  perhaps  also 
bring  with  it  another  large  and  unprofitable  casualty  bill. 

It  is  not  easy  to  explain  why  Howe  had  not  in  all  these 
months  essayed  to  occupy  Dorchester  Neck.  He  may  have 
minimized  the  importance  of  its  position,  or  he  may  have  been 
afraid  to  further  divide  his  forces — or  he  may  merely  have 
procrastinated.  That  he  only  awaited  shipping  to  abandon 
the  town  undoubtedly  influenced  him,  but  it  is  not,  alone, 
a  satisfactory  reason,  for  (as  he  should  have  seen,  if  he  did 
not;  and  as  events  proved)  upon  the  identity  of  the  force,  if 
any,  that  should  occupy  Dorchester  Neck,  depended  the  man 
ner  and  time  possible  for  evacuation.  He  professed  not  to 
feel  the  "least  apprehension  of  any  attack  .  .  .  from  the 
Rebels,"7  but  his  Bunker  Hill  experience  must  have  given  him 
some  qualms  at  leaving  open  a  similar  potential  battle  site. 

Curiously  enough,  Washington  was  imbued  with  similar 
lukewarmness.  He  found  little  comfort  in  preparing  for  the 
occupation  of  Dorchester  Neck.  His  inspections  of  the  penin 
sula  had  apparently  confirmed  his  doubts  of  the  practicability 
and  value  of  the  project,  and  he  dwelt  with  impatient  appre 
hensive  alarm  on  the  thought  that  the  British  might  over 
whelm  him  when  their  reinforcements  arrived.  So,  after 
preparatory  discussions  and  consultations  which  spread  from 
major-generals  to  brigadier-generals  and  from  brigadiers  to 

5  Lieutenant-Colonel  Kemble's  Journal,  February  13,  1776,  Kemble  Papers,  I,  69. 

6  Howe  to  Lord  Dartmouth,  January   16,    1776:  "that  no  time  may  be  lost  in  trans 
porting  the  army  from  hence  to  New  York,  I  shall  continue  to  take  up  all  proper  vessels 
that  can  be  got." — American  Archives,  4th,  IV,  701. 

T  November  26,   1775,  to  Lord  Dartmouth,  American  Archives,  4th,  III,  1672. 


i94  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  48 

field-officers,  and  thence  to  captains  and  subalterns,  he  in 
council  of  war  on  February  16  proposed  to  take  advantage 
of  the  ice-locked  harbor  and  make  a  musket  attack  on  Boston. 

The  plan  was  not  quite  so  reckless  as  the  rowboat  assault 
he  had  urged  in  September,  but  it  was  excessively  rash  for  an 
army  with  powder  magazines  so  low  that  little  use  could 
be  made  of  artillery8  and  with  2000  of  its  men  destitute 
even  of  firearms,  against  a  well-garrisoned  town — a  town  that 
was  "almost  impregnable — every  avenue  fortified" — Wash 
ington's  own  description  of  it  a  month  later  after  hehad  viewed 
the  English  defenses  from  the  inside.9  It  offered  slight  hope 
of  success;  and  weighing  against  it  were  the  disastrous  results 
to  the  American  cause  which  would  surely  follow  a  repulse. 

uGen.  Ward  opposed  the  idea,  saying  'the  attack  must 
be  made  with  a  view  of  bringing  on  an  engagement,  or  of 
driving  the  enemy  out  of  Boston,  and  either  end  will  be  an 
swered  much  better  by  possessing  Dorchester  heights.' 
Gen.  Gates  was  also  against  it."10 

The  general  officers  upheld  Ward  and  decided  against 
an  assault. 

Washington  then  required  their  opinions  "whether  it  would 
be  advisable  to  begin  a  Cannonade  &  Bombardment  with  the 
present  stock  of  powder?" 

8  The  American  army  was  again — or  still — desperately  short  of  powder.     On  February 
3,  Ward  had  written  to  Hancock:  "We  are  in  great  want  «f  the  needful,   Pray  God  to 
send  us  a  supply.     Accounts  respecting  that  dwindle  to  almost  nothing — If  you  have  it  I 
hegg  you  will  Impart  to  us  that  want." — Original  letter,  Library  of  Congress.     Washing 
ton  also  wrote  urgently,  but  also  to  little  effect. 

9  To  Joseph  Reed,  March   19,    1776. — Reed,  Life  and  Correspondence  of  Joseph  Reed, 
I,  177. 

10  Gordon's   History   of   the   Rise,  Progress,   and  Establishment   of    the   Independence   of 
the   United  States  of  America,   First  edition,   London,    II,    189    (different  page   number   in 
other  editions).     Gordon's  history  has  been  convicted  of  plagiarism  of  the  Annual  Reg 
ister  and  Ramsay's  History  of  the  Revolution   in  South   Carolina,  but  it  holds  value  for 
the  period  of  the  siege  of  Boston  as  the  only  important  contemporary   history  by  a   resi 
dent  in  and  around  the  camps  surrounding  Boston  who  was  also  in  close  association  with 
the   American   leaders.      It  is   in  describing  military  operations   in   other   zones  that   Gor 
don's   literary  thefts   become  flagrant:  his   "use  of  borrowed   material   varying  in   amount 
according     to     the     distance     from     Boston." — Colby,     American     Historical     Association 
Annual  Report,   1899,   I,   376.      Gordon's  credit  to   Ward   as  the  chief  opponent  of  the 
assault  and  the  chief  advocate  of  the  fortification  of  Dorchester  Heights,  carries  special 
weight  because  (as  in  his  account  of,  and  references  to,  Bunker  Hill)   he  was  not  by  any 
means  prejudiced  in  Ward's  favor. 


/77<*]  DORCHESTER  HEIGHTS  195 

Their  replies  advised  a  cannonade  and  bombardment  "as 
soon  as  there  shall  be  a  proper  supply  of  Powder"  but  "not 
before." 

The  council  of  war  followed  this  second  refusal  to  accept 
Washington's  views  by  resolving  instead  that  "preparations 
should  be  made  to  take  possession  of  Dorchester  Hill,  with 
a  view  of  drawing  out  the  enemy,  and  of  Noddle's  Island, 
also,  if  the  situation  of  the  water  and  other  circumstances  will 
admit  of  it."  And  this  resolution,  as  it  applied  to  Dorches 
ter  Neck,  was  approved  for  action. 

To  Ward  thus  finally  came  a  full  unanimous  decision  for 
the  accomplishment  of  his  long  cherished  plan. 

Then  commenced  a  very  busy  time  in  the  Roxbury  division. 
A  large  quantity  of  fascines  and  gabions  had  been  collected, 
but  there  was  still  much  to  be  done.  A  Massachusetts  lieu 
tenant  who  had  come  in  early  in  February  records  "great 
preparations  .  .  .  for  some  new  Enterprize,  such  as 
Fashienes,  Gaboreenes,  Barracks  ready  Framed,  &  boards 
cut.  All  imagined  that  Dorchester  Hill  was  the  Object  of 
our  Attention."11 

The  deep  frozen  ground  continued,  however,  to  worry  the 
American  commanders  and  engineers.  Even  with  the  use  of 
fascines  and  gabions,  it  was  considered  doubtful  if  substantial 
works  could  be  built  within  the  brief  space  of  a  single  night. 
The  problem  was  solved  by  the  construction  of  chandeliers, 
a  device  new  to  the  experience  of  the  besiegers.12  They  con 
sisted  of  stout  wooden  frames  in  which  the  fascines  could  be 
set,  held  in  place  by  picketing,  and  covered  with  soil. 

The  plan  determined  upon  for  the  fulfilment  of  the  council 
of  war  resolution  was  the  fortification  of  the  two  main  hills, 
"the  Heights,"  overnight. 

11  Journal  of  Lieutenant  Isaac  Bangs,  9. 

12  By   Rufus   Putnam's   testimony    (Buell,   Memoirs   of   Rufus   Putnam,   58)    neither  he 
nor  any  one  else  in  the  American  councils  had  thought  of  chandeliers  as  a  solution  of  the 
difficulty  until  he  happened  upon  a  description  of  them  in   Muller's   Field  Engineer — and 
he  did  not  even  know  the  military  meaning  of  the  word  "chandelier"  when  he  first  saw  it. 


196  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  48 

Nook  Hill,13  one  of  the  lower  hills  of  the  peninsula,  bore 
more  directly  on  the  English  positions — both  on  the  Boston 
Neck  lines  and  the  town  itself — but  it  was  not  tenable  unless 
the  higher  points  were  first  possessed;  and  it  could  not  be 
occupied  simultaneously  with  them  without  prematurely  dis 
closing  the  American  objective. 

It  was  decided  to  screen  the  causeway  with  a  great  barri 
cade  of  bundles  of  twisted  hay — hay  "screwed  into  large  bun 
dles  of  seven  or  eight  hundred  weight"14 — the  barricade  to 
be  raised  on  the  same  night  that  the  peninsula  should  be 
occupied.  The  hay  bundles  could  serve  also  for  filling  the 
chandeliers. 

On  February  21  Ward  issued  orders  forbidding  all  inter 
course  between  the  English  and  American  lines.15  There  was 
to  be  no  more  exchanging  of  letters  or  messages. 

So  great  were  the  preparations  necessary  that  the  Dorches 
ter  Heights  project  was  not  the  "secret"  move  indicated  by 
more  than  one  historian.  On  the  contrary,  it  was  of  common 
report  in  the  camp,10  for  there  remained  only  one  unfortified 
position  of  sufficient  importance  to  serve  as  an  explanation. 

The  secrecy  essential  was  not  of  the  intention,  which  could 
not  be  concealed,  but  of  the  time  to  be  set  for  the  attempt — 
lest  word  should  be  passed  through  to  the  English  com 
mander,  and  the  Americans  should  be  forestalled  or  should 

13  Also  called   "Foster's  Hill,"   as   in   Lieutenant-Colonel   Kemble's  Journal,   quoted  on 
page   193. 

14  Thachcr's   Military   Journal,    March    4,    17/6. 

15  Gates'    letter    of    February    21,     1776,    to    Ward,    says    that    Washington    "intirely 
approves"  of  Ward's  stopping  all  intercourse.     The  original  is    (1921)    owned  by  Agnes 
Ward  White,  Parkersburg,  W.  Va. 

18  Lieutenant  Isaac  Bangs  I  have  quoted  on  page  195.  As  February  closed  we  find  the 
occupation  of  the  peninsula  confidently  predicted  in  contemporary  diaries  and  letters: 
"Great  talk  of  our  army  taking  possession  of  Dorchester  Hill  in  a  few  days." — Diary 
of  Ezekiel  Price,  February  29,  1776,  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  Proceedings,  VII, 
239 ;  "Great  preparations  making  for  our  going  on  Dorchester  Hill,  which  we  believe 
will  very  soon  happen." — Daniel  McCurtin's  Journal,  March  I,  1776,  Papers  relating 
chiefly  to  the  Maryland  Line,  32  ;  "I  think  we  shall  undoubtedly  go  on  Dorchester  next 
week." — Jedediah  Huntington  to  Jabez  Huntington,  March  i,  1776,  original  letter, 
February  29— March  I,  1776,  General  Jedediah  Huntington  Letters,  Connecticut  Histori 
cal  Society. 


1776]  DORCHESTER  HEIGHTS  197 

be  caught  at  a  disadvantage  when  at  work  on  the  heights. 
Hence,  Ward's  stoppage  of  all  communication  with  Boston. 

The  confidence  of  the  American  rank  and  file  in  the  success 
of  so  considerable  an  enterprise  had  been  enhanced  by  Knox 
bringing  into  the  lines  a  number  of  the  cannon,  mortars,  and 
howitzers  that  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  Ethan  Allen, 
Benedict  Arnold,  and  Seth  Warner  when  they  captured 
Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point  during  the  first  month  of 
the  war.  The  effect  upon  the  general  officers  was  less  marked 
because  of  their  knowledge  of  the  scantiness  of  the  gun 
powder  supply. 

While  Ward's  division  labored,  the  English  commander-in- 
chief  continued  to  plan  his  removal,  looking  forward  to  that 
spring  day  when  he  hoped  to  find  himself  so  well  supplied 
with  ships  that  the  army  and  its  supplies,  and  the  Boston 
tories  and  their  belongings,  could  safely  be  slipped  away  from 
sight  and  sound  and  vengeance  of  that  peculiarly  constituted 
gathering  of  rebellious  New  Englanders  which  held  him 
besieged.  In  anticipation,  he  dismounted  a  number  of  his 
heavy  cannon  and  placed  them  on  board  his  ships.17 

By  February  26  Ward's  preparations  were  so  far  advanced 
that  Washington  advised  both  the  Continental  Congress  and 
the  Massachusetts  Council  of  the  determination  to  occupy 
the  peninsula,  and  he  asked  the  Council  to  direct  the  militia 
of  the  towns  "most  contiguous  to  Dorchester  and  Roxbury 
to  repair  to  the  lines  at  those  places,  with  their  arms,  am 
munition  and  accoutrements,  instantly  upon  a  signal  given," 
as  to  weaken  his  center  by  detaching  men  for  the  Dorchester 
lines  before  the  English  had  disclosed  their  point  of  attack 
might  "neither  be  consistent  with  prudence  nor  good  policy." 

17  This  and  other  similar  acts  were  noted  by  American  observers,  and  Washington, 
February  26,  sent  word  of  them  to  Charles  Lee  in  New  York  to  warn  him  that  the 
enemy's  Boston  fleet  and  army  might  soon  be  headed  for  New  York — "They  have  removed 
the  two  mortars  from  Bunker's  Hill  and  carried  them  with  a  great  part  of  their  heavy 
brass  cannon  on  board  their  ships."  To  Hancock  he  sent  a  similar  account,  adding  that 
"a  Mr.  Ides  who  came  out  yesterday  says  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  generally 
believe  that  they  are  about  to  remove  either  to  New  York  or  Virginia." — Ford,  Writings 
of  Washington,  III,  436,  433~434- 


198  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  48 

Thomas,  as  was  his  due,  had  been  selected  to  head  the 
occupying  detachment. 

Washington  was,  however,  still  far  from  being  satisfied. 
He  did  not  yet  realize  the  importance  of  the  fortification  of 
the  Dorchester  hills.  He  continued  to  nurse  his  disappoint 
ment  that  his  musket  assault  plan  had  not  been  accepted, 
though  still  at  this  date  a  considerable  number  of  his  men 
were  without  arms.18  His  letter  of  February  26  to  Joseph 
Reed  dwells  on  his  rejected  project.  "This  [the  formation 
of  "some  pretty  strong  ice  from  Dorchester  to  Boston  Neck, 
and  from  Roxbury  to  the  Common"]  I  thought  ...  a 
favorable  opportunity  to  make  an  assault  upon  the  troops  in 
town.  I  proposed  it  in  council;  but,  behold  1  though  we  had 
been  waiting  all  the  year  for  this  favourable  event,  the  enter 
prise  was  thought  too  dangerous!  ...  it  is  now  at  an  end, 
and  I  am  preparing  to  take  post  on  Dorchester,  to  try  if  the 
enemy  will  be  so  kind  as  to  come  out  to  us." 19 

But  the  very  day  on  which  Washington  had  thus  written, 
one  of  Ward's  outposts  notified  him  of  new  British  activities 
— of  loaded  boats  passing  between  Boston  and  Castle 
William;  of  a  boat,  with  swivel-guns  aboard,  apparently 
viewing  conditions  around  "the  point."20  And  on  the  mor 
row  (February  27)  came  a  report  that  the  British  were  land 
ing  men  on  Dorchester  Neck,  "upon  which  an  alarm  was 
beat,  expresses  galloping  to  Cambridge,  the  whole  army  in 
Roxbury  in  arms,  and  the  soldiers  quartered  in  the  neighbor 
hood  all  marching  to  join  the  main  body  and  everything  had 
the  appearance  of  a  sudden  battle."21 

It  proved  a  false  alarm,  but  it  shocked  Washington  into  a 
full  sense  of  the  importance  of  the  work  under  way,  and  of 
the  danger  that  Howe  might  forestall  him  in  seizing  the  penin- 

18  Washington  to   Schuyler,    February   25,    17/6. — Ford,    Writings   of  Washington,   III, 
430,  note. 

19  Reed,  Life  and  Correspondence  of  Joseph  Reed,  I,   1 66. 

20  Colonel  Joseph  Read  to  General  Ward,   February   26,    1776. — Original   letter,   Knox 
MSS.,  II,  37,  Massachusetts  Historical   Society. 

21  Diary  of  Ezekiel  Price,  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  Proceedings,  VII,   238. 


DORCHESTER  HEIGHTS  199 

sula.  His  mind  dwelt  upon  and  magnified  the  possibility  that 
the  enemy's  apparent  preparations  to  abandon  the  town  might 
cloak  some  other  design,  and  from  that  date  he  was  very 
nervous  lest  Howe  should  overreach  him.22 

On  Saturday,  March  2,  a  council  of  war  decided  him  to 
name  the  night  of  Monday,  March  4,  as  the  time  to  "go  on" 
Dorchester  Neck.23 

Ward  was  ready  for  the  call.  And  Washington,  at  head 
quarters,  supervised  preparations  to  storm  Boston  if  Howe 
should  move  any  considerable  force  against  the  positions 
to  be  acquired  by  the  Americans  on  the  Dorchester  hills. 
Four  thousand  men  under  Putnam  to  make  the  assault :  in  two 
detachments,  under  Brigadiers  Sullivan  and  Greene.  One  to 
land  by  the  Powder  House  and  gain  possession  of  the  enemy's 
work  on  Beacon  Hill;  and  the  other  to  land  near  Barton's 
Point  and  secure  the  post  on  Copp's  Hill;  then,  uniting,  to 
force  their  way  through  the  town  to  the  rear  of  the  enemy's 
lines  on  Boston  Neck. 

Plans  for  the  assault  had  been  first  formulated  by  Sullivan 
and  Greene.24  They  had  then  been  amended  and  submitted 
to  Washington  in  a  joint  letter  signed  by  Putnam,  Sullivan, 
Greene,  and  Gates;25  and  accepted  by  him  without  change. 

Thus  was  revived  Washington's  project  of  attacking  Bos 
ton  by  a  rowboat  army.  Still  unwisely  hazardous  but  im 
proved  to  the  extent  that  it  was  not  to  be  essayed  unless  the 
enemy  should  divert  a  large  part  of  his  strength.26 

22  "Should  the  enemy  get  possession  of  those  Hills  before  us  they  weuld  render  it  a  diffi 
cult    task    to    dispossess    them." — Washington    to    Ward,    February    27,     1776     (Original 
letter  owned,    1921,   by  Agnes  Ward  White,   Parkersburg,   W.   Va.)  ;    "Considering  the 
hazard  of  having  the  Posts  on   Dorchester  Neck  taken  by  the  enemy   and  the  evil   con 
sequences  which  would  result  from  it." — Washington  to  Ward,  March  2,  1776   (Copy  in 
Artemas   Ward  MSS.)  ;    "...  to   discover   whether  they  have   any  designs   of   Taking 
possession  of  Dorchester  Heights  as  he  [Washington]   would  by  no  means  have  them  ac 
complish  it." — R.  H.  Harrison  to  Ward,   March  3,    1776    (Original  letter  owned,   1921, 
by  Roxa  Dix  Southard,  Groton,  M,ass.). 

23  Washington  to  Ward,  March  2,   1776. — Copy  in  Artemas  Ward  MSS. 

24  The  original  of  the  Sullivan-Greene  plan  is    (1921)   owned  by  Agnes  Ward  White, 
Parkersburg,  W.  Va. 

25  Original  letter,  Library  of  Congress. 

26  Commenting  en  this  plan  to  assault  Boston,   a  curious  error  slipped  into  Sir  George 


200  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  48 

To  carry  out  this  double  operation — the  occupation  of 
Dorchester  Neck  and  an  assault  upon  Boston — every  man  was 
needed  and  every  musket  must  be  made  to  count.  All  work 
ing  parties  were  ordered  back  to  their  regiments  and  the 
brigadiers  were  instructed  to  see  that  the  firearms  were  "dis 
posed  of  to  the  best  advantage,  placing  them  only  in  the 
hands  of  such  as  are  fit  for  duty."27  Spears  were  to  be  held 
in  readiness  and  to  be  distributed  as  needed  among  those  for 
whom  no  firearms  were  available. 

Ward  called  upon  the  patriotism  of  his  troops,  demanding 
that  "all  officers  be  vigilant  in  seeing  that  their  men  are  well 
equipt  &  prepared  for  action — and  that  every  man  be  imme 
diately  prepared  to  meet  the  Enemies  of  his  Country." 

"It  is  expected,"  he  continued,  "that  every  man  in  every 
station  &  department  will  now  exert  all  his  powers  for  the 
salvation  of  America.  Freedom  &  glory,  shame  &  slavery, 
are  set  before  us — let  us  act  like  men,  like  Christians,  like 
heroes,  &  form  a  character  for  the  admiration  of  posterity."28 

There  was  one  possibility  of  delay  over  which  Ward  had 
no  control:  that  the  east  wind  which  was  blowing  on  Sunday 

Trevelyan's  highly  valued  American  Revolution.  Trevelyan  represents  Washington  as 
disapproving  the  project  (1917  edition,  I,  369-370).  Continuing,  he  says  (pages  370- 
371):  "The  prudence  of  Washington  [in  opposing  the  assault  on  Boston],  so  General 
Heath  declared,  was  applauded  by  military  men  of  several  nations,  after  they  had  made 
an  inspection  of  the  land  and  water  which  was  to  have  been  the  scene  of  action.  And 
the  veteran  was  mindful  to  direct  his  gratitude  higher  still,  and  to  aver  that  Providence, 
kind  not  for  the  first  time,  must  have  interposed  to  save  his  countrymen  when  they  were 
bent  on  self-destruction." 

"Heath's  Memoirs"  is  given  as  authority  (foot-note,  I,  371)  both  for  the  statement 
that  Washington  opposed  the  storming  of  Boston  and  for  the  lines  concerning  "The 
prudence  of  Washington." 

The  sentiments  quoted  are,  it  is  true,  to  be  found  in  Heath's  Memoirs,  and  on  the 
dates  given  in  the  foot-note  (February  15  and  March  5,  1776),  but  they  are  Heath's 
sentiments,  not  Washington's. 

The  mistake  is  attributable  to  Heath's  peculiar  habit  of  referring  to  himself  as  "Our 
Captain"  and  "Our  General." 

Another  error,  less  easily  explained,  is  Trevelyan's  reference  (I,  370;  III,  50)  to  Heath 
as  the  commander-in-chief  whom  Washington  succeeded.  Heath  was  in  charge  at  Cam 
bridge  for  only  the  few  hours  of  April  20  which  preceded  Ward's  arrival  on  the 
afternoon  of  that  day. 

27  General  orders,    March   3,    1776,    Ward's  Order  Book. 
"March  3,   1776,   Ward's  Order  Book. 


/77<*]  DORCHESTER  HEIGHTS  201 

evening  might  raise  the  tide  so  high  as  to  flood  the  causeway 
over  the  Little  Neck  and  thus  render  the  task  impossible. 

This  danger  was  foreseen  and  discussed,29  but  the  wind 
died  down,  and  the  next  morning  (Monday,  March  4)  Ward 
issued  his  orders  for  the  fortification  of  the  heights.30 

Some  historians  speak  of  the  occupation  of  the  Dorchester 
hills  as  of  Washington's  careful  detailed  planning.  This 

29  Washington  to  Ward,  March  3,  1776. — Original  letter  owned  (1921)  by  Roxa  Dix 
Southard,  Groton,  Mass. 

80  Ward's  order  to  Thomas  is  reproduced  opposite  page  202.  It  was  supplemented  by 
the  following  detailed  instructions  for  the  conduct,  relief,  and  support  of  the  detachment. 
Genl.  Ward  Orders  Roxbury  4th  March  1776 

That  2100  Men  viz  i  Brigadier  Genl.  3  Coll.  3  Lieut  Coll.  3  Majors  23  Capts  71 
Subs.  100  Sergts.  3  Drums  1916  Rank  &  file  3  Surgeons  3  Mates  are  to  be 
Paraded  this  Eveng  at  Six  oclock  precisely,  at  Dorchester,  completely  Armd  & 
accoutred,  with  one  days  Provision  ready  cook'd.  Before  the  men  are  marchd  from 
the  regimental  Parades,  they  are  to  be  handsomely  drawn  up  two  deep.  Their 
arms,  Amunition  &  Accoutraments  strictly  examin'd,  the  commission'd  &  non-com- 
mission'd  Officers  properly  posted.  The  Officers  will  give  particular  Attention  to 
their  own  Divisions,  whether  they  are  employ'd  in  the  work,  or  as  a  covering  Party, 
&  not  shift  from  one  part  of  the  Battallion  to  another.  This  will  give  an  Oppor 
tunity  for  ye  free  Circulation  to  the  Orders  of  the  Commanding  Officer,  &  enable 
him  to  conduct  any  movement  with  less  Danger  of  Confusion,  &  greater  Probability 
of  Success.  The  Officers  will  mark  well  the  Behavior  of  their  men;  that  ye 
Bravery  &  Resolution  of  the  good  Soldier  may  not  pass  unrewarded;  &  Meanness 
&  Cowardice  meet  with  just  Contempt.  At  3  Oclock  Tomorrow  morn'g,  will  be 
paraded  for  the  Relief  of  the  above  Party,  at  ye  same  Place,  3000  Men  viz  i 
Brigadier  Genl.  5  Coll  5  Lieut.  Coll  5  Majors  30  Capts  92  Subs  118  Sergts  5 
Drums  2342  Rank  &  File  5  Surgeons  5  Mates,  Accoutred  &  posted  as  above  with 
one  Days  Provision  ready  cook'd.  The  5  Companies  of  Rifle  men  equipt  as  above 
are  to  parade  at  the  same  Place  &  time.  At  which  time  the  Remainder  of  all  ye 
Regts  are  to  be  turn'd  out  &  take  their  respective  Alarm  Posts.  The  Party  that 
is  reliev'd  from  Dorchester  is  not  to  be  dismiss'd  as  soon  as  reliev'd ;  but  to  join 
their  respective  Regts  at  their  Alarm  posts,  &  wait  for  further  Orders.  The  Genl. 
expects  that  in  case  of  an  attack,  the  Officers  exert  themselves  to  prevent  their 
men  from  throwing  away  their  Fire  before  the  Enemy  are  within  Reach,  & 
recommends  that  no  Soldier  fire  at  any  time  without  a  particular  Object  in  View  ; 
single  Guns  well  aim'd  and  briskly  fir'd,  have  a  greater  Tendency  to  disconcert  &  do 
more  Damage  to  an  Enemy,  than  firing  by  Plattoons.  The  Surgeons  and  Mates 
are  to  be  equip'd  with  every  thing  necessary  for  their  department.  It  is  ordered 
that  the  whole  Camp  keep  by  them  one  Days  Provision  ready  cook'd ;  &  that  no 
Officer  or  Soldier  strole  from  their  Quarters.  2500  Men  Are  to  parade  every  Morng 
equip'd,  at  ye  same  hour  &  Place. 

4th  March 

Capt.  Hugh  Stevenson  is  to  take  the  command  of  the  three  Companies  of  Rifle 
men  in  this  Incampment,  &  also  the  two  Companies  which  are  ordered  here  from 
Cambridge ;  &  at  three  Oclock  tomorrow  Morning  proceed  to  Dorchester  Point, 
there  to  obey  such  orders  as  he  shall  receive  from  Brigadier  Genl.  Thomas,  or  the 
Commanding  Officer  on  that  Point.  By  order  of  Majr  Genl.  Ward. 

J  W  Adc 
— Ward's  Order  Book. 


202  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  48 

is  inaccurate,  for  we  have  Washington's  letter  to  Ward  on 
March  3,  only  twenty-four  hours  before  the  fortification  com 
menced,  saying  that  his  suggestions  were  only  tentative. 
"You  will,"  he  wrote,  "settle  matters  with  the  Officers  with 
you,  as  what  I  have  here  said  is  intended  rather  to  convey  my 
Ideas  generally,  than  wishing  them  to  be  adhered  to 
strictly."31 

The  months  of  preparation  crowd  to  an  issue. 

"A  very  large  party  of  teams"  make  their  appearance  in 
camp  (teams  of  oxen,  be  it  understood).  An  atmosphere 
of  general  expectation  is  everywhere  present.  "Going  on 
to  Dorchester  Neck  tonight"  is  the  general  toast  and 
salutation.32 

The  Roxbury  positions  are  held  in  greater  force  than  ever 
before:  their  lines  generously  reinforced  by  militiamen  from 
the  surrounding  towns,  present  for  a  special  three  days' 
service.  Attracted  by  the  reports  of  an  impending  action,  the 
men  have  been  coming  in  all  Saturday  and  Sunday  without 
awaiting  the  formal  call. 

"A  little  before  sunset"  the  several  units  of  Thomas's  de 
tachment  marched  to  their  juncture  at  the  Dorchester  lines. 
A  short  wait  there,  and  then  the  signal  was  given  and  the 
American  guns  at  the  Lamb's  Dam  redoubt  opened  fire  on 
the  enemy.  The  English  cannon  responded  smartly.  Other 
American  batteries  took  up  the  tune.  And  thus  commenced 
the  fiercest  artillery  duel  that  Boston  ever  experienced.33 

It  was  a  matter  of  supreme  importance  to  keep  the  English 
so  fully  occupied  that  they  should  divine  nothing  of  what 
Thomas  and  his  men  were  to  do  that  night — so  the  American 
cannon  coughed  and  roared  as  they  had  never  been  permitted 
before — loudest  of  all  from  the  Roxbury  forts — for  once 

81  Original  letter,  Artcmas  Ward  MSS. 

82  Diary,  Historical  Magazine,  VIII,   328. 

88  On  the  two  preceding  nights  also  (Saturday  and  Sunday,  March  2  and  3)  there 
had  been  brisk  artillery  exchanges.  They  form  part  of  the  conventional  story  of  the  siege 
but  had  little  or  no  bearing  on  its  outcome. 


: 


's3'^?    trr-tSe- 

.ST 


>^£5 


<& 


From  the  original   (6#  x8^),  owned  by  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society 

WARD'S  ORDER  FOR  THE  FORTIFICATION  OF 
DORCHESTER  HEIGHTS 


DORCHESTER  HEIGHTS  203 

reckless  of  the  consumption  of  powder!34  And  for  every 
Yankee  shot  or  shell,  the  English  returned  threefold  or  four 
fold,  until  it  seemed  to  the  terror-stricken  inhabitants  of  Bos 
ton  uas  if  heaven  and  earth  were  engaged."35 

To  this  deafening  accompaniment  Thomas  starts  his  men 
forward.  In  front,  is  the  covering  party  of  eight  hundred. 
Closely  following,  are  the  carts  with  the  intrenching  tools. 
Then  comes  the  working  party  of  twelve  hundred,  Thomas 
riding  with  it.  Behind,  stretches  a  "mighty  train"  of  360 
carts36  loaded  with  the  bundles  of  screwed  hay,  the  chan 
deliers,  the  fascines,  and  the  gabions.  And  thus  "we  went 
over  the  marsh  in  fine  order  and  good  spirits."37 

The  "Little  Neck"  traversed,  the  covering  party  divides: 
half  quietly  make  their  way  to  Nook  Hill  point  to  keep  watch 
on  Boston;  half  proceed  to  the  point  facing  Castle  Island.  A 
line  of  sentries  connects  the  two  posts  and  extends  also  along 
the  south  shore. 

The  working  detachment  and  the  carts  with  the  intrench 
ing  tools  press  steadily  on  to  the  "twin  hills" — the  famous 
Dorchester  Heights  of  history. 

The  carts  with  the  hay  bundles  drop  them  along  the  cause 
way  and  then  turn  back  for  new  loads ;  those  with  the  fascines, 
etc.,  continue* out  on  the  peninsula  and  slowly  and  laboriously 
trail  the  working  detachment  to  the  two  summits. 

The  fatigue  men  set  to  the  task,  Gridley  and  Rufus  Putnam 
directing.  An  hour's  labor38  is  sufficient  to  enclose  a  fort  by 

84  The  free  American  bombardment  has  led  numerous  authorities  to  state  that  powder 
had  become  plentiful  in  the  camp.  They  overlook  Washington's  "if  we  had  powder" 
on  March  7,  1776,  to  Joseph  Reed. — Ford,  Writings  of  Washington,  III,  462. 

35  Newell's  Journal,  March  4,  1776,  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  Collections,  4th, 
I,  272.  Within  the  American  lines,  a  soldier  in  the  Roxbury  division  wrote:  "It's 
impossible,  I  could  describe  the  situation  of  this  town  and  all  about  it.  This  night  you 
could  see  shells,  sometimes  7  at  a  time  in  the  air,  and  as  to  cannon,  the  continual  shaking 
of  the  earth  by  cannonading  dried  up  our  wells." — Daniel  McCurtin,  March  4,  1776, 
Papers  relating-  chiefly  to  the  Maryland  Line,  33.  Washington  described  the  cannonading 
as  a  "continued  roar." 

86  Thomas  Papers,  1774-1776,  67,  Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 

87  Asa  Waters  MS.  Account,  Stoughton  (Mass.)   Historical  Society. 
38  Diary,  Historical  Magazine,  VIII,  3^8. 


204  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  48 

the  use  of  the  chandeliers,  fascines,  and  gabions;  then  all 
hands  that  can  be  used  are  put  to  digging  to  complete  the  job. 
The  mildness  of  the  night  and  its  clear  moon  favor  the  work. 

Some  histories  place  Washington  on  the  heights  riding  the 
lines  all  night.  He  was  not  there  at  all.  He  was  where  he 
should  have  been,  at  his  central  headquarters,  ready  to  strike 
at  the  enemy  from  left  or  center;  or  to  receive  them  at  either 
point;  or  to  reinforce  his  right:  according  to  circumstances  or 
as  his  opponent  might  move.39 

The  relief — 3000  men  (2342  rank  and  file) — came  on  be 
tween  three  and  four  o'clock  in  the  morning.  They  found 
"two  forts  in  considerable  forwardness  and  sufficient  for  a 
defence  against  small  arms  and  grape  shot."40 

With  them  came  the  five  companies  of  riflemen.  "[We] 
went  and  lay  in  ambush  close  by  the  water  side  expecting 
every  moment  that  the  Butchers  belonging  to  the  Tyrant  of 
Great  Britain  would  be  out  among  us."41  But  the  artillery 
duel  held  the  English  attention.  Howe  had  no  inkling  of  the 
works  rapidly  taking  shape. 

"The  carts  were  still  in  motion  with  materials;  some  of 
them  have  made  three  or  four  trips."42  Their  later  trips 
brought  several  pieces  of  artillery. 

Before  daybreak  the  two  main  forts  had  been  supple 
mented  by  four  smaller  auxiliary  positions.  "A  very  great 
work  for  one  Night."43 

For  a  finishing  touch,  the  bristling  points  of  the  abattis44— 
war's  rough  usage  of  neighboring  orchards — are  faced  with 
barrels  of  sand  and  stones.     "They  presented  only  the  ap 
pearance  of  strengthening  the  works;  but  the  real  design  was, 
in  case  the  enemy  made  an  attack,  to  have  rolled  them  down 

88  His  letter  to  Ward,  on  the  night  of  March  4,  asks  "how  the  works  goe  on." — Ar- 
temas  Ward  MSS. 

40  Thacher's  Military  Journal,   March  5,    1776. 

41  Daniel   McCurtin's  Journal,   March  4,   1776,  Papers  relating  chiefly  to   the  Maryland 
Line,   33. 

42  Thacher's  Military  Journal,  March  5,   1776. 

43  Revolutionary  Journal  of  Col.  Jeduthan  Baldwin,  March  4,    1776. 

44  Howe's   report,   American  Archives,  4th,   IV,   458. 


/77<*]  DORCHESTER  HEIGHTS  205 

the  hills."  As  "the  hills  on  which  they  were  erected  were 
steep,  and  clear  of  trees  and  bushes  .  .  .  They  would  have 
descended  with  such  increasing  velocity,  as  must  have  thrown 
the  assailants  into  the  utmost  confusion  and  have  killed  and 
wounded  great  numbers."45 

Thus  the  night  passed,  its  every  hour  filled  with  unceasing 
activity. 

Then  came  the  dawn — and  through  its  haze 'the  forts 
loomed  before  the  enemy  with  a  menace  that  none  could 
mistake. 

The  English  generals  gazed,  astounded,  at  the  threaten 
ing  lines  which  had  thus  magically  crowned  the  heights.46  The 
size  and  strength  of  the  works  amazed  them.  They  "must 
have  been  the  employment  of  at  least  twelve  thousand  men," 
declared  the  English  commander.47 

There  was  an  immediate  convening  of  a  British  council  of 
war.  The  fortification  of  the  twin  hills  had  been  planned 
only  as  a  first  step  in  the  possession  of  Dorchester  Neck — but 
its  possibilities  were  manifest — the  English  officers  did  not 
have  to  await  the  full  gestation  of  the  project!  Unless  the 

45  Heath's  Memoirs,  March  4,  1776.  The  credit  for  this  use  of  barrels  of  sand  and 
stones  is  given  by  General  Heath  to  William  Davis,  a  Boston  merchant.  Stedman,  the 
contemporary  English  historian  who  is  still  quoted  with  respect  by  modern  military  critics, 
considered  the  plan  most  effectively  practical :  "To  dislodge  the  Provincials  from  their 
new  works  .  .  .  was  impossible,"  he  wrote,  "for  the  British  troops  must  have 
ascended  an  almost  perpendicular  eminence,  on  the  top  of  which  the'  Americans  had 
prepared  hogsheads  chained  together  in  great  numbers,  and  filled  with  stones,  to  roll 
down  upon  them  as  they  marched  up:  a  curious  provision,  by  which  whole  columns 
would  have  been  swept  off  at  once.  .  .  .  This  would  effectually  have  destroyed  all 
order,  and  have  broken  the  ranks." — History  of  the  American  War,  I,  187—188.  In 
these  barrels  one  finds  the  genesis  of  a  curious  story  of  later  years  that  at  the  time  of  the 
fortification  of  Dorchester  Heights,  barrels  were  filled  with  sand  and  headed  up  to  de 
ceive  the  American  troops  into  the  belief  that  this  time  they  had  an  unlimited  supply 
of  powder  with  them!  (Reference  to  this  story  was  made  by  Wm.  H.  Sumner,  New 
England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  XII,  229.)  But  their  real  purpose  was 
necessarily  known  to  many,  as  any  delay  in  their  use  would  have  nullified  the  expected 
advantage.  They  are  also  perhaps  the  foundation  of  similar  fanciful  stories,  told  of 
earlier  months  of  the  siege,  preserved  in  Elkanah  Watson's  Men  and  Times  of  the 
Revolution  and  Hale's  Memories  of  a  Hundred  Years,  I,  147. 

48  The  forts  had  been  raised,  testified  an  English  officer,  "with  an  expedition  equal  to 
that  of  the  genii  belonging  to  Aladin's  wonderful  lamp." — Almon's  Remembrancer,  III, 
106. 

47  To  Lord  Dartmouth,  American  Archives,  4th,  V,  458-459. 


206  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  48 

Americans  could  be  ousted,  Boston  was  no  longer  a  safe  berth 
for  either  His  Majesty's  navy  or  army. 

Howe  still  held  Lord  Dartmouth's  instructions  to  abandon 
the  town,  but  he  was  in  not  much  better  position  to  carry  them 
out  than  he  had  been  four  months  earlier.  His  recent  prepa 
rations  availed  him  little,  for  he  was  still  short  of  shipping. 
A  divided  removal  (which,  four  months  earlier,  he  had  de 
clared  to  be  dangerous)  was  now  impossible  with  the  Ameri 
cans  intrenched  on  Dorchester  Neck.  An  undivided  removal 
meant,  at  best,  leaving  behind  great  quantities  of  military 
and  other  supplies.  And,  then,  the  disgrace!  Instead  of  a 
voluntary  evacuation  of  the  town,  a  flight  from  it  enforced 
by  the  muzzles  of  colonial  cannon. 

Howe's  decision  was  to  fight,  and  the  Americans  cheerfully 
made  ready  to  receive  him.  Washington  rode  up  the  hills  to 
view  the  works,  and  reminded  the  men  that  it  was  the  anni 
versary  of  the  "Boston  Massacre."  And  Putnam's  division 
assembled  along  the  Charles  River,  awaiting  the  word  to 
man  the  boats  for  a  spectacular  raid  upon  the  town. 

The  English  essayed  the  effect  of  artillery  on  the  American 
intrenchments : 

"They  endeavored  to  Elevate  their  Cannon  so  as  to  reach 
our  works,  by  sinking  the  Hinder  wheels  of  the  Cannon  into 
the  Earth,  but  after  an  unsuccessful  Fire  of  about  two  Hours, 
they  grew  weary  of  it  &  Desisted."48 

The  Americans  intently  watch  also  the  other  and  more 
threatening  English  moves — the  gathering  of  the  boats,  the 
marching  of  the  companies  to  the  wharves,  the  emptying  of 
the  boats  into  the  transports.  It  looks  as  if  Howe  intends 
to  duplicate  Gage's  methods  at  Breed's  Hill,  and  the  Ameri 
cans  laugh  and  pray  that  the  "Philistines"  will  give  them 
another  such  opportunity. 

As  Washington  turned  his  eyes  from  the  Boston  shore  to 
scan  the  American  works,  built  with  an  expedition  that  had 

"John    Sullivan   to  John   Adams,    March    15,    1776,    Massachusetts   Historical   Society 
Proceedings,  XIV,  283. 


1776]  DORCHESTER  HEIGHTS  207 

staggered  the  trained  soldiers  of  Great  Britain  and  manned 
with  those  same  indomitable  New  Englanders  who  had  made 
history  at  "Lexington  and  Concord"  and  again  at  Bunker 
Hill — anxious  now  only  that  their  enemy  should  "come  on" : 
he  himself  said,  "I  never  saw  spirits  higher,  or  more  ardor 
prevailing  .  .  .  our  officers  and  men  appeared  impatient  for 
the  appeal" — he  probably  felt  compunction  for  the  harsh 
epithets  he  had  applied  to  the  New  England  troops.  The 
project,  the  preparation,  the  command,  the  engineers,  and 
the  work  (and  the  Bunker  Hill  lesson  back  of  them)  were 
all  of  New  England's  sons;  and  their  result  was  to  mean 
much  glory  for  the  Virginian  who  had  aspersed  them. 

The  neighboring  hills — as  also  the  housetops  and  wharves 
of  Boston — are  crowded  with  spectators  awaiting  taut-nerved 
the  commencement  of  a  drama  that  bids  fair  to  be  bloodier 
even  than  the  carnival  of  death  on  Breed's  Hill.  But  Howe 
remembers  too  vividly  the  price  to  be  paid  for  storming 
American  intrenchments  with  daylight  sighting  American 
muskets.  The  five  regiments  filling  the  transports  are  to  go 
first  to  Castle  Island.  From  there,  during  the  night,  to  be 
landed  on  the  easterly  point  of  Dorchester  Neck;  while  other 
regiments,  direct  from  Boston,  disembark  "on  the  side  next 
the  town."  Then,  from  the  two  directions,  a  simultaneous 
assault  upon  the  works:  no  pausing  to  fire  this  time — but  a 
quick  short  march  and  a  rapid  clambering  of  the  hills — hop 
ing  that  in  the  uncertain  moonlight  the  rush  of  English 
bayonets  may  offset  American  marksmanship.49 

But  this  is  unknown  to  the  American  commanders  and  they 
watch  with  disappointment  the  ebbing  of  the  tide  which  they 
had  thought  would  bring  the  foe  to  them. 

What  is  the  British  intention?  That  is  the  question  in 
every  one's  mind  as  the  afternoon  wanes.  The  redcoats  had 

49  Howe's  Orderly  Book,  22$  ;  Howe  to  Lord  Dartmouth,  American  Archives,  4th,  V, 
459;  Diary  of  a  British  Officer,  Atlantic  Monthly,  XXXIX,  553;  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Kemble's  Journal,  Kemble  Papers,  I,  71. 


208  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  48 

not  been  filled  into  the  transports  for  nothing.  Where  is  the 
blow  to  be  struck? 

There  are  several  possibilities  in  addition  to  that  of  a 
direct  attack  upon  Dorchester  Heights.  As  one,  the  enemy 
may  land  at  some  nearby  point  to  the  south  and  attempt  to 
break  through  the  American  right  from  the  rear. 

Washington  returned  to  Cambridge  early  in  the  afternoon 
and  from  there  he  wrote  to  Ward  requesting  him  to  send 
"orders  to  Braintree,  Hingham  &  that  way,  that  a  good 
lookout  be  kept  there,  and  if  any  discoveries  respecting  'em 
can  be  made,  that  instant  notice  thereof  be  brought  to  Head- 
Quarters."  He  did  not  "much  suspect  their  going  to  or  land 
ing  at  those  places,"  but  he  believed  that  "the  utmost  vigi 
lance  &  care"  were  necessary,  "as  their  embarkation  certainly 
is  to  answer  some  purpose." 

Because  of  the  unreliability  of  night  signals,  he  also  re 
quested  Ward  to  keep  "Two  Expresses  with  Horses  in  con 
stant  readiness"  to  communicate  any  motions  of  the  enemy 
which  he  deemed  in  any  way  important,  and  "the  same  will 
be  done  here."50 

The  English  transports  went  down. the  bay  in  the  evening, 
a  floating  battery  towed  along  to  cover  their  landing;  but  a 
March  tempest  was  brewing  and  it  came  up  with  such  fury 
that  three  of  the  vessels  were  driven  ashore  on  Governor's 
Island.  The  proposed  assault  became  impossible.  "[No] 
boat  cou'd  possibly  land."51 

In  Boston  that  night  the  people  again  cowered  in  their 
homes  as  the  wind  rocked  their  walls,  broke  their  windows, 
and  blew  down  their  sheds  and  fences.52  "A  wind  more  vio 
lent  than  any  thing  I  ever  heard,"  an  English  officer  wrote 

80  Washington  (by  Harrison)  to  Ward,  March  5,  1776. — Original  letter  owned  (1921) 
by  Roxa  Dix  Southard,  Groton,  Mass. 

"  Diary  of  a  British  Officer,  Atlantic  Monthly,  XXXIX,   553. 

82  Letters  and  Diary  of  John  Roii-c,  300.  "A  hurrycane,  or  terrible  sudden  storm." — 
Newell's  Journal,  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  Collections,  4th,  I,  272.  "In  the 
night  was  as  violent  a  storm  as  was  ever  known." — Dr.  John  Warren's  Journal,  John 
C.  Warren's  Genealogy  of  Warren,  94. 


DORCHESTER  HEIGHTS  209 

home.  "A  violent  storm,"  wrote  Washington.  "Almost  a 
hurricane,"  says  Heath. 

The  cannonading,  too,  started  afresh,  giving  promise  of 
war  on  the  morrow. 

The  alarmed  residents  of  Boston  were,  nevertheless,  vastly 
more  comfortable  than  the  Americans  upon  the  Dorchester 
hills!  There  had  been  no  time  to  set  up  the  barracks  which 
a  few  days  later  ameliorated  conditions.  There  was  nothing 
to  protect  the  men  from  the  weather  save  a  few  apple  trees 
— "a  miserable  shelter  from  storms  and  March  winds."  "I 
never  before  felt  such  cold  and  distress,  as  I  did  this  night"; 
u[we  were]  drenched  by  the  copious  rain,  exhausted  by 
severe  exertion" :  such  are  the  comments  that  have  come 
down  to  us  in  the  diaries  and  reminiscences  of  officers  and 
privates.53 

The  wind  and  sea  still  ran  high  in  the  morning,  and  the 
transports  were  ordered  back  to  Boston.  The  English  had 
lost  what  little  appetite  they  had  at  first  felt  for  assailing  the 
American  position.  They  decided  to  give  up  the  town,  and 
Halifax  was  selected  as  the  immediate  destination  of  both  the 
troops  and  the  civilian  tories.54 

Despite  the  earlier  rumors  that  Howe  planned  to  abandon 
the  capital,  the  crisis  which  thus  confronted  them — definite 
this  time,  an  inexorable  fact — came  as  a  crushing  blow  to  the 
loyalists  cooped  within  it.  But  the  patriots  of  the  beleaguered 
town  rejoiced  in  great  relief.  "Blessed  be  God  our  redemp 
tion  draws  nigh,"  cried  Deacon  Newell. 

The  wind  and  sea  continued  rough  all  Wednesday,  but  the 

53  Journal    of    Lieutenant    Isaac    Bangs,    12,     16;     Daniel    McCurtin's    Journal,    Papers 
relating  chiefly   to   the  Maryland  Line,  33  ;   Diary  of  Samuel  Richards,   26—27. 

54  The  decision   was  not   formally  reached   until   Thursday,    March   7    (Howe   to   Lord 
Dartmouth,  American  Archives,  4th,  V,  458),  and  Howe  in  Wednesday's  general  orders 
had   explained   that  he  desired   "the  Troops  may  know   that   the   intended   expedition   last 
Night  was  unavoidably  put  off  by  the  badness  of  the  weather" — but  the  intention  to  evacu 
ate  the  town  was  of  general  knowledge  on  Wednesday,   among  both  army  men  and  civil 
ians. — Newell's  Journal,  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  Collections,   4th,    I,    272  ;    Letters 
and  Diary  of  John  Roive ;   Diary  of  a  British  Officer,   Atlantic  Monthly,   XXXIX,   553; 
letter  in  Almon's   Remembrancer,  III,    106;   letter  of   Major-General   Hugh,   Earl   Percy, 
who  was  to  have  commanded  the  English  assault,  Letters  of  Hugh,  Earl  Percy,  66. 


210  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  48 

weather  was  not  severe  enough  to  hinder  Thomas  in  his  work. 
The  American  fortifications  were  strengthened,  and  several 
additional  guns  were  hauled  over  the  causeway  and  up  the 
hills — the  performance  being  closely  observed  by  the  English 
officers. 

On  Thursday,  the  seventh,  the  three  days'  emergency  mili 
tia  returned  to  their  homes,  and  the  responsibility  of  main 
taining  both  the  Roxbury  lines  and  the  new  positions  on 
Dorchester  Neck  rested  almost  entirely  on  Ward's  original 
Roxbury  division.  Two  regiments  from  the  center  had 
joined  him  early  on  the  fifth,  but  it  was  considered  unwise  to 
detach  any  more  men  from  the  center  or  any  at  all  from  the 
left.  This  double  labor  involved  heavy  demands  on  his  men's 
energy  and  willingness — many  "were  obliged  to  be  on  Duty 
two  Days  &  Nights  successively"55 — but  they  stood  the  test 
well. 

On  March  9  a  battery  was  planted  to  the  north  of  the  east 
point  of  the  peninsula  as  a  special  menace  to  the  British  ship 
ping.  Two50  attempts  were  made  to  fortify  Nook  Hill  also, 
but  they  were  both  frustrated  by  artillery  fire. 

There  was  no  swerving  from  the  English  decision  to  leave 
Boston.  On  the  eighth,  the  very  day  that  a  committee  of  Bos 
ton  civilians  informed  Washington  of  the  intended  evacuation 
and  of  Howe's  promise  not  to  harm  the  town  if  his  troops 
were  not  harassed  in  departing,  Howe  attempted  to  stimulate 
the  military  spirit  of  his  men  by  requiring  in  general  orders 
"The  Commanding  Officers  of  Corps  to  give  the  strictest 
Attention  to  the  regularity  and  Discipline  of  their  respective 
Corps  ...  as  the  Troops  may  be  hourly  called  upon  to 

65  Lieutenant  Bang8  (Journal,  15,  16)  wrote  feelingly  of  the  "Fatiegues  &  Hardships 
that  were  underwent  by  that  part  of  the  Army  which  were  Stationed  at  Roxbury  from 
the  time  of  our  first  building  upon  the  Hill."  .  .  .  Because  of  the  lack,  at  first,  of 
barracks,  no  regiment  could  be  stationed  there  as  a  permanent  garrison,  and  the  "25  Hun 
dred  Men  or  thereabouts"  which  "it  was  absolutely  necessary  to  keep  constantly  upon 
the  Hills  .  .  .  must  be  drawn  from  those  at  Roxbury.  This  Party  together  with 
the  Guards  at  Roxbury  kept  half  of  our  Men  on  duty  constantly,  &  many  being  taken 
ill  about  that  time,  some  with  what  we  termed  The  Hill  Fever  &  others  with  real 
Sickness,  many  Men  were  obliged  to  be  on  Duty  two  Days  &  Nights  successively." 

M  Revolutionary  Journal  of  Col.  Jcduthan  Baldwin,  March  9  and    12,   1776. 


DORCHESTER  HEIGHTS  211 

Attack  the  Enemy  in  case  a  proper  Opening  should  offer 
where  the  Rebels  Least  Expect  it" ;  but,  excepting  that, 
his  orders,  commencing  with  March  7,  were  all  directed  to 
getting  away  from  Boston  as  speedily  as  possible  and  to  at 
tempts  to  maintain  discipline  amid  the  hurry  and  its  con 
comitant  disorder.57 

The  English  officers  were,  however,  overwhelmed  by  the 
multitude  of  details  thrust  upon  them  in  the  sudden  necessity 
of  quickly  setting  the  army  and  its  supplies,  and  the  loyalists 
and  their  families  and  effects,  upon  the  voyage;  and  their 
preparations  consumed  so  much  time  that  Washington  feared 
that  the  delay  held  some  sinister  motive — perhaps  that  Howe 
"has  some  design  of  having  a  brush  before  his  departure  and 
is  only  waiting  in  hopes  of  find'g  us  off  our  Guard"58  or  of 
"attempting  by  some  bold  stroke  in  some  measure  to  wipe  off 
the  ignominy"  of  his  retreat;59  perhaps  the  expectation  of 
reinforcements  sufficiently  large  to  shift  the  advantage  won 
by  the  Americans. 

Howe  suffered  from  similar  nervousness  concerning  the 
American  plans.  His  "preparations  to  be  gone"  were,  it  is 

57  Extracts  from  Howe's  Orderly  Book: 

March  7. — "The  Regts  are  to  bring  immediately  all  the  Barrack  furniture,  but  such 
as  are  Judg'd  necessary  for  the  Voyage  to  the  Store  in  Kings  Street,  .  .  .  Every 
Regt'is  to  take  care  of  the  Hand  Carts  they  have;  the  Wheels  are  to  be  fastened  in  the 
Quarters  of  the  several  Transports,  these  being  very  necessary  for  a  future  service,  and 
not  easily  replaced." 

"Each  Regt  to  receive  18  Butts  of  Porter  at  Cowper's  Meeting  House,  to  morrow 
Morning  at  10  O'Clock,  to  be  put  on  board  their  respective  Transports,  &  issued  to  the 
Troops  after  they  embark." 

March  10. — "The  Commanding  Officers  of  Corps  to  be  responsible  to  have  all  their 
Sick,  Convalescents,  &  Women,  on  board  their  respective  Transports  before  Six  O'Clock 
this  Evening  .  .  ." 

March  n. — "The  Troops  to  have  all  their  Baggage  on  board  Ship  by  five  O'Clock 
this  Afternoon,  if  any  is  found  on  the  Wharfs  after  six,  it  will  be  thrown  into  the  Sea." 

March  14. — "The  Officers  &  Soldiers  on  board  Ship  not  to  come  on  Shore  on  any 
Account  without  the  General's  express  Permission." 

"The  Commander  in  Chief  finding  notwithstanding  the  Orders  that  have  been  given 
to  forbid  Plundering,  Houses  have  been  forced  open  &  robbed,  he  is  therefore  under  a 
Necessity  of  declaring  to  the  Troops,  that  the  first  Soldier  who  is  caught  plundering, 
will  be  hanged  on  the  Spot." 

58  March    10,    1776,    Washington    (by    Harrison)    to    Ward. — Original    letter,    Artrmas 
Ward  MSS. 

00  March  12,  1776,  Washington  (by  Palfrey)  to  Ward.— Original  in  the  possession 
(1921)  of  Ward  Dix  Kerlin,  Camden,  N.  J. 


212  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  48 

said,  "much  accelerated  by  an  accidental  fire"  in  the  Prospect 
Hill  barracks  "which  Howe  supposed  was  an  alarm  to  the 
inhabitants"  of  the  surrounding  towns  to  come  in  to  storm 
Boston.60 

On  March  13  Washington  wrote  to  Ward  that  he  wished 
to  consult  with  him,  Thomas,  and  Spencer  "upon  many  mat 
ters,"  and  as  he  did  "not  think  it  prudent  at  this  time"  that 
they  "should  be  so  far  as  Cambridge"  from  their  posts,  he 
would  come  over  to  Roxbury  to  meet  them.61 

At  this  council,  held  in  Ward's  headquarters  the  same 
morning  and  attended  also  by  Putnam,  Heath,  Sullivan, 
Greene,  and  Gates,  it  was  decided  to  fortify  Nook  Hill  "at 
all  events"  if  the  English  army  should  not  remove  on  the  mor 
row;  and  also  to  dispatch  five  regiments  and  the  rifle  battalion 
to  New  York  because  of  the  probability  that  Howe  would 
make  that  town  his  next  point  of  attack. 

On  Saturday  night  (March  16)  the  Nook  Hill  resolution 
was  successfully  put  into  effect  and  the  American  officers  felt 
confident  that  the  new  array  of  cannon  thus  planted  at  point- 
blank  range  would  compel  Howe's  immediate  removal. 

Fortunately  for  the  English  commander  and  his  forces — 
and  for  the  town  of  Boston — it  was  not  necessary  to  demon 
strate  its  effectiveness.  Howe  had  completed  his  arrange 
ments.  His  ships  were  loaded  to  their  capacity  and  he  had 
on  Saturday  morning  (7:30  A.M.  and  later)  issued  orders 
for  the  final  embarkation — "the  whole  Garrison  to  be  under 
Arms  at  4  O'Clock"  Sunday  morning  "to  be  in  readiness  to 
embark  when  ordered."62 

During  the  night  some  of  the  English  cannon  not  taken 
on  board  barked  noisily  at  the  Americans  laboring  on  Nook 

"°  Edmund  Quincy  to  John  Hancock,  March  25,  1776,  Massachusetts  Historical  Society 
Proceedings,  IV,  27-28. 

01  Washington  (by  Moylan)  to  Ward,  March  13,  1776. — Original  in  the  possession 
(1921)  of  Ward  Dix  Kerlin,  Camden,  N.  J. 

62  Numerous  histories  aver  that  it  was  the  fortification  of  Nook  Hill  on  the  night  of 
March  16  that  decided  Howe  to  leave  Boston  early  in  the  morning  of  March  17.  He 
had,  though,  as  noted  above,  given  his  orders  for  the  abandonment  of  the  town  a  number 
of  hours  before  the  detachment  of  the  party  which  planted  the  Nook  Hill  batteries. 


/77<5]       THE  EVACUATION  OF  BOSTON  213 

Hill,  but  they  were  chiefly  old  iron  guns  destined  to  be  spiked, 
and  their  seeming  ferocity  was  only  a  temporary  precaution, 
for  by  daybreak  the  abandonment  of  the  capital  was  well  on 
toward  fulfilment — a  fleet  of  boats  carrying  redcoats  and 
tories  out  to  the  waiting  vessels. 

All  the  early  hours  of  that  memorable  Sunday  morning  the 
final  scenes  of  the  evacuation  continued  without  interruption, 
and  about  nine  o'clock  the  last  boats  shoved  off  from  the 
wharves. 

Quickly  thereafter63  Ward  entered  the  town  over  Boston 
Neck,  riding  at  the  head  of  five  hundred  troops  under  the 
immediate  command  of  Colonel  Learned. 

At  about  the  same  time  a  detachment  of  Putnam's  men 
debarked  on  the  west  side  of  the  peninsula. 

The  capital  of  Massachusetts  after  eleven  months'  siege 
thus  returned  to  the  control  and  possession  of  the  provincial 
patriots. 

A  strangely  silent  town,  though,  it  appeared  to  its  armed 
redeemers  tramping  through  its  narrow  streets.  "The  enemy 
had,  very  properly,  forbid  the  inhabitants  to  leave  their  houses 
during  the  embarkation,  and  from  this  cause  or  their  ignor 
ance  of  his  movements,  or  the  timidity  produced  by  their  long 
residence  with  him,  and  the  fear  of  reproach  from  their  coun 
trymen,  the  houses  .  .  .  continued  shut  up,  and  the 
town  presented  a  frightful  solitude  in  the  bosom  of  a  numer 
ous  population."64 

After  a  short  stay  in  the  delivered  capital  Ward  returned 
to  his  headquarters  in  Roxbury,  Putnam  being  installed  in 
command  of  the  town.  A  few  days  later  he  was  succeeded 
by  Greene. 

Washington  did  not  yet  feel  sure  that  the  English  were 

63  "It  was  almost  n  o'clock  before  the  Gates  were  opened":  Jedediah  Huntington 
to  Captain  Joshua  Huntington,  March  17,  1776. — Original  letter,  General  Jedediah  Hun 
tington  Letters,  Connecticut  Historical  Society.  "Our  men  .  .  .  about  noon  .  .  .  took 
possession  of  Boston":  Reverend  David  Avery,  March  17,  1776  (one  of  two  entries,  in 
different  volumes,  of  that  date). — Original  diary,  Connecticut  Historical  Society. 

04  James  Wilkinson,  Memoirs  of  My  Oivn   Times,  I,   33. 


2i4  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  48 

reconciled  to  a  submissive  bloodless  abandonment  of  Boston. 
The  enemy's  ships  remained  in  the  harbor  and  gave  him  "a 
strong  violent  presumption"  that  something  was  "meditat 
ing"  and  made  him  "extremely  apprehensive"  that  General 
Howe  had  "some  scheme  in  view  &  designs  of  taking  advan 
tage  of  the  hurry,  bustle  and  confusion  among  our  troops 
which  he  may  immagine  his  departure  to  have  occasioned."05 

Again,  on  March  21,  he  wrote  to  Governor  Trumbull  of 
Connecticut,  "For  my  own  part,  I  cannot  but  suspect  they  are 
waiting  for  some  opportunity  to  give  us  a  stroke  at  a  moment 
when  they  conceive  us  to  be  off  our  guard,  in  order  to  retrieve 
the  honor  they  have  lost."66 

Washington's  disquiet  was  very  generally  shared.  "The 
enemy  have  not  yet  come  under  sail,"  wrote  Abigail  Adams, 
on  Sunday  noon,  March  17.  "I  cannot  help  suspecting  some 
design,  which  we  do  not  yet  comprehend.  To  what  quarter  of 
the  world  they  are  bound  is  wholly  unknown;  but  'tis  gener 
ally  thought  to  New  York,  .  .  .  From  Penn's  Hill  we  have 
a  view  of  the  largest  fleet  ever  seen  in  America.  You  may 
count  upwards  of  a  hundred  and  seventy  sail.  They  look  like 
a  forest."67 

The  delay  concealed  no  plan  of  retaliation.  The  English 
continued  in  the  roads  because  some  of  their  ships  needed  re 
pairing.  But  the  Americans  did  not  know  this,  and  on  March 
25  Washington  wrote  to  Joseph  Reed  that  he  was  "under 
more  apprehension  from  them  now  than  ever,"  and  that  they 
might  be  awaiting  the  dispersal  of  the  militia  at  the  end  of  the 
month  as  a  favorable  opportunity  "to  make  a  push  .  .  . 
upon  the  back  of  our  lines  at  Roxbury."68 

None  of  these  things  happened,  and  on  March  27  the 
greater  part  of  the  fleet  set  sail  for  Halifax. 

The  first  chapter  of  the  Revolution  thus  came  to  a  victor- 

m  March    17,    1776,    to    Ward. — Original    letter    (by    Harrison)    in    possession    (1921) 
of  Francis  D.  Fisher. 

8)1  Ford,   Writings  of  Washington,  III,   485-486. 

B7  Familiar  Letters  of  John  Adams  and  his  Wife,  142. 

08  Ford,  Writings  of  Washington,  III,  494. 


177*1       THE  EVACUATION  OF  BOSTON  215 

ious  climax.  England's  plans  for  the  subjugation  of  Massa 
chusetts  had  utterly  failed.  The  rebellious  province  had 
shaken  itself  free. 

But  what  if  Washington  had  had  his  way,  instead  of  Ward? 
A  boat  attack,  or  a  musket  assault  across  the  ice,  on  a  town 
"almost  impregnable — every  avenue  fortified."  Quebec  on 
a  larger  scale  1  Suppose  the  Americans  had  lost,  as  at  Que 
bec?  Then — a  broken  army,  accomplishing  a  miracle  if  it 
could  even  hold  the  enemy  within  the  town.  A  great  moral 
loss  also,  which  might  have  obliterated  the  effect  of  Bunker 
Hill.  Instead — the  enemy  driven  out  of  the  province,  and 
the  American  forces,  strength  unimpaired,  free  to  march  to 
New  York. 

The  evacuation  gave  great  impetus  to  the  theory  of  inde 
pendence.  It  bred  converts  even  in  the  middle  colonies,  where 
—eleven  months  after  Lexington  and  Concord,  and  nine 
months  after  Bunker  Hill — the  word  "independence,"  so 
fraught  with  decisive  finality,  was  still  horrifying  to  many 
minds — was  still  to  them  much  too  closely  allied  with  the 
ogres  of  treason  and  rebellion. 


CHAPTER  XII 
March  18,  ijjd-March  20,  1777 :  Age  48-49 

Ward  assumes  the  continental  command  in  Boston.  Because  of  ill 
health,  he  tenders  his  resignation.  The  Continental  Congress 
accepts  his  resignation,  but  both  Washington  and  the  Congress 
request  him  to  remain  in  command.  He  continues  until  relieved 
by  Heath  on  March  20,  1777. 

GENERAL  WARD'S  health  had  declined  to  a  some 
what  alarming  extent  during  the  first  months  of  1776.! 
He  had  made  no  complaint  while  the  outcome  of  the  siege  of 
Boston  remained  in  doubt,  but  after  the  successful  occupation 
of  Dorchester  Heights  he  felt  compelled  to  retire  from  army 
life.  Dorchester  Heights  had  shifted  the  principal  site  of 
the  struggle.  The  next  step  was  to  be  a  fight  to  hold  New 
York  against  the  enemy,  and  he  was  physically  unequal  to  the 
responsibilities  of  his  position  in  a  province  and  under 
conditions  alike  unfamiliar  to  him. 

He  waited  until  the  enemy  had  evacuated  the  capital  and 
then  he  wrote  to  Washington  tendering  his  resignation,  for 
uto  eat  the  Continental  bread  &  not  do  the  duty  is  what  I  am 
much  averse  to."2 

He  accompanied  his  letter  to  the  commander-in-chief  by 
one  in  similar  strain  to  Hancock  as  President  of  the  Conti 
nental  Congress.3 

On  Washington's  comments  on  Ward's  resignation  rest  the 

1  "Genl  Ward's  health  being  so  precarious." — Joseph  Ward  to  John  Adams,  March   14, 
1776,  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  Proceedings,  XIV,   282. 
'March  22,    1776. — Original  letter,  Library  of  Congress. 
8  American  Archives,  4th,   V,   467. 

zi6 


IN  THE  EASTERN  DEPARTMENT         217 
conventional  stories  of  the  ill  feeling  between  the  two  men.4 

4  WASHINGTON'S  COMMENTS   ON   WARD'S  RESIGNATION. 

To  Joseph  Reed,  April  i,  1776:  "Nothing  of  importance  has  occurred  in  these  parts, 
since 'my  last,  unless  it  be  the  resignations  of  Generals  Ward  and  Fry,  and  the  re- 
assumption  of  the  former,  or  retraction,  on  account  as  he  says,  of  its  being  disagreeable  to 
some  of  the  officers.  Who  those  officers  are,  I  have  not  heard.  I  have  not  inquired. 
When  the  application  to  Congress  and  notice  of  it  to  me  came  to  hand,  I  was  disarmed 
of  interposition,  because  it  was  put  upon  the  footing  of  duty  or  conscience,  the  General 
being  persuaded  that  his  health  would  not  allow  him  to  take  that  share  of  duty  that  his 
office  required.  The  officers  to  whom  the  resignation  is  disagreeable,  have  been  able, 
no  doubt,  to  convince  him  of  his  mistake,  and  that  his  health  will  admit  him  to  be  alert 
and  active.  I  shall  leave  him  till  he  can  determine  yea  or  nay,  to  command  in  this 
quarter." — Reed,  Life  and  Correspondence  of  Joseph  Rccd,  I,  179. 

To  Charles  Lee,  May  9,  1776:  "General  Ward,  upon  the  evacuation  of  Boston,  and 
finding  that  there  was  a  probability  of  his  removing  from  the  smoke  of  his  own  chimney, 
applied  to  me,  and  wrote  to  Congress  for  leave  to  resign.  A  few  days  afterward,  some 
of  the  officers,  as  he  says,  getting  uneasy  at  the  prospect  of  his  leaving  them,  he  applied 
for  his  letter  of  resignation,  which  had  been  committed  to  my  care ;  but,  behold !  it  had 
been  carefully  forwarded  to  Congress,  and  as  I  have  since  learnt,  judged  so  reasonable 
(want  of  health  being  the  plea)  that  it  was  instantly  complied  with."  [This  statement 
is  inaccurate,  for  the  letter  of  resignation  referred  to — that  of  March  22 — was  never 
accepted  by  Congress.  It  was  not  until  Ward  repeated  his  request  for  permission  to 
retire  that  Congress,  a  month  later,  took  action.] — Lee  Papers,  II,  13—14. 

WARD  CONFRONTED  WASHINGTON  WITH  ONE  OF  THE  ABOVE  LET 
TERS? 

Following  are  the  two  chief  forms  of  the  story  (unauthenticated — and,  as  it  applies  to 
Ward,  entirely  uncharacteristic — but  nevertheless  persistently  handed  down  by  tradition) 
that  Ward  confronted  Washington  with  a  letter  in  which  the  Virginian  had  aspersed 
him:  perhaps  one  of  the  two  quoted  above;  perhaps  a  third  which  I  have  not  come  upon. 

"It  is  well  known  that  Washington  spoke  of  the  resignation  of  General  Ward,  after 
the  evacuation  of  Boston,  in  a  manner  approaching  contempt.  His  observations,  then 
confidentially  made,  about  some  of  the  other  generals,  were  not  calculated  to  flatter  their 
amour  proprc  or  that  of  their  descendants.  It  is  said  that  General  Ward,  learning  long 
afterwards  of  the  remark  that  had  been  applied  to  him,  accompanied  by  a  friend,  waited 
on  his  old  chief  at  New  York,  and  asked  him  if  it  was  true  that  he  had  used  such 
language.  The  President  replied  that  he  did  not  know,  but  that  he  kept  copies  of  his 
letters,  and  would  take  an  early  opportunity  of  examining  them.  Accordingly,  at  the 
next  session  of  Congress  (of  which  General  Ward  was  a  member),  he  again  called  with 
his  friend,  and  was  informed  by  the  President  that  he  had  really  written  as  alleged. 
Ward  then  said  'Sir,  you  are  no  gentleman,'  and  turning  on  his  heel  quitted  the  room." 
— S.  A.  Drake,  Historic  Fields  and  Mansions  of  Middlesex,  260  (also,  same  page  num 
ber,  in  the  same  work  later  published  as  Old  Landmarks  and  Historic  Fields  of  Middle 
sex  and  Historic  Mansions  and  Highways  around  Boston). 

"Of  his  [Ward's]  bravery  there  is  no  question,  although  Washington  accused  him  of 
cowardice  in  leaving  the  service  before  Boston.  Benjamin  Stone,  the  first  preceptor  of 
Leicester  Academy,  gave  me  the  following  account  of  Ward's  misunderstanding  with 
Washington.  Soon  after  the  establishment  of  the  Government  at  New  York,  Ward, 
then  a  member  of  Congress,  came  into  possession  of  a  letter  written  by  Washington,  in 
which  the  offensive  charge  was  made.  He  immediately  proceeded  to  the  President's 
house,  placed  the  paper  before  him,  and  asked  him  if  he  was  the  author  of  it.  Wash 
ington  looked  at  the  letter  and  made  no  reply.  Ward  said,  'I  should  think  that  the 
man  who  was  base  enough  to  write  that,  would  be  base  enough  to  deny  it,'  and  abruptly 
took  his  leave."  [As  a  minor  correction,  note  that  Congress  sat  in  Philadelphia  during 
both  of  Ward's  terms.] — Reminiscences  of  the  Reverend  George  Allen  of  Worcester,  42. 

A  LEGEND  OF  WASHINGTON'S  DESIRE  TO  MAKE  AMENDS. 

The    Massachusetts    Historical    Society    possesses    a    letter    from    C.    Gore    to    General. 


2i 8  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  48 

Washington  was  apparently  glad  to  receive  Ward's  resig 
nation  as  first  major-general — its  acceptance  by  the  Conti 
nental  Congress  would  leave  only  Washington  himself  as 
superior  in  rank  to  Charles  Lee — but  he  requested  him 
(March  29)  to  take  the  command  in  Boston  and,  following, 
the  general  continental  command  in  Massachusetts  after  the 
main  army's  departure  for  New  York.  High  and  peculiar 
responsibility  would  attach  to  the  post,  but  it  did  not  involve 
the  rigors  of  a  marching  campaign,  and  Ward  accepted  the 
charge  until  some  other  general  could  be  spared  to  take  it 
over — continuing  to  place  the  public  service  above  all  personal 
consideration. 

It  will  be  noted  that  neither  Washington  nor  Ward  per 
mitted  his  personal  sentiments  to  affect  his  sense  of  duty. 
Washington  did  not  hesitate  to  ask,  nor  Ward  to  give. 

Regiment  after  regiment  from  the  American  camps  around 
Boston  was  now  marching  toward  New  York,  and  on  April  4 
Washington  himself  set  out. 

On  the  same  day  Ward  formally  assumed  the  command 
in  Massachusetts  of  both  the  land  forces  and  the  heterogene 
ous  little  fleet  in  the  continental  pay. 

The  fleet  consisted  of  a  few  armed  schooners,  armed  whale- 
boats,  and  floating  batteries,  etc.  It  had  no  vessels  capable 
of  coping  with  the  larger  British  warships,  but  its  schooners — 
both  alone  and  in  cooperation  with  privateers — were  efficient 
in  cutting  out  enemy  supply  ships — and,  occasionally,  trans 
ports  also. 

The  New  England  fishermen — their  customary  livelihood 
wiped  out  by  war — took  with  increasing  zest  to  the  occupa- 

W;iriTs  son,  Judge  Artemas  Ward,  dated  January  22,  1819.  It  gives  a  conversation 
with  Samuel  Dexter  as  authority  for  the  statement  that  Washington,  on  his  retirement 
from  public  life,  wrote  to  Ward  denying  that  he  had  written  "a  letter  published  in  the 
early  part  of  the  Revolutionary  war,  which  contained  Remarks  injurious  to  the  Reputation 
of  General  Ward,"  and  expressing  "in  unequivocal  Terms,  the  highest  Regard  for  the 
character  and  Conduct  of  General  Ward,  in  all  the  Departments  of  public  Duty  in 
which  he  had  \cted." — Massachusetts  Historical  Society  Proceedings,  XII,  125. 

I  have  found  neither  contradiction  nor  affirmation  of  such  a  letter  from  Washington. 

It  will  be  noted  that  Gore's  letter  gives  a  much  earlier  date  for  the  disclosure  of  the 
contents  of  the  Washington  letter  than  do  the  traditional  accounts. 


IN  THE  EASTERN  DEPARTMENT         219 

tion  of  privateering.  Once  essayed — and  a  prize  or  two  se 
cured — they  found  its  hazards  and  irregularities  much  more 
to  their  taste  than  the  regulations  of  army  life.5 

The  land  forces  remaining  for  the  protection  of  the  harbor 
consisted  of  only  four  very  lean  regiments.  Two  were  sta 
tioned  in  Boston,  one  on  the  Charlestown  peninsula,  and  one 
on  Dorchester  Neck.  A  fifth  regiment  had  been  left  behind 
by  Washington,  but  this  also  was  weak  in  numbers — it  had 
fewer  than  300  men  fit  for  duty — and  was  posted  at  Beverly 
to  guard  the  prize  vessels  and  their  cargoes. 

Furthermore,  southward  with  Washington  had  gone  the 
bulk  of  military  stores  of  every  description,  and  practically 
all  available  teams.  And  the  scant  military  stores  that  had 
been  left  behind  lay  scattered  from  Medford  to  Dorchester. 

It  was  thus  with  but  the  ill-equipped  remnants  of  an  army, 
garrisoned  in  a  pest-ridden  town,  that  Ward  assumed  the  dan 
gerous  responsibility  of  holding  the  main  seaport  of  New 
England  against  the  possible  return  of  the  enemy's  fleet. 

It  was  to  be  supposed  that  the  English  commanders  would 
welcome  an  opportunity  to  efface  the  humiliation  of  having 
surrendered  Boston — and  several  English  ships,  including  one 
of  fifty  guns,  remained  in  the  vicinity  of  Nantasket  in  the 
lower  harbor.  Admiral  Shuldham  had  stationed  them  there 
to  warn  incoming  English  vessels,  but  no  one  in  the  American 
councils  could  divine  their  orders,  nor  whether  or  not  they 

5  In  succeeding  years,  the  rich  possibilities  of  a  lucky  cruise  constituted  a  fruitful  cause 
of  desertion  from  the  army.  On  June  9,  1779,  Paul  Revere  complains  to  the  Council  that 
several  of  his  men  "have  deserted,  and  gone  in  Privateers,  and  are  now  upon  a  Cruise, 
that  one  of  them  has  sent  in  a  Valuable  Prize.  That  your  [word  omitted]  has  forbid 
the  Agent  paying  any  part  of  their  share  to  them  or  Order.  He  therefore  prays  that 
the  Honorable  Court  would  take  the  matter  into  consideration,  and  pass  such  an  Act  as 
will  hinder  them  from  recovering  their  Wages  or  Prize  Money.  That  they  may  have 
no  inducement  to  Desert." — Goss,  Paul  Revere,  II,  325. 

Only  four  days  later,  Colonel  Shepard  wrote:  "Desertions  have  become  so  frequent 
as  to  be  really  alarming,  and  threatens  the  Ruin  of  the  Brigade  .  .  .  about  Forty  Men 
have  deserted  from  it  within  a  few  Months ;  eight  of  whom  went  off  last  Night  from 
one  Regiment.  .  .  .  The  Men  seem  to  be  chiefly  induced  to  desertion  by  the  Pros 
pect  of  Gain  in  the  Business  of  Privateering,  and  I  have  great  Reason  to  think  that,  if 
they  are  not  encouraged  to  desert  by  Commanders  of  Vessels,  they  are  at  least  secreted 
by  some  of  them  after  shipping  themselves  for  a  Voyage." — Original  letter,  Massachusetts 
Archives,  CCI,  113. 


220  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  48 

would  be,  or  expected  to  be,  reinforced.  If  the  English  had 
returned,  the  American  forces  would  have  been  hard  put  to  it 
to  prevent  their  retaking  the  town. 

Both  military  and  civilian  authorities  realized  the  danger, 
and  Washington  refers  to  it  in  several  letters.6 

The  streets  of  Boston  still  presented  a  desolate  appear 
ance.  The  anniversary  of  Lexington  and  Concord  came 
around  and  passed;  yet,  except  for  the  men  engaged  on  the 
defenses, there  seemed  scant  life  in  the  once  busy  little  capital. 
The  shutters  continued  up  on  most  of  the  shops.  Open  to 
attack  by  the  enemy,  and  infected  with  smallpox,  the  town 
offered  few  inducements  for  the  return  of  its  former  inhabi 
tants.7 

The  conditions  to  be  faced  were  enough  to  discourage  the 
strongest.  For  a  sick  man,  they  constituted  a  cruel  burden. 
Ward's  disorder  had  taken  a  strong  hold  on  him,  but  no  one 
of  sufficient  experience  and  ability  was  available  to  relieve 
him  and  he  manfully  stood  it  out,  although,  as  he  later  re 
marked,  he  had  "everything  to  do  &  nothing  to  do  with."8 

There  was  truly  "everything  to  do."  The  forts  raised  by 
the  English  army  in  Boston  had  been  designed  against  an 
enemy  attacking  from  the  mainland.  The  protection  that 
Boston  needed  now  was  chiefly  of  forts  to  defend  her  from  an 
enemy  coming  in  by  the  sea. 

Ward  immediately  set  about  preparations  for  defense. 

His  Order  Book  shows  the  close  attention  he  gave  the  work 
and  his  earnest  efforts  to  recover  order  and  safety,  meantime 
in  patriotic  terms  exhorting  both  officers  and  men  to  their 
highest  efforts.  He  made  the  most  of  his  small  command 
and  by  May  4  he  could  report  that  "the  Forts  on  Fort  Hill 

8  April   29,    1776,  to  Ward,  American  Archives,  4th,   V,    1124,   etc. 

r  "The  town  yet  looks  melancholy;  but  few  of  the  inhabitants  being  removed  back 
into  it,  occasioned  by  its  not  being  sufficiently  fortified  and  garrisoned  against  any  further 
attempt  of  the  enemy,  to  which  it  now  lies  much  exposed.  The  shops  in  general  remain 
shut  up." — April  19,  1776,  Diary  of  Ezekiel  Price,  Massachusetts  Historical  Society 
Proceedings,  VII,  272. 

8  To  the  Continental  Congress,   September  20,    1776. — Copy  in  Artcmas   Jf'ard  MSS. 


IN  THE  EASTERN  DEPARTMENT         221 

in  Boston,  Charlestown  Point,  and  Castle  Point,  are  almost 
compleated,  with  a  number  of  heavy  cannon  mounted  in  each; 
a  work  is  in  good  forwardness  on  Noddles  Island,  and  a  De 
tachment  of  the  Army  is  at  work  at  Castle  Island  repairing 
the  Batteries  there."9 

There  were  many  rumors  of  British  armadas  on  their  way 
to  devour  the  province. 

One,  apparently  well  confirmed,  was  brought  by  a  captain 
arriving  from  Europe  on  May  2.10  It  told  of  the  coming  of 
a  "fleet  of  60  sail  of  transports"  with  instructions,  if  peace 
could  not  be  arranged?  uto  risque  every  thing  to  Penetrate  into 
the  country,"  and,  failing  in  this,  "to  burn  and  Destroy  all  in 
their  power." 

Ward  urged  his  men  to  still  greater  efforts.  He  set  aside 
every  detail  of  garrison  duty  that  consumed  the  time  of  an 
able-bodied  man  and  put  his  entire  force — officers  and  pri 
vates  alike — to  work  on  the  defenses.11  Sundays  and  week 
days  the  work  went  on  unceasingly. 

Following  closely  after  the  report  of  a  fleet  from  England, 
was  another  that  the  fleet  and  troops  from  Halifax  were  to 
return  "and  that  they  intended  to  land  their  Troops  below 
and  march  to  Boston  by  land  while  the  Men  of  War  made  an 
attack  by  Water."  This  news  came  from  a  man  "who  ap 
pears  to  be  an  honest  American"  and  who  had  got  it  from 
an  officer  of  the  big  English  warship  still  in  the  lower  harbor. 
"The  same  account  was  given  by  another  man  who  made  his 
escape  from  the  same  Man  of  War  the  night  before  last."12 

9  To  Washington,  American  Archives,  4th,  V,   1194. 

10  Captain   John    Lee,    arriving    at   Newbury,    May    2,    1776. — Original    letter,    Richard 
Derby,  Jr.,  to  Ward,  Artemas  Ward  MSS. 

11  Ward's    Order    Book,    May    3,     1776 — "every    officer,    non-commissioned    officer    and 
private  off  duty  is  to  turn  out  to  fatigue  until  further  orders." 

12  Ward    to   James    Warren,    May   6,    1776. — Original    letter,    Massachusetts    Archives, 
CXCIV,  376. 

Following  is  the  Ezekiel  Price  diary  entry  of  the  incident,  crediting  the  information  to 
a  deserter:  "Monday  May  6, — Went  to  Boston.  Examined  papers  at  the  custom-house. 
Reports  of  the  day, — that  a  deserter  came  from  the  man-of-war  below,  who  says  that  it 
was  the  talk  among  the  officers  of  the  ship  that  the  troops  and  navy  which  fled  from 
Boston  were  ordered  back  to  Boston." — Massachusetts  Historical  Society  Proceedings, 
VII,  254- 


222  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  48 

Both  the  threats  proved  to  be  phantoms — the  new  enemy 
fleet  came  not,  and  the  old  enemy  fleet  remained  at  its  Hali 
fax  moorings  for  another  month — and  then  sailed  direct  for 
New  York;  but  the  danger  was  real  and  called  for  constant 
vigilance. 

Not  only  Boston  felt  the  menace  of  the  English  fleets.  The 
inhabitants  of  other  coast  positions  also  earnestly  solicited 
Ward  for  ordnance  and  ammunition  to  protect  themselves 
against  British  attacks. 

Busy  pens  and  busy  tongues  endeavored  to  widen  the 
estrangement  between  Ward  and  Washington.  More  work 
had,  probably,  never  been  done  in  the  same  space  of  time  by 
so  comparatively  small  a  force  than  on  Boston's  defenses  dur 
ing  that  April  of  1776,  yet  there  were  found  people  to  com 
plain  because  a  few  hundred  men  had  not  been  able  to  throw 
up  fortifications  as  fast  as  six  or  seven  thousand  had  done 
when  the  entire  American  army  was  encamped  around  the  city ! 

Their  stories  inspired  Washington  to  write  to  Ward,  April 
29,  complaining  that  he  heard  that  defense  works  "go  on  ex 
ceedingly  slow."  His  informants  were  prejudiced,  for  on 
May  13  Washington  characterized  as  'Very  agreeable" 
Ward's  account  (May  4)  of  what  had  actually  been 
accomplished. 

Again,  May  2,  Washington  had  written  that  he  had  "heard 
that  the  regiments  stationed  on  Dorchester  Heights  and  Bun 
ker  Hill  are  not  employed  in  carrying  on  the  works  for  the 
defence  of  Boston";  which  Ward  indignantly  denied  (May  9) 
—and  requested  the  name  of  the  author  of  the  statement.  We 
find  a  much  more  conciliatory  communication  from  Washing 
ton  on  May  i6.13 

The  Continental  Congress  had  not  acted  on  Ward's  resig 
nation,  so  he  wrote  again  on  April  12.  He  referred  to  his 
first  letter,  which  had  asked  permission  to  give  up  his  com 
mand  because  of  his  poor  health,  and  continued:  "I  must  re- 

"  The  six  letters  of  this  correspondence  are  in  American  Archives,  4th,  V,    1124;  VI, 
436;  V,  1194,  1174;  VI,  401,  478. 


IN  THE  EASTERN  DEPARTMENT         223 

new  my  request  for  the  same  reason.  I  cannot  be  content  to 
continue  in  office  when  I  am  conscious  I  am  not  able  to  do 
the  duties."14 

Congress  heeded  this  second  request  and  on  April  23  ac 
cepted  his  resignation. 

Hancock,  as  President,  notified  Ward  in  a  very  cordial 
letter,  declaring  that  "The  Motives  which  first  induced  the 
Congress  to  appoint  you  a  Major-general  in  the  Continental 
Service  would  naturally  make  them  regret  your  retiring  from 
the  Army.  But  when  it  is  considered  that  in  the  course  of 
your  duty  in  that  high  rank  you  have  acquitted  yourself  with 
Honor  and  Reputation,  I  am  persuaded,  the  Reluctance  they 
feel  at  your  retiring  is  much  increased."15 

Hancock's  letter  reached  Ward  on  May  4  and  he  imme 
diately  wrote  to  Washington,  saying  that  "The  sooner  I  am 
relieved  the  more  agreeable  it  will  be  to  me,  as  my  health  has 
declined  much  this  Spring."16 

The  acceptance  of  his  resignation  availed  Ward  nothing, 
however.  No  competent  general  officer  could  be  spared  to 
take  his  place,  and  Washington  perforce  requested  him,  de 
spite  his  sufferings  and  general  ill-health,  to  continue  in 
command. 

The  end  of  May  marked  a  noteworthy  advancement  of 
the  harbor  defenses.  A  new  provincial  regiment  (Whit 
ney's)  and  Crafts'  artillery  battalion,  together  with  local 
volunteers  and  detachments  from  nearby  towns,  had  added 
their  labor  to  such  good  result  that  on  June  8  Ward  felt  justi 
fied  in  announcing  a  Sunday  of  general  rest,  "and  that  the 
officers  lead  their  men  without  arms  or  musick  to  places  of 
public  worship."17 

Of  the  routine  difficulties  of  Ward's  position,   the  most 

34  American  Archives,  4th,  V,   872. 

15  Ibid.,  1048,   dated  April  24.      The  original  letter,  owned  by  the   Massachusetts   His 
torical  Society,  is  dated  April  26. 
™tt'uL,  1194. 
17  Ward's  Order  Book. 


224  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  48 

vexing  was  the  low  state  of  the  continental  treasury.  Numer 
ous  letters  show  the  difficulty  of  obtaining  money,  both  for  the 
troops  and  for  the  crews  of  the  continental  privateers.18 

In  pleasurable  contrast  was  the  consideration  of  the  prizes 
made  by  the  privateers.  Several  were  brought  in  during  May 
and  June  despite  the  waiting  English  ships. 

The  choicest  of  the  prizes  was,  May  17,  that  of  the  Hope 
from  Cork,  captured  by  the  schooner  Franklin,  James  Mug- 
ford,  Master,  with  a  cargo  of  gunpowder  and  other  military 
stores.  Despite  increasing  domestic  production,  gunpowder 
was  still  a  scarce  article  in  the  American  army  and  such  a 
cargo  was  worth  its  weight  in  gold.  Five  hundred  barrels 
were  quickly  on  their  way  to  Norwich,  Conn.,  to  be  for 
warded  to  Washington  at  New  York,  together  with  two  tons 
of  musket  balls,  five  hundred  carbines,  a  thousand  spades,  etc. 

Three  days  later  Ward  had  to  write  of  Mugford's  death 
in  a  desperate  fight  with  the  enemy.  "He  was  run  through 
with  a  lance  while  he  was  cutting  off  the  hands  of  the  Pirates 
as  they  were  attempting  to  board"  his  ship,  "and  it  is  said 
that  with  his  own  hands  he  cut  off  five  pair  of  theirs."19  The 
English  were  beaten  off;  several  of  their  boats  were  sunk, 
and  a  number  of  their  men  killed. 

In  a  later  dispatch  Ward  gives  high  credit  to  the  crew,  only 
seven  in  all,  of  the  little  Lady  Washington  which  came  to 
Mugford's  aid.  "She  was  attacked  by  five  boats  which  were 
supposed  to  contain  near  or  quite  an  hundred  men,  but  after 
repeated  efforts  to  board  her  they  were  beaten  off  by  the  in 
trepidity  and  exertions  of  the  little  Company  who  gloriously 

18  On  April  II  Ward  wrote  to  Washington  for  instructions  concerning  the  pay  of  the 
men  on  board  the  continental  privateers. — Original  letter,  Library  of  Congress.  Washing 
ton  replied,  April  18,  that  their  wages  ought  to  be  paid  out  of  the  sales  of  the  pri/es 
taken,  which  should  give  "cash  .  .  .  much  more  than  sufficient  to  answer  the  demands 
upon  them." — American  Archives,  4th,  V,  977—9/8.  This  decision  was  reported  to 
Captain  Bartlett,  agent  for  the  privateers  at  Beverly,  but  he  retorted,  April  26,  that 
though  he  was  "well  satisfied  that  there  will  be  a  Sufficiency  when  the  Prizes  are  Sold, 
that  does  not  Satisfy  the  Hungry  belly  at  Present." — Original  letter,  Artemas  Ward 
MSS. 

18  To  Washington,   Miy  20,    1776,  American  Archives,  4th,   VI,    532. 


IN  THE  EASTERN  DEPARTMENT         225 

defended  the  Lady  against  the  brutal  Ravishers  of  Lib 
erty."20 

On  May  30  Ward  was  again  elected  to  the  Council,  but  the 
General  Court  continued  to  sit  at  Watertown  through  the 
summer  and  the  greater  part  of  the  following  autumn,  and 
he  seldom  found  it  possible  to  attend  the  Board  there. 

In  June  the  town  and  harbor  forces  were  strengthened  by 
the  gradual  filling  up  both  of  Whitney's  provincial  regiment, 
already  referred  to,  and  a  second  provincial  regiment  (Mar 
shall's),  the  raising  of  which  had  been  authorized  early  in 
May. 

These  troops,  enlisted  to  December  i,  did  not  come  within 
Ward's  command.  As  provincial  regiments  on  a  provincial 
establishment,  they  served  under  the  direction  of  the  General 
Court  committee  of  fortification  until  August  2  when  by 
Council  appointment,  Benjamin  Lincoln  became  their  general 
officer.  (The  committee  of  fortification  had  the  supervision 
of  the  work  on  the  harbor  defenses  whether  done  under  the 
continental  or  provincial  command.) 

The  English  ships  lying  in  the  channels  remained,  though, 
a  prolific  source  of  anxiety — adding  to  the  general  uneasiness 
which  their  presence  excited,  the  direct  annoyance  that  they 
rendered  very  risky  both  the  ingress  and  egress  of  American 
coasters.  A  sudden  attack  was  planned  to  drive  them  away. 

It  was  completely  successful.  A  detachment  of  five  hun 
dred  men,  under  Colonel  Asa  Whitcomb,  duplicated  on  a 
small  scale  the  methods  of  Breed's  Hill  and  Dorchester 
Heights.  An  evening  trip  to  Long  Island,  June  13,  landing 
at  about  1 1  P.M.  ;  a  busy  night,  intrenching  and  mounting  their 
cannon  and  a  solitary  1 3-inch  mortar;  then,  in  the  early  morn 
ing  of  June  14,  an  abrupt  cannonading  of  the  startled  enemy. 

The  attack  was  so  unexpected  that  the  Englishmen,  with 
out  waiting  to  investigate  the  strength  of  their  assailants, 
slipped  their  cables  and  quitted  the  harbor  with  all  possible 

20  May  27,   1776,  to  Washington,  American  Archives,  4th,  VI,   602. 


226  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  48 

speed;  the  provincial  regiments  posted  on  Pettick's  (Ped- 
dock's)  Island  and  Nantasket  Head  (Hull)  giving  them  a 
few  parting  shots  as  they  passed  out. 

Opposite  is  a  facsimile  of  Colonel  Whitcomb's  report  to 
Ward. 

After  the  departure  of  the  English  ships  many  in  Boston 
experienced  an  unwonted  feeling  of  security,  and  the  town  be 
gan  to  display  some  of  its  old-time  activity.  The  shops  opened, 
and  there  was  much  bustle  along  the  docks. 

June  was  marked  also  by  the  American  privateers'  success 
in  capturing  several  transports  with  Scotch  Highlanders  sail 
ing  to  reinforce  Howe:  one  transport  was  taken  on  the  night 
of  the  seventh,  two  on  the  sixteenth,  and  one  on  the 
eighteenth. 

"Great  numbers  of  spectators  were  in  the  streets"  when 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Campbell  and  the  other  officers  of  the 
second  capture  "passed  up  King  Street,  in  their  way  to  Gen 
eral  Ward's."21  It  was  a  grateful  sight  to  Boston  eyes,  a 
most  welcome  manifestation  both  of  the  activity  of  Massa 
chusetts'  sailors,  and  of  Massachusetts'  full  possession  of 
Boston  harbor. 

The  week  of  the  twenty-second  raised  hopes  of  a  still  big 
ger  haul,  for  several  privateer  captains  sent  word  that  they 
had  sighted  eleven  transports  convoyed  by  a  frigate. 

Ward  improvised  a  squadron  of  the  privateers  in  the  har 
bor  and  at  nearby  points.  It  was  not  large  enough  to  attempt 
an  ocean  capture  of  so  many  sail,  but  he  laid  plans  to  make 
reasonably  sure  of  the  taking  of  the  entire  fleet  if  it  should 
enter  the  roads. 

11  Diary  of  Ezekiel  Price,  June  17,  1776,  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  Proceedings, 
VII,  258.  A  little  less  than  a  year  later,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Campbell  was  exchanged 
for  Ethan  Allen,  who  had  been  taken  prisoner  by  the  English  in  September,  1/75.  The 
exchange,  as  also  that  of  other  prisoners,  was  effected  by  correspondence  between  General 
Ward  and  the  English  Major-General  Eyre  Massey. — Massey  to  Howe,  January  12,  1778, 
Report  on  American  Manuscripts  In  the  Royal  Institution  of  Great  Britain,  I,  178. 
Ward  and  Massey  had  thus  as  opposing  generals  renewed  an  acquaintance  formed  when 
they  had  together  fought  the  French  at  Ticonderoga  in  1758:  Massey  as  a  major  of  the 
British  regulars,  and  Ward  as  lieutenant-colonel  in  the  provincial  forces. 


M*     &* 


IJ 


, 


r  t 

& 


<? 


fcen 


\ 


*+* 

' 

/  <r 

Jf   u 


•^  '^*^s»"r  <^<5<ry    O«K  n"  £/  &.J*$    4re*4k*'V<€>4F7' 


\  ^J 

-A  »*•*  .. 


<JM^^ 


From  the  original  (6J4   inches  in  width),  owned  by  Roxa  Dix  Southard,    Groton,  Mass. 

COLONEL  WHITCOMB'S  LETTER  TELLING  OF  THE 

EXPULSION  OF  THE  ENGLISH  SHIPS  FROM 

BOSTON  HARBOR 


/77<*]     IN  THE  EASTERN  DEPARTMENT         227 

The  ships  hovered  around  for  a  week,  and  then  set  out  to 
sea  again  without  coming  close  enough  for  Ward's  prepara 
tions  to  endanger  them — much  to  every  one's  disgust  and 
disappointment  I 

Abigail  Adams  wrote  that  they  "kept  us  all  with  our  mouths 
open,  ready  to  catch  them,  but  after  staying  near  a  week,  and 
making  what  observations  they  could,  set  sail  and  went  off, 
to  our  great  mortification,  who  were  [ready]  for  them  in 
every  respect."22 

On  June  30  Ward  received  an  express  from  New  Hamp 
shire  with  an  urgent  prayer  for  gunpowder  to  replace  the 
fifty-two  barrels  that  she  had  lent  the  continental  forces  dur 
ing  the  summer  of  1775.  Reports  from  Canada  had  warned 
her  of  a  projected  invasion  by  the  enemy  and  his  Indian  allies. 

"The  time  necessary  to  obtain  an  order  from  General 
Washington  to  deliver  us  the  powder  lent,"  wrote  Meshech 
Weare,  President  of  the  New  Hampshire  Council,  "may  de 
cide  the  fate  of  our  Frontiers  &  leave  open  the  lower  Settle 
ments  of  your  &  our  Colonies  to  the  Devastations  of  Cana 
dians  and  Savages — Therefore  we  entreat  you  (in  this  time 
of  eminent  danger)  so  far  to  dispense  with  the  common 
method  or  rule  in  such  cases,  as  to  order  the  delivery  of  fifty- 
two  barrels  of  gunpowder  to  the  Bearer,  Mr.  Champney,  to 
be  forwarded  by  him  to  us;  and  we  will  without  delay  send  to 
General  Washington  for  his  order  to  you  for  that  purpose; 
which  we  are  sensible  will  greatly  recover  the  almost  despair 
ing  spirits  of  our  Brethren  in  the  Frontiers,  and  be  esteemed 
a  Favor  to  the  common  cause  and  this  colony  in  particular."23 

Ward  promptly  cut  the  red  tape  of  military  regulations  and 
endorsed  Weare's  letter  with  an  immediate  "order  to  ye 
Commissary  for  fifty  two  barrels  of  powder." 

Smallpox  continued  to  infest  Boston,  and  Ward,  early  in 
July,  arranged  for  the  inoculation  of  the  two  regiments 
(Whitcomb's  and  Phinney's)  stationed  in  the  town. 

22  Familiar  Letters  of  John  Adams  and  his  Wife,  201. 

23  June  29,   1776,  New  Hampshire  Provincial,  State,  and  Town  Papers,  VIII,   178. 


228  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  48 

A  few  days  later  came  the  news  from  Philadelphia  that  the 
Continental  Congress  had  declared  the  colonies  independent! 
Ward  marked  the  occasion  by  giving  "America"  as  parole, 
and  "Independence"  as  countersign,  and  on  the  following 
morning  (July  17)  the  immortal  Declaration  was  read  at 
the  head  of  the  regiments. 

Simultaneously  with,  and  closely  following,  the  Continental 
Congress  letter  which  enclosed  the  Declaration,  Ward  re 
ceived  orders  from  Washington,  based  on  accompanying 
resolutions  by  the  Continental  Congress,24  that  all  of  his  five 
continental  regiments  march  to  join  the  northern  and  New 
York  armies:  the  three  "fullest  regiments"  to  go  to  Ticon- 
deroga  to  strengthen  the  slim  garrison  there  against  the  ex 
pected  English  attempt  to  recover  its  possession;  the  other 
two  regiments  to  serve  under  Washington's  personal  stand 
ard  in  New  York. 

All  the  regiments  were  to  march  to  Norwich,  Conn.,  to  sail 
from  there  down  Long  Island  Sound  to  New  York;  the  troops 
destined  for  Ticonderoga  going  thence  up  the  Hudson,  it 
being  uthe  opinion  of  all  the  officers,  that  it  will  be  better  for 
the  whole,  as  well  the  three  intended  for  the  northward  as 
those  to  reinforce  the  troops  here,  to  take  this  route  in 
preference  to  any  other."25 

An  English  fleet  swung  in  New  York's  lower  harbor,  and 
Howe's  Boston  army,  with  other  troops,  was  encamped  on 
Staten  Island;  but  Washington  and  his  council  felt  that  the 
Hudson  was  safely  held  by  the  hulks  blockading,  and  the  guns 

24  Journals   of  the   Continental  Congress: 

July  5,  1776 — "Resolved,  That  General  Washington  be  empowered,  if  he  shall  judge 
it  adviseable,  to  order  three  of  the  fullest  regiments,  stationed  in  Massachusetts  bay,  to 
be  immediately  marched  to  Ticonderoga ;  and  that  an  equal  number  of  the  militia  of  that 
state,  be  taken  into  pay,  and  embodied  for  its  defence,  if  the  government  of  Massachusetts 
bay  judge  it  necessary." 

July  8,  1776 — "Resolved,  That  General  Washington  be  vested  with  discretionary 
power  to  call  to  his  assistance,  at  New  York,  such  of  the  continental  regiments  in  the 
Massachusetts  bay,  as  have  not  already  received  orders  to  march  to  Ticonderoga;  and 
that  the  general  court  of  that  province  be  requested  to  supply  their  places  with  militia, 
if  they  think  it  expedient." 

28  July   n,   1776;   received  in  Boston  July   15. — American  Archives,  5th,   I,   194. 


IN  THE  EASTERN  DEPARTMENT         229 

sweeping,  the  approaches  to  both  the  East  and  North  rivers. 
It  was  thought  by  all  "that  there  remained  scarcely  a  pos 
sibility  that  the  passage  could  be  forced,  by  vessels  exposed  to 
such  a  tornado  of  shot  and  shell  as  would  be  hurled  upon  them 
in  the  attempt."26 

Ward  quickly  had  three  regiments  equipped  and  ready  for 
marching.  Hutchinson's  and  Sargent's  set  out  on  July  18, 
and  Glover's  on  July  20.  Whitcomb's  and  Phinney's  regi 
ments  were  perforce  held  over  to  recover  from  their  smallpox 
inoculation.27 

The  same  week  (on  July  18)  "Independency"  was  for 
mally  declared  "from  the  Balcony  of  the  Council  Cham 
ber,"28  with  simple  impressive  ceremonies  which  Ward  had 
assisted  in  arranging  as  both  continental  commander  and  a 
member  of  the  Council  committee. 

The  smallpox  had  prevented  the  people  of  nearby  towns 
from  coming  in,  as  was  their  general  custom  when  any  affair 
of  importance  was  held  in  the  capital,  but  "all  the  inhabitants 
assembled"  and  stood  in  absorbed  attention  as  the  proclama 
tion  was  read;  breathing  in  every  word  of  that  document  of 
political  freedom  which  had  grown  from  the  seed  planted 
and  chiefly  nurtured  by  the  bold  spirits  of  their  own  province. 

"When  in  the  course  of  human  events,"  began  the  orator, 
"it  becomes  necessary  for  one  people  to  dissolve  the  political 
bands  which  have  connected  them  with  another.  .  .  ." 

And  so  the  reading  proceeded :  clearly,  deliberately,  and 
resolutely  to  the  concluding  pledge,  made  "with  a  firm  reliance 
on  the  protection  of  Divine  Providence"  of  "our  Lives,  our 
Fortunes,  and  our  Sacred  Honor" 

26  Field,  Battle  of  Long  Island,  Memoirs  of  the  Long  Island  Historical  Society,  II,   125. 

27  This  was  before  the  days  of  cowpox  vaccination.      Inoculation  then  meant  the  intro 
duction  of  human  smallpox  virus  into  the  system.     It  was  often  very  severe,   and  some 
times    disastrous,    in    its    effect    because    of    the    numerous    impurities    of    the    virus.      The 
patient,  unless  isolated,  also  became  a  fruitful   source  of  infection.      The  men's   recovery 
after  inoculation  was  followed  by  thorough   "cleansing"  as  an  essential  precaution  against 
carrying  the  disease  into  the  other  American  armies.      "Cleansing"  consisted  in  the  liberal 
use  of  sulphur,   pitch    (or  tar  or   rosin),   vinegar,   and   soap. 

28  Letters  and  Diary  of  John  Roive,  313. 


230  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  48 

As  the  reading  ended,  a  cry  went  up,  "God  save  our  Amer 
ican  States,"  and  then  ''three  cheers  which  rent  the  air.  The 
bells  rang,  the  privateers  fired,  .  .  .  the  cannon  were  dis 
charged  .  .  .  and  every  face  appeared  joyful."  "Thus  ends 
royal  authority  in  this  State.  And  all  the  people  shall  say 
Amen."29 

Brave  words  and  high  thoughts,  nobly  expressed!  But 
speedily  to  be  subjected  to  the  test  of  severe  trials  and  cruel 
discouragement. 

As  a  foretaste  of  disaster,  came  a  new  message  from 
Washington30  changing  the  orders  for  the  two  remaining 
regiments  getting  ready  to  march.  They  must  go  overland  to 
Ticonderoga,  instead  of  by  way  of  Norwich,  New  York,  and 
the  Hudson  River.  The  three  regiments  that  had  set  out  for 
Ticonderoga  by  the  latter  route  must  remain  with  the  New 
York  army,  for  two  English  warships  had  made  their  way 
into  and  up  the  Hudson — neither  checked  by  the  great  prep 
arations  made  to  thwart  just  such  an  attempt  nor  seriously 
damaged  by  the  furious  cannonade  poured  at  them  by  the 
American  batteries — and  they  cut  off  all  communication  with 
the  north  by  its  waters. 

The  news  of  the  easy  forcing  of  the  Hudson  bred  a  great 
host  of  misgivings  through  the  country.  Patriot  eyes  anx 
iously  followed  all  reports  and  rumors  from  the  new  seat  of 
war.  "Great  is  our  Solicitude  for  you  and  the  Army  under 
your  Command  at  New  York,"  wrote  Ward  to  Washington, 
August  19.  "We  are  in  constant  expectation  of  the  Enemy's 
making  a  violent  attack.  May  the  God  of  Armies  give  you 
Success!"31 

Whitcomb's  regiment  set  out  for  Ticonderoga  on  August 
8,  and  Phinney's  on  the  ninth.  Their  departure  left  only  the 
two  state  regiments  (Whitney's  and  Marshall's)  and  the 
train  (Crafts')  in  the  vicinity  of  Boston — not  enough  men  to 

28  Abigail  Adams,  July  21,   1776,  Familiar  Letters  of  John  Adams  and  his  Wife,  204. 
80  July   19,    1776,  American  Archives,  5th,   I,   451. 
11  American  Archives,  5th,   I,    1075. 


IN  THE  EASTERN  DEPARTMENT         231 

make  anything  beyond  a  pretence  of  garrisoning  the  town  and 
harbor  fortifications.  To  reinforce  them,  the  Council  issued 
a  call  for  every  twenty-fifth  man  in  the  training-band  and 
alarm  lists  of  every  town  in  east  and  central  Massachusetts 
(excepting  only  Dukes  and  Nantucket  counties)  and  in  two 
of  the  three  counties  which  then  comprised  the  present  state 
of  Maine,  to  serve  until  December  i  under  the  continental 
(Ward's)  command. 

As  the  men  came  in  they  were  formed  into  two  regiments 
under  Colonels  Dike  and  Francis. 

Ward  during  these  several  months  had  continued  in  the 
command:  always  about  to  be  relieved,  but  the  relief  always 
failing;  his  resignation  officially  accepted,  but  the  duties  and 
responsibilities  still  adhering  to  him;  retaining  his  post  at 
Washington's  repeated  requests,  despite  a  serious  turn  to  his 
sickness  which  for  a  time  confined  him  closely  to  his  room, 
but  refusing  to  draw  any  salary  because  he  held  no  official 
status. 

There  were  many  objections — both  public  and  personal— 
to  this  irregular  tenure,  and  as  there  was  still  no  one  else  both 
competent  and  available  for  the  post,  Congress  clarified  the 
situation  by  a  special  request,  August  21,  to  Ward  that  he 
remain;32  and  an  order,  entered  November  7,  defining  his 
rank  as  that  of  a  "major-general  commanding  in  a  separate 
department." 

President  Hancock's  letter  (August  26)  accompanying  and 
emphasizing  the  request,  concluded  with  the  assertion  that 
Ward's  readiness  to  comply  with  the  wishes  of  his  country 
gave  him  the  "strongest  reason"  to  believe  that  he  would 
not  resist  "its  application  at  this  juncture."33 

It  is  a  high  tribute  to  Ward  that,  in  spite  of  his  ill  health, 
the  embarrassing  division  of  military  authority  in  Boston,  and 

82  Journals    of    the     Continental    Congress,    August    21,     1776 — "Resolved,  .   .   .   That 
Major  General  Ward  be  authorized  &  requested  if  his  Health  will  permit  to  continue  in 
the  Command  of  the  Forces  in  the  Service  of  the  United  States,  in  the  Eastern  Depart 
ment,  until  further  orders." 

83  American  Archives,  5th,  I,  1 157- 


232  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  48 

the  animosity  of  the  James  Warren  clique,  his  patriotism  was 
relied  upon  to  hold  him  in  the  continental  command  of  the 
most  important  port  under  American  control  and  a  military 
position  which  at  any  time  might  have  developed  into  one 
of  paramount  importance. 

On  September  16  Ward  reviewed  the  "new-raised  Com 
pany  of  Independents,"  making  "their  first  Appearance  in 
their  Uniforms  (black,  turned  up  with  red).  They  per 
formed  the  Exercise,  various  Manoeuvers  and  Firings,  to  the 
Universal  Acceptance  of  the  numerous  Spectators."34 

This  item  has  local  interest  even  today  after  a  lapse  of 
nearly  a  century  and  a  half,  because  the  First  Corps  of  Cadets, 
Massachusetts  National  Guard,  is  the  direct  legitimate 
descendant  of  those  Boston  "Independents"  of  1776. 

The  division  of  the  port's  military  authority  had  worked 
passably  well  while  Lincoln  acted  as  chairman  of  the  com 
mittee  of  fortification  and  general  of  the  state  troops,  but 
after  Lincoln's  appointment,  September  16,  to  command  in 
stead  the  militia  ordered  to  be  raised  to  reinforce  the  army 
at  New  York,  its  evil  possibilities  very  quickly  became 
apparent. 

The  fortification  committee  removed  the  cannon  from 
Dorchester  Heights  to  mount  them  elsewhere,  and  Ward  pro 
tested  vigorously.  "They  are  important  posts  and  ought  not 
to  be  destitute  of  proper  ordnance  and  ordnance  stores  one 
day,"  he  declared.35 

The  Council  immediately  instructed  the  committee  "with 
out  delay"  to  equip  the  forts  with  ordnance  of  the  same  size 
as  that  removed,  and  followed  this  by  an  order  transferring 
all  the  state  troops  to  Ward's  command.  Notifying  Ward  of 
this  action,  the  Council  express  the  hope  that  it  "will  be  agree 
able  to  your  Honor  &  that  you  for  the  service  of  the  Common 

**  Independent  Chronicle,  September  19,  1776.  The  Company  of  Independents  was  a 
revival  of  the  Governor's  Company  of  Cadets,  created  in  1741  by  Governor  Shirley.  It 
had  disbanded  in  1774  because  of  the  dismissal  of  its  colonel,  John  Hancock,  by  Gov 
ernor  Gage. 

86  September  30,   1776,  American  Archives,   5th,   II,   624. 


IN  THE  EASTERN  DEPARTMENT         233 

Cause  will  take  these  Troops  under  your  Command  & 
directions."30 

Southward,  American  fortunes  under  Washington  grew 
steadily  blacker. 

High  hopes  and  rejoicing  had  followed  the  evacuation  of 
Boston.  So  pleasing  indeed  had  the  prospect  appeared  to 
England's  European  rivals,  that  France  and  Spain  had  stimu 
lated  and  encouraged  the  surreptitious  shipment  of  money 
and  arms  to  the  new  "United  States,"  and  there  was  hope 
that  they  would  openly  enter  the  conflict. 

All  this  had  been  changed  by  the  defeat  at  Long  Island 
and  the  abandonment  of  New  York:  the  American  forces 
routed  and  driven  back. 

Men  of  all  classes  again  turned  their  faces  toward  and 
longed  for  "General  Lee."37  Wherever  Lee  had  been,  he 
had  won  new  laurels — or  at  least  additional  encomiums.  It 
had  lately  been  Lee  in  Virginia,  Lee  in  the  Carolinas,  Lee  in 
Georgia.  We  of  today  know  that  much  of  the  credit  for  his 
successes  belonged  by  right  to  others;  but  in  the  eyes  of  the 
revolutionists  of  1776  he  was  the  greatest  of  martial  heroes. 

Congress  hurried  Lee  to  New  York,  and  he  found  Wash 
ington  on  Harlem  Heights  with  the  enemy  maneuvering  to 
trap  him  and  his  army.  In  the  days  following,  Lee  confirmed 
and  added  to  the  army's  high  opinion  of  his  ability  by  his  in 
spiring  and  successful  command  of  the  rear-guard  which  cov 
ered  the  American  retreat.38 

86  October  4,    1776,  American  Archives,  5th,   II,  886. 

37  "If  General   Lee  should  be  at  Philadelphia,  pray  hasten  his  departure — he  is   much 
wanted   in   New  York":  John   Jay,    Fishkill,    N.    Y.,    to   Edward   Rutledge,    October    n, 
1776. — Johnston,    Correspondence   and  Public   Papers   of  John   Jay,   I,   93.      And,    shortly 
before,    Colonel    Malcolm   had   written   to   John    McKesson,    "General    Lee   is    hourly   ex 
pected,  as  if  from  heaven,   with  a  legion  of  flaming  swordsmen." — Moore,    The   Treason 
of  Charles  Lee,  37. 

38  Joseph   Reed   to   Charles   Lee,    November   21,    1776:   "I    do   not   mean   to   flatter,    nor 
praise  you  at  the   Expence  of  any  other;    but   I   confess    I    do   think  that   it  is    entirely 
owing  to  you  that  this  Army  and  the  Liberties  of  America  so  far  as  they  are  dependant 
on  it  are  not  totally  cut  off.      You   have  Decision,    a   Quality   often   wanting   in   Minds 
otherwise  valuable;  and  I  ascribe  to  this  our  Escape  from  York  Island,  from  Kingsbridge 
and    the    Plains.  .  .  .  Nor    am    I    singular    in    my    Opinion;    Every    Gentleman    of    the 
Family,  the  Officers  and  soldiers  generally,  have  a  Confidence  in  you — the  Enemy  con- 


234  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  49 

Ward's  difficulties  in  fulfilling  his  responsibilities,  both  to 
the  Continental  Congress  and  to  the  state,  increased  with  the 
coming  of  winter.  The  immunity  which  Boston  had  enjoyed 
since  the  evacuation,  had  rendered  the  Massachusetts  Coun 
cil  as  apathetic  concerning  defense  as  it  had  before  been 
eagerly  anxious.  The  enlistment  terms  of  the  regiments 
guarding  the  port  expired  December  i,  but  up  to  November 
26  no  action  had  been  taken  either  to  hold  them  over  or  to 
raise  others  in  their  place. 

Ward  expressed  himself  strongly  on  the  subject  in  a  letter 
to  Samuel  Adams.  "At  present,"  he  wrote,  "it  appears  to 
me  that  after  the  last  day  of  this  instant,  there  will  be  no 
troops  in  and  about  Boston,  excepting  the  train.  All  the 
others  were  raised  for  no  longer  time  than  the  last  of  the 
month;  and  I  cant  find  that  there  is  any  measures  taken  to 
raise  others  in  their  room,  or  even  to  desire  them  to  continue 
longer  in  the  service,  although  I  have  repeatedly  mentioned 
it  at  the  Board,  and  told  them  the  consequence  that  would 
follow  upon  such  delay,  and  also  that  I  thought  it  my  duty 
to  inform  some  of  the  members  of  Congress  of  this  neglect. 
Should  that  be  the  case  it  will  not  do  for  me  to  continue  in 
command  in  this  department,  and  have  none  to  command  but 
the  train,  neither  will  it  be  expedient  for  me  to  leave  the  com 
mand,  without  directions  from  Congress,  as  it  was  at  their 
request  that  I  consented  to  continue  in  Service. 

"It  is  disagreeable  to  me  to  mention  anything  to  the  dis 
advantage  of  the  State  to  which  I  Belong;  but  in  Justice  to 
myself  I  have  done  it  to  you,  in  confidence."39 

On  November  26  Ward  again  laid  a  formal  application 
before  the  Council40  and  this  time  his  warning  was  in  some 
degree  heeded.  Reenlistments  were  opened  for  two  regi- 

stantly  inquire  where  you  are,  and  seem  to  be  less  confident  when  you   are  present." — 
Lee  Papers,  II,  293. 

89  November    17,    1776. — Original    letter,  Samuel   Adams    Papers,    New    York    Public 
Library. 

*°  Original  letter,  Massachusetts  Archives,  CCXI,  205. 


1776]     IN  THE  EASTERN  DEPARTMENT         235 

ments  for  the  local  defense.  A  small  garrison,  but  better 
than  none. 

The  decision  was  only  a  few  days  old  when  reports  reached 
Boston  that  the  English  commanders  intended  to  profit  by 
the  defenseless  condition  of  the  capital  and  were  directing 
their  forces — land  and  naval — for  a  sudden,  overwhelming 
assault  upon  it. 

Apprehensions  were  wrought  to  the  point  of  real  alarm  by 
news  of  the  English  seizure  of  Newport.  Word  was  mo 
mentarily  expected  that  an  enemy  army  was  marching  on 
Boston. 

Several  hundred  militia  were  called  in  for  the  defense  of 
the  harbor,  and  between  three  and  four  thousand,  quickly 
gathering,  set  out  toward  Rhode  Island  to  help  hold  the  red 
coats  in  check. 

So  serious  was  the  perturbation  of  the  state  authorities  that, 
December  7,  on  the  excitement  of  the  early  reports  of  the 
movements  of  the  English  fleet,  a  committee  from  the  House 
of  Representatives  waited  on  Ward  with  an  offer  to  assist 
him  in  the  removal  of  his  military  stores.41 

Ward  did  not  accept  the  suggestion — instead,  instructing 
Colonel  Crafts,  his  artillery  officer,  to  see  that  all  was  "in 
order  for  action  in  case  the  enemy  should  attempt  anything 
this  way."42 

The  English  commander  (General  Clinton)  held,  however, 
no  instructions  to  essay  a  winter  campaign  in  New  England, 
or  even  to  push  any  considerable  distance  beyond  his  lines  in 
the  vicinity  of  Newport.  He  was  content  to  await  develop 
ments  in  the  spring.  Then,  as  the  first  of  the  "operations  of 
the  next  campaign,"  Howe  had  proposed  to  Secretary  Ger 
main  "an  offensive  army  of  ten  thousand  rank  and  file"  to 
take  possession  of  Providence  and  thence  to  penetrate  "into 

41  This   step   had   shortly  before  been   suggested   by   Charles   Lee   in    a   letter   to  James 
Bowdoin,  as  president  of  the  Massachusetts  Council. — November  25,    1776,  Lee  Papers, 
II,  312. 

42  Ward's  Order  Book,  December  9,  1776. 


236  ARTEMAS  WARD  Wg*  49 

the  country  toward  Boston,  and,  if  possible,  to  reduce  that 
town."43 

Nor,  on  their  part,  could  the  Americans  make  any  imme 
diate  attempt  to  oust  Clinton.  Even  if  the  season  had  been 
propitious,  there  was  no  available  force  of  sufficient  strength. 
So,  to  the  chagrin  of  the  people  of  Rhode  Island  and  of  the 
continent  generally,  the  English  troops  settled  down  in  undis 
puted  possession. 

The  winter  had  brought  with  it  improvement  in  Ward's 
health,  and  (the  General  Court  having  returned tto  Boston 
on  November  12)  he  took  an  increasingly  important  part  in 
the  Council  deliberations  and  activities.  So  diversified  soon 
became  the  calls  upon  his  time  and  judgment  in  the  military 
affairs  of  both  the  state  and  the  continent,  that  Knox,  visiting 
Boston  a  few  weeks  later,  remarked  that  "whether  he  acts 
as  a  councilor  of  the  Massachusetts  or  a  continental  general 
is  difficult  to  say."44 

Northward,  the  situation  had  temporarily  improved. 
Carleton,  the  English  commander-in-chief  in  Canada,  had 
come  down  to,  and  occupied,  Crown  Point,  destroying  Bene 
dict  Arnold's  gallant  little  fleet  in  his  stride;  but  the  fame  of 
Arnold's  preparations  had  delayed  his  start  and,  with  the 
winter  upon  him,  he  gave  up  for  the  moment  the  design 
to  recover  Ticonderoga  for  the  King.  Instead,  abandoning 
Crown  Point,  he  turned  back  to  Canada  and  winter  quarters. 

To  the  south,  though,  the  American  cause  has  grown  sin 
ister.  We  have  had  the  loss  of  Fort  Washington  and  the 
surrender  of  its  garrison;  and  we  see  Washington  with  the 
remnants  of  his  army  fleeing  through  New  Jersey  into  Penn 
sylvania.  And  Charles  Lee  holding  aloof  with  the  larger 
force  under  his  command — all  but  ignoring  Washington's 

48  November  30,  1776,  American  Archives,  5th,  III,  926.  Three  weeks  later,  Howe 
inclined  to  the  postponement  of  "the  offensive  plan  towards  Boston"  until  the  arrival  of 
reinforcements  from  Europe — not  because  he  had  discarded  the  project  but  because  the 
growth  of  tory  sentiment  in  Pennsylvania  favored  the  first  spring  movement  being  made 
in  that  quarter. — December  20,  1776,  American  Archives,  5th,  III,  1317-1318. 

44  Drake,   Henry   Knox,   41  ;    Brooks,   Henry   Knox,   87. 


/77<*]     IN  THE  EASTERN  DEPARTMENT         237 

need  of  reinforcements  and  his  orders  to  join  him,  and  plan 
ning  an  independent  attack  on  the  British  which  should  fur 
ther  enhance  his  personal  distinction  and  further  detract  from 
Washington's. 

It  was  supremely  fortunate  for  the  United  States  that,  in 
the  midst  of  his  dreams  of  supremacy,  Lee  was,  on  December 
13,  captured  by  Harcourt  at  Basking  Ridge.  Let  us  call  it 
a  direct  dispensation  of  Providence.  To  merely  pass  it  by, 
saying  that  Lee  was  careless  in  placing  himself  in  so  exposed 
a  position,  is  not  sufficient.  Washington,  near  Elkton,  in  the 
following  August  (the  twenty-sixth)  was  equally  imprudent,45 
but,  happily  for  America,  Lee  was  taken  prisoner,  whereas 
Washington  was  not. 

It  is  not  improbable  that  a  successful  stroke  by  Lee  at  this 
juncture — viewed  in  the  halo  which  he  had  gained,  partly  by 
his  own  efforts  and  partly  by  good  fortune — would  have  suf 
ficed  to  depose  Washington.  Lee  then  would  undoubtedly 
have  been  given  the  chief  command.  Many  possible  results 
present  themselves — and  most  of  them  evil. 

When  Lee  was  returned  in  May  of  1778  no  such  danger 
existed.  Times  and  conditions  had  changed. 

But  that  metamorphosis  ^  times  and  conditions  was  of 
the  future.  At  the  moment,  his  capture  seemed  another 
'cruel  blow  to  a  reeling  cause.46  The  day  before,  the  Con 
tinental  Congress  had  fled  from  panic-stricken  Philadelphia. 
"If  every  nerve  is  not  strained  to  recruit  the  new  army  with  all 
possible  expedition  I  think  the  game  is  pretty  near  up,"  Wash 
ington  admitted  to  his  favorite  brother,  John  Augustine.47 

w  Memoirs  du  General  Lafayette,  First  Paris  edition,  I,  21-22  (different  page  num 
bers  in  some  other  editions)  ;  F.  V.  Greene,  Life  of  Nathanacl  Greene,  79-80;  G.  W. 
Greene,  Life  of  Nathanael  Greene,  I,  443-444. 

48  "Our  cause  has  received  a  severe  blow  in  the  captivity  of  General  Lee." — Washing 
ton  to  Lund  Washington,  December  17,  1776.  "I  feel  much  for  the  loss  of  my  Country 
in  his  Captivity." — Washington  to  the  Continental  Congress,  December  15,  1776.  Ford, 
Writings  of  Washington,  V,  79,  100. 

47  December  18,  1776. — Ford,  Writings  of  Washington,  V,  in.  "My  situation  and 
that  of  eur  cause  is  critical,  and  truly  alarming,"  Washington  wrote  te  Heath  on  De 
cember  21,  1776. — Ford,  Writings  of  Washington,  V,  125. 


238  ARTEMAS  WARD  [dg*  49 

But  Washington's  courage  of  spirit  was  inexhaustible.  The 
short  span  of  one  week  later  he  smashed  the  Hessians  at 
Trenton,  suddenly  and  with  overwhelming  success ;  and  then 
struck  again  at  Princeton :  and  the  American  cause,  respond 
ing  instantly  to  the  magic  of  reviving  hope,  throbbed  with  new 
life.  True,  the  flame  in  the  torch  of  its  independence  burned 
low,  but  the  torch  was  in  the  resolute  hands  of  a  chief  who 
through  trials  and  defeats  and  adversity  was  becoming  one  of 
the  select  company  of  the  world's  great  men. 

The  dramatic  forcefulness  of  Washington's  success  halted 
the  dangerous  swing  of  public  opinion  into  the  tory  camp  and 
held  patriot  criticism  in  check  for  many  months.  On  the 
enemy,  and  in  other  foreign  circles,  it  reacted  still  more 
strongly.  It  compelled  a  radical  change  in  the  disposition  of 
the  English  troops  in  New  Jersey;  and  its  narration,  reverber 
ating  through  the  courts  and  politics  of  Europe,  created 
much  the  same  effect  as  had  been  wrought  by  Bunker  Hill. 

As  the  year  1777  opened,  great  anxiety  was  bred  in  Boston 
by  reports  that  the  English  planned  a  winter  attack  upon 
Ticonderoga,  hoping  to  profit  by  the  weakness  of  the 
American  garrison  there. 

Ward  (January  9)  directed  the  colonels  of  four  regiments 
recruiting — including  Francis' — to  march  their  men  north 
ward  uin  small  detachments"  as  quickly  as  they  could  be  en 
listed.  He  also  wrote  to  Meshech  Weare  of  New  Hamp 
shire  urging  the  dispatch  of  two  regiments  "with  all  possible 
expedition" — to  march  them  "by  companies  or  half  com 
panies  as  fast  as  they  can  be  raised."48 

On  January  28  Ward  renewed  his  request  to  the  Conti 
nental  Congress  to  appoint  some  other  officer  in  his  place.49 

Among  the  reasons  prompting  him  was  the  very  low  ebb 
of  his  garrison  in  Boston  as  the  result  of  the  necessities  of 
Ticonderoga.  Despite  Congress's  desire  that  he  continue  in 

48  Neiv  Hampshire  Provincial,  State,  and   Toivn  Papers,  VIII,  462. 
48  MS.  draft,  Ward's  Order  Book. 


/77<5-77]     IN  THE  EASTERN  DEPARTMENT    239 

the  post,  he  felt  uneasy  at  drawing  the  salary  of  a  major- 
general  in  a  separate  department  while  commanding  so  slen 
der  a  force.  "I  conceive,"  he  wrote,  "it  will  be  an  unnecessary 
expense  to  the  public  for  me  to  continue." 

More  weighty  and  more  impelling  was  a  new  danger  en 
gaging  his  attention — the  breeding  of  a  tory  party  in  the 
hitherto  strongly  patriot  counties  of  central  and  western 
Massachusetts.  He  wished  to  be  freed  from  the  routine  of 
a  garrison  command,  feeling  that  as  a  member  of  the  Coun 
cil  without  the  continental  appointment  he  could  render  wider 
and  more  useful  service. 

On  February  7  the  General  Court  determined  to  probe  the 
reports  of  seditious  activity  within  the  state.  Declaring  that 
it  had  been  informed  "that  divers  ill  minded  persons  inimical 
to  the  Rights,  Liberties  and  Happiness  of  the  United  States 
have  concerted  and  are  endeavoring  to  carry  into  execution 
Plans  highly  injurious  to  them,"  it  passed  a  "Resolve  for  dis 
covering  Secret  Plans"  and  appointed  a  committee  with  an 
appropriation  "to  be  applied  in  the  most  secret  Manner,  ac 
cording  to  their  Discretion,  for  the  Discovery  thereof." 

James  Warren,  Aaron  Wood,  and  Samuel  Freeman  con 
stituted  the  committee,  but  Ward  was  intimately  connected 
with  its  work  and  on  the  following  day  he  rode  to  Worces 
ter  and,  with  Judge  Levi  Lincoln,  set  James  Case  of  Leicester 
to  work  in  the  county  to  ferret  out  the  underground  plans 
taking  shape.50 

Tory  sentiment  was  also  showing  in  considerable  strength 
in  the  north.  It  was  wide-spread  in  the  colony  "without  a 
government" — the  southern  part  of  the  present  state  of  Ver 
mont,  which  had  rejected  the  jurisdiction  of  New  York  and 
had  not  yet  developed  its  own  government  or  institutions.  Its 
unsettled  condition  offered  a  fertile,  and  comparatively  safe, 
field  for  tory  activities;  and  patriot  committees  sent  earnest 
requests  to  General  Ward  for  advice  and  assistance.  One 

50  James  Case's  statement. — Worcester,  Original  Papers,  I,    101,  American  Antiquarian 
Society. 


24o  ARTEMAS  WARD  {.Age  ^ 

of  March  4,  from  a  committee  of  the  town  of  Guilford,  de 
clared  that  "we  that  live  in  ye  New  Hampshire  grants  not 
being  in  any  state  labor  under  greater  difficulties  than  any 
state  by  reson  of  having  a  grate  many  enemies  to  ye  glorious 
cause  of  America."  They  had  imprisoned  two  prominent  and 
active  tories  in  the  Westminster  jail,  but  they  added,  "We 
have  so  many  Tories  we  fear  they  will  soon  be  let  out  of  jail 
.  .  .  We  should  be  very  glad  if  your  Excellency  would  take 
them  under  your  Custody  and  judge  them  according  to  ye 
marshal  law  .  .  .  Pray  send  us  sum  directions  what  we  shall 
do  with  them."51 

These  conjoined  circumstances  made  very  welcome  the  news 
that  Heath  had  been  appointed  in  his  place,  and  on  March 
20  Ward  gladly  turned  the  garrison  over  to  its  new  general. 

61  Original  letter,  Heath  Papers,  III,  267,  Massachusetts  Historical  Society.  Another 
letter,  fifteen  days  later,  from  a  committee  representing  a  number  of  Vermont  towns, 
asserted  that  "the  greatest  part  of  the  people,  viz.,  on  these  New  Hampshire  grants  are 
true  friends  for  the  grand  cause  of  America,"  but  that  "too  many  Enemies  to  the  cause 
afor'sd  being  found  and  convicted  as  such,  and  at  present  being  in  such  state  of  anarchy, 
having  no  place  of  Confinement  for  just  offenders  to  the  cause  afors'd,  [we]  are  utterly  at  a 
loss  what  to  do.  Therefore  as  in  Duty  bound  for  our  own  safety  and  the  safety  of  the 
cause  afores'd  we  humbly  crave  your  Excellency's  Counsel  in  Directing  us  to  such 
Measures,  as  your  Wisdom  shall  think  proper." — Original  letter,  Heath  Papers,  III,  307, 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

I777-I783'  Age  49-55 


The  Secret  Committee  to  offset  tory  intrigues.  The  Rhode  Island 
expeditions.  General  Ward  a  delegate  to  the  Continental  Con 
gress.  The  danger  that  a  part  of  Massachusetts  might  return  to 
British  allegiance;  and  the  Hampshire  County  Committee. 
Ward's  opinion  of  Hancock.  The  conclusion  of  peace  and  the 
full  recognition  of  the  independence  of  the  United  States. 

RELIEVED    of   the    continental    command,    Ward    was 
able  to  devote  full  attention  to  the  duties  and  respon 
sibilities  of  the  Council. 

With  few  exceptions  he  was  present  at  every  meeting  of 
the  Board  during  the  next  three  years,  and  during  much  of 
that  time  acted  as  president  of  the  Council  —  that  is  to  say, 
as  the  executive  head  of  the  state,  for  there  was  no  governor 
in  Massachusetts  during  the  War  of  the  Revolution  until 
after  the  election  of  September,  1780,  under  the  new  consti 
tution. 

In  the  Massachusetts  Archives  are  scores  of  letters  in 
Ward's  handwriting:  copies  carefully  made  by  him  of  letters 
that  he  had  still  more  carefully  written  to  other  state  govern 
ments;  to  continental  generals  on  divers  military  matters; 
to  officers  concerning  enlistments;  to  town  officials  regarding 
prisoners,  the  property  of  loyalists,  etc. 

On  May  i  (1777)  General  Ward,  for  the  Council,  and 
Generals  Palmer  and  Preble  of  the  House,  were  appointed 
"a  Secret  Committee  to  repair  forthwith  to  Providence  to 
advise  with  the  Governor  of  that  State  and  the  Commanding 
officer  of  the  Continental  Troops  there"  concerning  a  pro 
posed  expedition  against  the  enemy  on  Rhode  Island. 

241 


242  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  49 

The  committee  at  once  set  out  in  a  coach  and  four,  arriv 
ing  in  Providence  the  next  day. 

There,  crowded  into  seventy-two  hours,  were  consultations 
on  the  total  number  of  troops  needed  for  such  an  enter 
prise;  the  proportion  that  the  state  of  Rhode  Island  could 
raise;  the  aid  that  Connecticut  could  send;  the  questions  of 
ordnance,  provisions,  etc. 

The  committee  left  Providence  on  their  homeward  journey 
about  noon  on  Monday,  May  5,  reaching  Boston  the  day  fol 
lowing  in  time  for  Ward  to  take  his  place  in  the  Council. 

Consideration  of  his  report  resulted  in  the  plan  being 
droppe*d  for  a  time,  the  General  Court  deciding  that  it  was 
impracticable  with  the  forces  available  because  of  the  dom 
ination  of  both  bay  and  river  by  the  English  fleet. 

The  protraction  of  the  struggle  and  the  precarious  condi 
tion  of  the  American  cause  emboldened  the  tories  and  they 
became  "Exceeding  busy."  Reports  of  internal  sedition  mul 
tiplied  and  the  General  Court  on  May  3  appointed  a  new 
"Committee  of  Secresy." 

Only  two  weeks  later  Heath  advised  the  Council  that  he 
had  received  information  that  May  20  was  to  be  made  "the 
hottest  Day  that  ever  America  saw,  for  on  that  Day  the 
Tories  would  Rise  and  show  themselves." 

He  added  that  he  believed  "from  several  other  concuring 
circumstances  uncommon  vigilence  and  Exertion  are  neces 
sary.  Distrust  is  the  Mother  of  security.  It  is  said  that  a 
Rendezvous  of  the  Paricides  is  to  be  somewhere  in  the  County 
of  Worcester.  Are  there  not  in  that  County  a  considerable 
number  of  Highland  Soldiers?  Should  there  be  an  insurrec 
tion,  can  there  be  any  doubt,  that  they  will  not  instantly  join? 
and  as  to  their  getting  of  Armes  they  can  easily  effect  it."  1 

May  20  passed  innocuously,  but  dangerous  disorder  still 
threatened.  The  preparations  to  meet  the  projected  upris 
ing  had  caused  its  fomenters  to  delay  the  attempt,  but  did  not 

1  Original  letter,  Massachusetts  Archives,  CXCVII,   56. 


17771    THE  STRAIN  OF  THE  LONG  WAR        243 

cure  their  mutinous  spirit.  They  continued  "visiting  &  jour 
neying  from  place  to  place  .  .  .  ploting  measures  to  oppose 
public  exertions,  and  assist  the  enimy  should  a  favorable  op 
portunity  present."2 

Ward's  home  county  being  especially  affected,  he  left 
Boston  to  return  to  Shrewsbury  for  the  secret  committee- — 
which  was  equipped  with  a  wide  range  of  power  and  held 
authority  to  direct  "Warrants  to  any  Persons  Inhabitants 
of  this  State  for  the  Purpose  of  arresting  and  convening  any 
Persons  who  are  liable  by  Law  to  be  arrested  for  transgress 
ing  .  .  .  the  Act  against  Treason  and  Offences  less  than 
Treason  and  any  Acts  for  punishing  Persons  inimical  to  the 
American  States." 

Ward  also  took  advantage  of  his  return  to  Worcester 
County  to  preside  at  the  session  of  the  Court  of  Common 
Pleas  which  opened  June  10 — one  of  the  only  three  occasions 
on  which  his  other  duties  permitted  him  to  attend  the  court 
during  the  first  six  years  of  the  war. 

He  was  back  in  the  capital  on  June  20,  to  find  the  ominous 
rumors  of  tory  plots  supplemented  by  reports  that  the  British 
fleet  at  Newport  was  about  to  set  out  for  Boston. 

Soon  after,  overshadowing  all,  came  Burgoyne's  descent 
from  Canada  with  his  lavishly  equipped  army  of  redcoats, 
Hessians,  Canadians,  and  Indians.  Ticonderoga  and  its 
valuable  stores  fell  to  him  on  July  6. 

Following  the  news  from  Ticonderoga  came  an  urgent 
call  (July  21 )  from  Governor  Cooke  of  Rhode  Island  stat 
ing  that  "a  fleet  of  about  40  square  rigged  vessells  were  .  .  . 
coming  through  the  Sound  standing  Eastward,  so  that  it  is 
past  doubt  that  they  are  bound  into  Newport.  We  request 
that  you  immediately  send  all  the  assistance  in  your  power. 
.  .  .  We  imagine  that  the  Enemy  intend  to  possess  them 
selves  of  this  town  [Providence]  &  then  penetrate  the  Coun 
try  so  far  as  your  Capital.  We  are  directing  all  our  Militia 

8  Levi   Lincoln   to   Ward. — Worcester,   Original  Papers,   I,    102,   American   Antiquarian 
Society. 


244  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  49 

£  alarm  men  to  march  into  this  place  &  to  such  other  places 
as  we  expect  it  probable  they  mean  to  land."3 

The  dispatch  reached  Boston  about  ten  o'clock  of  the  same 
night.  Ward  and  other  members  of  the  Council  "immedi 
ately  met  and  sat  until  after  two  in  the  morning."4 

No  time  could  be  spared  to  test  the  accuracy  of  Cooke's 
surmise.  Instant  action  was  needed  to  forestall  the  danger 
threatened,  and  Ward  hurried  expresses  out  into  the  night 
with  orders  for  the  draft  of  a  large  body  of  militia  to  march 
immediately  to  Providence:  the  men  to  be  "well  equipped 
with  arms  and  ammunition"  and  furnished  with  six  days'  pro 
visions,  and  the  selectmen  of  their  towns  to  arrange  for  addi 
tional  supplies  to  follow  them. 

Early  on  the  following  morning  Ward  hurried  an  express 
to  Meshech  Weare  of  New  Hampshire,  sending  him  a  copy 
of  Governor  Cooke's  letter,  telling  him  of  the  forces  that 
Massachusetts  was  collecting,  and  warning  him  to  be  on  the- 
lookout. 

Two-thirds  of  the  New  Hampshire  regiments  had  been 
weakened  a  few  days  earlier  by  detachments  for  the  famous 
little  army  with  which  Stark  was  planning  to  check  and  harass 
Burgoyne,  but  the  New  Hampshire  Committee  of  Safety  im 
mediately  issued  orders  to  draft  one-half  of  the  remaining 
full  regiments. 

In  these  urgent  preparations  James  Warren  made  a  sorry 
spectacle  of  himself.  He  was  appointed  to  the  command  of 
the  Massachusetts  militia  being  raised,  and  instructed  to  join 
the  continental  forces  in  Rhode  Island  under  General  Spen 
cer.  He  refused  to  go  on  the  plea  that  he  felt  it  beneath  his 
dignity  as  a  major-general  of  the  Massachusetts  militia 
(though  he  had  never  been,  and  never  was,  in  any  action) 
to  serve  under  Major-General  Spencer  of  the  continental 
army,  because  his  commission  (June  19,  1776)  as  militia 
major-general  antedated  Spencer's  commission  (August  9, 

1  New  Hampshire  State,  Provincial,  and   Totin  Papers,  VIII,  645. 

4  Treble's   Diary,   Monday,  July   21,    1777. — First   Three   Generations  of  Prebles,   8 1. 


1777']    THE  STRAIN  OF  THE  LONG  WAR        245 

1776)  as  continental  major-general  (by  less  than  two 
months),  though  Spencer  had  been  in  active  command  from 
the  early  days  of  the  siege  of  Boston,  and  continental  brig 
adier-general  (of  the  first  appointments)  until  his  promo 
tion  to  major-general. 

James  Warren's  contention — made  in  a  time  of  stress  and 
emergency — appears  the  more  unnecessary  when  it  is  noted 
that  under  similar  conditions  a  few  months  later  the  com 
mand  was  not  considered  an  indignity  by  John  Hancock, 
first  major-general  of  the  militia  and  for  years  president 
of  the  Continental  Congress — and,  furthermore,  a  man  who 
was  never  accused  of  self-depreciation! 

A  few  days  later  (August  7)  Warren  submitted  his  resigna 
tion — and  that  was  the  end  of  his  brief  career  in  a  military 
capacity. 

Close  upon  the  heels  of  Governor  Cooke's  cry  of  alarm, 
came  later  dispatches  which  threw  doubt  on  Providence  as 
the  enemy's  objective,  and  marching  orders  were  counter 
manded,  the  militia  being  instead  instructed  to  hold  "them 
selves  in  Constant  readiness  to  march  on  the  shortest  notice." 

Then  followed  several  days  of  anxious  watching.  The 
manoeuvres  of  the  English  fleet  apparently  threatened  Massa 
chusetts.5  "We  have  never,  since  the  evacuation  of  Boston, 
been  under  apprehensions  of  an  invasion  equal  to  what  we 
suffered  last  week,"  wrote  Abigail  Adams.  "All  Boston  was 
in  confusion,  packing  up  and  carting  out  of  town  household 
furniture,  military  stores,  goods,  etc.  Not  less  than  a  thous 
and  teams  were  employed  on  Friday  and  Saturday;  and,  to 
their  shame  be  it  told,  not  a  small  trunk  would  they  carry 
under  eight  dollars,  and  many  of  them,  I  am  told,  asked  a 
hundred  dollars  a  load;  for  carting  a  hogshead  of  molasses 
eight  miles,  thirty  dollars."6 

B  "No  doubt  an  attack  on  this  State  is  intended." — Massachusetts  Council  to  Governor 
Truinbull  of  Connecticut,  August  I,   1777,  Massachusetts  Archives,  CXCVII,  379. 
6  August  5,   1777,  Familiar  Letters  of  John  Adams  and  his  Wife,  287. 


246  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  49 

But  again  the  alarm  died  out  and  Massachusetts'  attention 
returned  to  Burgoyne's  invasion  from  the  north. 

There  was  much  dissatisfaction  with  the  management 
of  the  army  opposing  Burgoyne.  Ward  shared  New  Eng 
land's  dislike  of  General  Schuyler — though  he  did  not  carry 
it  to  the  same  extent  as  many  of  his  contemporaries,  among 
whom  were  many  who  thought  Schuyler  traitorous  and 
openly  objected  to  serving  with  him.  The  loss  of  Ticon- 
deroga  had  intensified  such  suspicions. 

Schuyler  accused  Massachusetts  as  one  of  the  states  whose 
slowness  in  sending  reinforcements  he  declared  to  be  the 
cause  of  his  retirement  before  the  enemy. 

Ward,  for  the  Council,  retorted,  August  1 1  :  "You  are 
pleased  to  say  that  your  little  Army  is  obliged  to  retire  be 
fore  the  Enemy  neglected  and  unsupported  by  those  whose 
Duty  as  well  as  Interest  it  is  to  prevent  the  Enemy  from  tak 
ing  possession  of  this  State.  At  present  we  can't  see  how  it 
is  in  the  power  of  this  State  to  send  a  reinforcement  In  Season 
sufficient  to  Stop  the  Enemy  before  you  reach  Albany,  Pro 
vided  you  Continue  your  rapid  Retreat  &  dispute  no  one 
Inch  of  Ground."7 

In  common  with  other  New  England  leaders,  Ward  made 
the  mistake  of  preferring  Gates  to  Schuyler,  and  he  welcomed 
the  order  transferring  the  northern  command  to  Gates. 
He  declared  that  it  gave  "general  satisfaction." 

The  letter  which  records  this  sentiment,  comments  on 
Stark's  decisive  victory  near  Bennington  (August  16)  which 
destroyed  two  detachments  of  Burgoyne's  hitherto  victorious 
army — won,  so  it  happened,  because  Stark  had  counter 
manded  Schuyler's  orders  to  march  from  Manchester  on 
August  7,  bidding  Lincoln  tell  Schuyler  "that  he  considered 
himself  adequate  to  the  command  of  his  own  men."8 

It  speaks  also  of  Ward's  third  son,  "Tommy"  (Thomas 
Walter  Ward,  later  in  life  to  be  known  to  every  one  in 

T  Massachusetts  Archives,  CXCVIII,  25. 

8  Foster  and  Streeter,  Stark's  Independent  Command  at  Bennington,  47. 


/777]    THE  STRAIN  OF  THE  LONG  WAR        247 

Worcester  County  as  "the  sheriff"),  at  Bennington  as  a  vol 
unteer,  and  of  his  second  son,  Captain  Nahum  Ward,9  then 
at  Fort  Stanwix. 

On  September  17  the  General  Court  decided  in  favor  of 
the  "Secret  Expedition"  by  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  and 
Rhode  Island  contingents  against  the  English  at  Newport 
which  had  been  set  aside  in  the  spring  after  Ward's  com 
mittee  report  on  the  project. 

The  expedition,  made  in  the  following  month,  proved  abor 
tive  and  Ward  journeyed  again  to  Providence  to  sit  as 
president  of  a  court  of  inquiry  composed  of  committees  ap 
pointed  by  the  three  participating  states. 

The  court's  report  exonerated  General  Spencer.  It  ex 
pressed  the  opinion  that  there  had  been  a  "fair  opportunity" 
to  make  a  descent  on  Rhode  Island  on  the  night  of  October 
1 6  and  that  it  was  "highly  probable  that  the  attack  would 
have  been  crowned  with  success"  but  that  the  opportunity 
had  been  lost  by  General  Palmer's  failure  to  embody  his 
brigade  and  to  seasonably  distribute  the  boats  needed  by  both 
his  and  the  other  brigades.  As  no  other  equally  good  occa 
sion  afterwards  presented  itself — because  of  bad  weather, 
the  expiration  of  enlistment  periods,  and  new  dispositions  of 
the  enemy's  forces — the  report  justified  the  abandonment  of 
the  enterprise  as  "judicious  and  well  founded." 

The  failure  of  the  expedition  had  comparatively  little 
effect  on  the  public  mind  of  Massachusetts,  for,  during  the 
entire  period  of  its  short  campaign,  the  attention  of  the  state 
had  been  centered  upon  the  absorbing  development  of  Bur- 
goyne's  campaign. 

The  Council  had  toward  the  end  of  September  distributed 
a  House  resolution,  dated  September  22,  calling  for  militia 
to  hurry  to  the  reinforcement  of  General  Gates.  The  army 
under  Burgoyne,  it  said,  "have  far  advanced  from  Water 
Carriage  and  by  that  means  have  rendered  their  retreat  more 

9  Captain  in  Colonel  James  Wesson's  regiment,  Continental  Army.     He  died  in  Boston 
of  smallpox,   March  6,   1778    (not  March  7,  as  in  family  records). 


248  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  49-50 

Difficult," — and  if  the  army  under  Gates  be  "speedily  and 
strongly  reenforced,  there  is  a  great  Prospect  under  the  smiles 
of  Divine  Providence,  of  wholly  destroying  them." 

The  highest  expectations  were  realized.  Before  the  end 
of  October  came  the  news  of  Burgoyne's  surrender.  All  New 
England  rejoiced.  It  seemed  a  proper  confirmation  of  its 
preference  for  Gates!10 

The  success  was  a  most  substantial  one.  It  meant  not  only 
the  elimination  of  a  formidable  English  army  and  the  flatten 
ing  out,  for  a  time,  of  the  tory  conspiracies  in  western  Massa 
chusetts  and  the  New  Hampshire  Grants — it  was  also  speedily 
to  show  an  equally  important  result  in  France's  openly  allying 
herself  with  America. 

The  following  year  (1778)  was,  nevertheless,  one  of  many 
difficulties  for  Ward  and  the  other  members  of  the  Council. 
No  fear  was  felt  of  any  new  invasion  from  the  north,  but  the 
continued  English  occupation  of  Newport  and  the  nearby 
presence  of  a  powerful  enemy  fleet  compelled  the  state  to  be 
constantly  in  readiness  for  an  attack  either  overland  or  from 
the  sea — or  both  together.  It  was  necessary  to  keep  a  sub 
stantial  militia  force  constantly  in  service,  in  addition  to 
raising  a  large  body  of  men  for  the  continental  army  and 
furnishing  Massachusetts'  quota  for  another  attack  on  New 
port — this  year  a  continental  undertaking  with  Major-Gen- 
eral  Sullivan  in  chief  command. 

The  people  of  Rhode  Island  were  increasingly  nervous  at 
the  continued  presence  of  an  English  army  on  their  soil,  and 
they  were  inclined  to  cast  blame  in  every  direction.  On  August 
17  Governor  William  Greene  complained  that  Massachu 
setts  had  not  sent  all  the  troops  expected  as  her  share  of  the 
Newport  expedition.  This  drew  from  Ward  a  rather  sharp 

10  Typical  is  a  gathering,  October  22,  1777,  of  the  people  of  Springfield,  Mass.,  and  sev 
eral  neighboring  towns  to  celebrate  "the  great  and  important  success  of  the  American 
Arms  under  the  brave  and  immortal  GENERAL  GATES,  whose  name  will  ever  with  Grati 
tude  be  mentioned  by  every  Tongue  inspired  with  the  Love  of  Virtue,  to  latest  Posterity." 
A  toast  was  drunk  to  "the  generous  British  Gates,  who  bravely  step'd  forth  in  the 
Cause  of  Virtue  and  America,  and  captivated  the  Northern  British  Army." — Continental 
Journal  and  Weekly  Advertiser,  November  13,  1777. 


/777-7<S]     THE  STRAIN  OF  THE  LONG  WAR     249 

retort.  He  declared  that  it  was  "with  no  small  degree  of 
surprise"  that  the  Council  read  the  charge  that  Massachusetts 
had  disappointed  General  Sullivan.  It  would  have  been 
"more  satisfactory"  had  Greene  "made  out"  his  assertion. 

"This  State,"  he  continued,  "has  ever  been  ready,  and  ever 
will  be,  to  do  everything  in  its  power,  Consistent  with  reason, 
for  the  benefit  of  the  United  States,  or  any  Sister  State,  but 
for  any  State  to  Expect  that  this  State  must  bare  the  whole 
burden  or  at  least  the  greatest  part  of  it,  &  when  they  have 
Exerted  Every  Nerve  to  be  thus  Stigmatized  with  neglect  of 
Duty  is  hard,  &  in  our  opinion  is  what  doth  not  become  any 
State  to  Charge  us  with. 

"The  Council  previous  to  the  receipt  of  your  letter  had 
given  orders  for  the  making  up  all  deficiencies  that  had  arisen 
by  reason  of  any  men  having  left  the  Army  on  account  of  their 
time  for  which  they  were  drafted  having  Expired."11 

Prospects  seemed  very  bright  for  this  new  Rhode  Island 
campaign.  Sullivan's  army  of  Continentals  and  militiamen 
was  to  be  strengthened  by  4000  French  troops,  and  the 
French  fleet  was  to  bombard  the  enemy  from  the  sea. 

Lafayette  and  Nathanael  Greene  had  joined  Sullivan,  and 
they  commanded  the  two  wings  of  the  attacking  divisions. 
The  second  line  was  commanded  by  Hancock,  as  Massachu 
setts  major-general. 

But  a  heavy  gale  damaged  the  French  fleet  and  resulted 
in  its  withdrawal  to  Boston  to  refit.  The  French  troops  went 
with  their  fleet.  This  doomed  the  expedition.  Its  final  phase 
was  crowned  by  the  "Battle  of  Rhode  Island,"  in  which  Con 
tinentals,  militiamen,  and  American  negroes  contended  sav 
agely  with  English  regulars  and  Hessians,  but  the  approach 
of  English  reinforcements  compelled  the  abandonment  of  the 
effort.  The  enemy  thenceforth  remained  undisturbed  in 
Newport  until  their  voluntary  evacuation  in  October  of  the 
following  year. 

The  coming  of  the  French  fleet  into  Boston  Harbor  to  re- 

11  Massachusetts  Archives,  CXCVIII,   64. 


250  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  51 

pair  the  ships  damaged  by  the  storm  which  had  driven  it 
from  Newport,  led  the  Council  to  urge  upon  the  Continental 
Congress  the  importance  of  the  further  fortification  of  the 
harbor. 

Its  letter  (December  15),  signed  by  Jeremiah  Powell  but 
prepared  by  Ward,  expressed  the  conviction  that  it  was  in 
dispensably  necessary  "for  the  Honorable  Congress  to  take 
some  effectual  measures  to  have  some  Port  within  the 
United  States  Fortified  and  Secured,  in  such  manner,  as  to 
make  it  a  Safe  Port,  for  any  squadron  this  our  Allie  may  see 
fit  to  send  to  our  Protection  or  Assistance,  to  repair  to,  in  case 
of  Disaster  or  otherwise."  It  further  declared  that  "It  does 
not  appear  to  the  Council  that  any  Port  within  these  States 
has  as  yet  been  sufficiently  fortifyed  or  Secured  to  answer 
the  purpose  beforementioned.  And  The  Council  are  humbly 
of  Opinion  that  there  is  not  upon  the  Continent  any  Port 
Preferable  by  nature  or  Equal  to  the  Port  of  Boston  to  answer 
this  End.  But  this  was  by  the  Count  D'Estaing  found  un 
safe  without  throwing  up  Temporary  works  on  the  Main 
and  on  several  Islands,  and  taking  Cannon  from  his  Ships 
&  Planting  them  within  those  works,  Which  cannon  he  Car 
ried  off  with  him  when  he  took  his  departure  from  hence  as 
he  had  a  Right  so  to  do.  If  our  Allies  when  they  come  to  the 
Assistance  of  these  States,  have  to  fortify  our  Harbours  to 
Secure  themselves,  will  it  not  be  discouraging  to  them,  and 
Highly  derogatory  to  the  United  American  States?"12 

It  was  on  April  10  of  this  year  that  the  "South  Parish  of 
Worcester"  (a  precinct  formed  five  years  earlier  of  land  set 
off  from  Worcester,  Sutton,  Leicester,  and  Oxford)  was  in 
corporated  as  a  separate  township  to  be  known  as  "Ward"- 
this  name  having  been  bestowed  upon  it  by  its  inhabitants  out 
of  their  affectionate  admiration  for  General  Ward.13 

12  Massachusetts  Archives,  CC,  260. 

u  As  "Ward"  the  town  flourished  for  more  than  half  a  century,  but  unfortunately 
the  town  «f  "Ware"  had  preceded  it  both  in  establishment  and  incorporation.  The 
consequent  confusion  in  addresses  caused  much  trouble,  and  the  title  of  "Auburn"  was 
substituted  for  "Ward"  on  February  17,  1837. 


1778-79]     THE  STRAIN  OF  THE  LONG  WAR     251 

On  April  29  and  30  of  the  following  year  (1779)  Ward 
acted  as  chairman  of  the  General  Court  conferences  on  two 
bills — passed  on  the  days  following — for  the  confiscation  of 
the  estates  of  absentees. 

A  few  weeks  later,  about  June  20,  word  came  from  the 
north  that  an  English  squadron  from  Halifax  had  seized  the 
Majorbagaduce  peninsula  (now  "Castine"),  Maine,  which 
commands  the  mouth  of  the  Penobscot  River  and  dominates 
Penobscot  Bay.  The  move  aroused  instant  apprehension. 
It  was  not  only  a  direct  assault  upon  Massachusetts  territory 
(for  Maine  was  then  politically  a  part  of  Massachusetts)  ; 
it  also  greatly  increased  the  potential  menace  of  the  English 
fleet.  With  Penobscot  to  the  north  and  Newport  to  the 
south  both  occupied  by  the  English,  Boston  and  the  entire 
coast  line  of  Massachusetts  proper  lay  within  two  enemy 
naval  bases  less  than  three  hundred  miles  apart. 

Massachusetts  determined  on  immediate  action  in  the  hope 
of  dislodging  the  enemy  before  he  could  strengthen  his  pos 
session.  So  rapidly  were  plans  conceived  and  carried  out  that, 
only  twenty-odd  days  after  the  first  reports  of  the  English 
landing,  a  fleet  of  nineteen  armed  vessels  and  twenty-four 
transports  had  been  organized,  equipped,  and  provisioned, 
and  was  ready  to  sail.  It  was  the  largest  American  fleet  that 
had  ever  been  assembled. 

Less  satisfactory  proved  the  size  of  the  landing  force,  for 
the  militia  detachment  totaled  less  than  two-thirds  of  the 
1500  men  called  for  by  the  General  Court  order. 

The  fleet  was  under  the  command  of  Richard  Saltonstall; 
the  land  force  under  Brigadier-General  Solomon  Lovell. 
Second  under  Lovell  was  Pelcg  Wadsworth,  one  of  Ward's 
aides  at  the  siege  of  Boston.  Paul  Revere  (lieutenant- 
colonel  since  November,  1776)  had  charge  of  the  artillery. 

The  expedition  came,  however,  to  a  sorry  fate. 

It  reached  Penobscot  on  Sunday,  July  25,  and  its  first  days 
were  illuminated  by  a  brilliant  episode:  the  scaling  of  the 
steep  southerly  side  of  the  peninsula  in  the  face  of  withering 


252  ARTEMAS  WARD  Wge  51 

musketry  fire.  The  party  lost  a  fourth  of  its  men  but  won 
its  objective  and  threw  up  a  breastwork  within  point-blank 
shot  of  the  enemy's  main  fortification. 

An  excellent  start — and  the  American  fleet  looked  menac 
ingly  formidable  to  the  Englishmen  entrusted  with  the  de 
fense  of  the  position.  But  possible  success  was  thrown  away 
by  lack  of  concerted  initiative,  by  want  of  decision,  and  by 
continuous  disagreements  between  the  fleet  and  land  com 
manders.  A  fortnight  of  varied  dissensions  and  minor  activi 
ties — then  the  end  came  quickly.  On  August  133  reinforcing 
English  squadron  was  sighted,  turning  the  odds  heavily 
against  the  Americans,  and  an  immediate  retreat  was  ordered. 

The  story  of  the  siege  and  its  disastrous  termination  has 
often  been  told — to  recount  it  here  would  serve  no  purpose. 
The  result  was  the  loss  of  the  entire  American  fleet  (save  only 
one  vessel,  the  Pallas,  which  had  previously  been  dispatched 
on  a  special  detail)  and  the  ignominious  dispersal  of  the 
American  force. 

The  utter  collapse  of  the  expedition  raised  a  storm 
throughout  the  state,  and  the  General  Court  on  September  9 
appointed  a  committee  of  investigation. 

Ward  served  as  president  of  the  committee. 

Its  report  (October  7)  declared  that  "want  of  proper 
spirit  and  energy"  on  the  part  of  Commodore  Saltonstall  was 
"the  principal  reason  of  the  failure."  It  praised  and  exon 
erated  General  Lovell. 

The  report  was  accepted  by  the  General  Court14  and  by  it 
forwarded  to  the  Continental  Congress. 

Later  sessions  of  the  committee  also  found  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Revere  censurable  for  insubordination.15 

The  failure  of  the  project  was  a  grievous  disappointment 
to  General  Ward.  On  September  8  he  wrote  to  Joseph 
Ward: 

"Was  in  hopes  when  I  wrote  you  last,  should  have  been 

14  Massachusetts   General   Court  Records,   October   8,    1779,   XL,   65—67. 
w  Massachusetts   Archives,  CXLV,    375. 


1779}    THE  STRAIN  OF  THE  LONG  WAR        253 

able  the  next  time  I  wrote,  to  do  it  in  the  congratulatory  stile, 
on  account  of  our  expedition  to  Penobscot.  But  alass,  I  am 
totally  deprived  of  that  pleasure  and  am  under  the  disagree 
able  necessity  of  acquainting  you  that  the  siege  was  raised, 
and  the  whole  fleet  destroyed  or  taken,  excepting  the  Pallas. 

"...  I  have  been  told  that  it  has  been  said  by  some 
one  in  the  army,  that  we  wanted  advice  in  planning  the  ex 
pedition,  and  insinuating  thereby  that  that  was  the  reason 
why  the  enterprise  failed.  They  had  better  spare  their  re 
flections,  and  re-examine  their  own  conduct  in  all  its  parts. 
I  think  it  was  well  done."16 

Ward  felt  strongly  the  danger  in  leaving  Penobscot  in  the 
possession  of  the  enemy,  but  it  was  not  possible  to  make  a 
second  attempt  to  recover  it.  English  successes  in  the  south 
followed  so  quickly  that  the  general  needs  of  the  colonies 
forbade  the  diversion  northward  of  any  considerable  part  of 
the  Massachusetts  forces. 

The  following  November  (the  eighteenth),  the  General 
Court  elected  Ward  a  delegate  to  the  Continental  Congress 
for  the  year  1780.  Hancock,  Samuel  Adams,  and  Elbridge 
Gerry  were  among  the  others  who  completed  the  delegation 
of  seven. 

As  the  state's  representatives  they  were  "fully  impowered, 
with  the  Delegates  .  .  .  from  the  other  American  States, 
to  concert,  direct  and  order  such  further  measures  as  shall 
appear  to  them  best  calculated  for  the  establishment  of 
the  Rights,  Liberty  and  Independence  of  the  United  States 
of  America  upon  a  basis  permanent  and  secure  against  the 
power  and  art  of  the  British  Nation;  for  prosecuting  the 
present  War,  concluding  peace,  contracting  alliances,  estab 
lishing  commerce,  and  guarding  against  any  future  encroach 
ments  and  machinations  of  their  enemies." 

The  General  Court  did  not  expect  the  continuous  attend 
ance  in  Philadelphia  of  all  of  its  seven  delegates.  It  sug- 

16  Printed  in  Scribner's  Monthly,  XI,  716.     The  original   letter  is    (1921)    in  the  pos 
session  of  Joseph  F.  Ward,  Evanston,  111. 


254  ARTEMAS  WARD  Wge  52 

gested  their  serving  "in  rotation,"  though  enjoining  that 
"four  at  least  .  .  .  attend  constantly  upon  the  business  of 
their  delegation."  Three  instead  of  four  was,  however,  the 
general  Massachusetts  representation  during  the  years  1780 
and  1781. 

The  prestige  of  members  of  the  Continental  Congress  was 
so  high  and  their  opinions  carried  such  weight  that  in  Massa 
chusetts  politics  they  constituted  a  kind  of  upper  chamber. 

On  May  16,  1780,  Ward  left  Boston  for  Shrewsbury  in 
order  both  to  prepare  for  his  journey  to  Philadelphia  to  at 
tend  the  Congress,  and  to  take  part  in  his  township's  con 
sideration  of  the  proposed  new  state  constitution  drawn  up 
and  submitted  by  the  Constitutional  Convention.17 

17  Shrewsbury  held  four  meetings  to  discuss  the  proposed  constitution:  May  i,  May  25, 
May  29,  and  June  i. 

At  the  first  meeting  the  "form  of  Government  was  read  and  conversed  upon,"  but 
no  formal  action  was  taken.  The  other  three  meetings  discussed  and  voted  upon  both 
the  "liill  of  Rights"  and  the  "Frame  of  Government,"  article  by  article,  and  suggested 
numerous  changes. 

At  the  second  meeting,  twenty-eight  of  the  thirty  articles  of  the  Bill  of  Rights  were 
approved  by  a  nearly  unanimous  vote  (92  of  a  possible  96).  The  exceptions  were 
Articles  111  and  XXIX.  Article  III  established  the  principle  of  compulsory  support  of 
a  religious  establishment;  Article  XXIX  made  the  terms  of  the  judges  of  the  Supreme 
Judicial  Court  for  "as  long  as  they  behave  themselves  well."  Neither  of  these  received 
in  Shrewsbury  the  two-thirds  vote  required  to  express  approval. 

At  the  third  meeting,  a  proposed  amendment  to  Article  III,  which  received  44  votes 
in  favor  and  only  15  against,  left  the  legislature  power  to  authorize  towns  and  par 
ishes  "to  make  suitable  provision  .  .  .  for  the  institution  of  the  public  worship  of  God," 
but  struck  out  its  authority  to  require  them  to  do  so.  It  also  eliminated  the  paragraph 
authorizing  the  legislature  to  "enjoin"  attendance  upon  church  services,  and  declared 
that  no  one  should  be  held  by  the  action  of  local  authorities  or  bodies  for  the  support  of 
"any  sect  or  persuasion"  if  he  "congregate  elsewhere."  (A  number  of  other  towns 
made  similar  objections  to  Article  III,  but  it  nevertheless  became  a  part  of  the  consti 
tution.  It  stood  for  a  little  more  than  half  a  century,  and  was  then  annulled  by  the 
Tenth  Article  of  Amendment.) 

The  fourth  meeting  voted  39  to  1 1  in  favor  of  amending  Article  XXIX  so  that 
judges  should  be  chosen  for  a  term  of  five  years  only.  It  was  feared  that  otherwise  they 
might  become  too  independent  of  the  people  and  that  the  door  might  be  opened  to 
favoritism. 

The  Frame  of  Government  was  much  less  generally  acceptable.  Few  of  its  provisions 
attained  a  two-thirds  support  and  several  of  them  failed  to  receive  even  a  majority. 
Among  the  latter  was  Article  II  of  Chapter  I,  Section  I,  which  gave  the  governor  veto 
power  over  the  legislature. 

A  number  of  suggested  amendments  to  the  Frame  of  Government  were  introduced  and 
some  of  them  were  highly  approved.  That  applying  to  Article  IX,  Section  I,  Chapter 
II,  gave  the  appointment  of  all  judicial  officers  to  the  legislature,  instead  of  to  the 
governor  and  Council ;  to  Article  X,  Section  I,  Chapter  11,  gave  to  the  legislature  the 
duty  of  nominating  continental  officers,  instead  of  entrusting  their  appointment  entirely 
to  the  governor  and  Council ;  to  Article  XIII,  Section  I,  Chapter  II,  provided  for  annual 


THE  STRAIN  OF  THE  LONG  WAR        255 

He  set  out  from  Shrewsbury  on  June  2,  accompanied  by 
Daniel  Newton18  as  his  personal  attendant — both  on  horse 
back. 

Eleven  days  were  consumed  on  the  road,  but  this  included 
a  stay  of  one  and  a  half  days  in  Suffield,  Conn.,  half  a  day  at 
Goshen,  N.  Y.,  and  a  half  day  in  Bethlehem,  N.  J.  They 
rode  into  Connecticut  south  of  Springfield  (Mass.),  entered 
New  York  westerly  of  New  Fairfield  (Conn.),  crossed  the 
Hudson  from  Fishkill  Creek  to  New  Windsor,  entered  New 
Jersey  westerly  of  the  Wawayanda  Mountains,  and  came 
into  Pennsylvania  during  the  forenoon  of  June  12,  ferrying 
over  the  Delaware  River  at  a  point  near  the  bridge  now 
uniting  Stockton,  N.  J.,  and  Center  Bridge,  Pa.  The  fol 
lowing  morning  they  arrived  in  Philadelphia.19 

The  next  day  (June  14)  Ward  took  his  place  in  the 
Congress  sitting  in  Independence  Hall. 

It  was  not  a  large  gathering  which  greeted  him  as  a  new 
member  arrived  to  help  it  struggle  with  a  multitude  of 
problems.  There  were  only  twenty-seven  delegates  present 

grants  to  the  governor  and  higher  justices  instead  of  permanent  salaries  established  by 
law ;  to  Article  I,  Chapter  III,  required,  instead  of  permitting,  the  governor  and  Council 
to  remove  judicial  officers  upon  the  address  of  both  houses  of  the  legislature;  to  the 
third  paragraph  of  Article  II,  Chapter  VI,  added  "settled  ministers"  and  seamen  to 
those  excluded  from  holding  a  seat  in  either  the  Senate  or  the  House  of  Representatives, 
and  prohibited  any  individual  from  holding  more  than  one  civil  or  military  commission 
at  the  same  time;  to  Article  X,  Chapter  VI,  required  the  calling  within  five  years 
(instead  of  in  1795)  of  a  convention  to  consider  the  revision  of  the  constitution. 

The  original  report  of  the  Shrewsbury  discussion  and  vote  is  in  the  Massachusetts 
Archives,  CCLXXVII,  108. 

In  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  Proceedings,  L,  353,  is  an  interesting  paper  by 
S.  E.  Morison  on  "the  Struggle  over  the  Adoption  of  the  Constitution  of  Massachusetts." 
Professor  Morison  raises  the  question  whether  the  constitution  was  ever  legally  ratified, 
remarking  that  "the  Convention's  method  of  tabulating  the  popular  vote  raises  the  sus 
picion  that  the  [necessary]  two-thirds  majority  was  manufactured." 

18  Daniel   Newton   "kept   a   diary    [whereabouts   now   unknown]    in   which   he    recorded 
the  texts  of  all  the  sermons  he  heard,  some  delivered  by  the  most  eminent  preachers  of 
that  day:  related  the  substance  of  conversations  he  had  on  the  subject  of  religion   with 
Major-General  Ward,  whose  servant  he  was,  and  with  Samuel  Adams,  then  a  member  of 
Congress." — igoi-IQO2  Report  of   the  Daughters   of  the  American   Revolution,   297. 

19  Ward  took  rooms  in  the  house  of  "Mary  Dalley."     He  was  shortly  joined  there  by 
Samuel  Adams,  who  reached  the  capital  before  the  end  of  the  month. 

On  October  13  they  moved  to  the  house  of  "Mrs.  Miller,"  both  of  them  remaining 
with  her  until  their  departure  from  Philadelphia  in  the  following  spring.  "She  is  a  well 
bred  woman,"  wrote  Samuel  Adams  to  his  wife,  November  24,  1780,  "and  my  situation 
is  agreeable." — Gushing,  Writings  of  Samuel  Adams,  IV,  227. 


256  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  52-55 

(including  Ward),  and  during  the  entire  twelve  months  thus 
commenced,  the  number  never  exceeded  thirty-one — the  at 
tendance  being  indeed  generally  under  twenty-five. 

It  was  a  precarious  period  and  was  destined  to  grow  worse 
during  the  year.  August  was  to  see  Gates  routed  at  Camden. 
In  September  came  Benedict  Arnold's  treason. 

The  energies  of  Congress  were  especially  directed  to  efforts 
to  obtain  European  recognition  of  the  United  States,  to  keep 
the  army  supplied,  and  to  breathe  health  into  the  terribly 
demoralized  public  finances.  Continental  paper  money  had 
become  almost  worthless. 

The  reciprocal  esteem  of  Ward  and  Samuel  Adams  con 
tinued  as  complete  during  their  service  in  the  continental 
legislature  as  it  had  been  in  the  earlier  and  equally  critical 
period  which  had  preceded  Lexington.  There  were  three 
Massachusetts  delegates  present  during  Ward's  attendance: 
Ward  himself,  Adams,  and  Lovell.  In  voting,  Lovell  some 
times  divided  against  Ward,  or  Adams,  or  both;  but  Ward 
and  Adams  always  voted  alike — it  was  always  "no"  or  uay" 
from  both. 

Ward's  first  committee  appointment  was,  June  19,  on  a 
plan  for  conducting  the  quartermaster's  department.  Four 
other  members  were  named  with  him,  one  of  them  being 
General  Philip  Schuyler — the  same  Schuyler  with  whom  he 
had  exchanged  sharp  repartee  during  the  Burgoyne  campaign. 

Four  days  later  he  was  added  to  the  Board  of  War. 

He  figured  also,  concurrently,  on  a  succession  of  com 
mittees. 

Among  the  earliest  was  one  (June  27)  to  consider  the  re 
port  of  the  Treasury  Board  which  declared  that  the  Treasury 
was  "totally  exhausted"  and  that  the  Board  "knew  not  which 
way  to  turn  themselves  to  afford  any  relief  to  the  daily  press 
ing  demands  made  on  them  from  many  quarters." 

The  committee's  report,  delivered  June  29,  resulted  in  ex 
presses  being  dispatched  with  treasury  warrants  drawn  on 
the  treasurers  of  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Rhode 


THE  STRAIN  OF  THE  LONG  WAR        257 

Island,  Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania, 
Delaware,  and  Maryland,  to  the  total  of  their  unpaid  assess 
ments.  With  the  warrants  went  letters  to  the  state  executives 
telling  of  the  "urgent  necessity"  for  funds  to  maintain  and 
supply  the  army — if  they  were  not  furnished,  it  would  "be  im 
possible  for  the  operations  to  proceed." 

In  a  division,  August  2,  Ward  voted  uay"  for  the  removal 
of  earlier  resolutions  which  restricted  Washington  to  opera 
tions  within  the  United  States. 

On  September  22  Massachusetts  reflected  Ward  to  the 
Continental  Congress  for  1781 — the  General  Court  giving 
him  the  highest  vote  accorded  to  any  delegate,  only  one  other 
member  equaling  it.  Among  those  named  with  him  were 
again  Samuel  Adams  and  Gerry — but  both  of  them  with 
lower  votes. 

Ward  during  this  fall  was  again  severely  attacked  by  his 
persistent  malady.  On  December  19  Lovell  wrote  to  Dr. 
Samuel  Holten  (another  Massachusetts  delegate,  then  in 
Boston)  :  "Genl  Ward  is  quite  unwell,  he  has  attended  Con 
gress  &  the  Bd  of  War  while  he  ought  to  have  been  in  his 
Bed  Room."20 

Meantime,  in  Massachusetts  had  been  held  the  first  elec 
tions  of  executives  under  the  new  state  constitution. 

Ward's  choice  for  governor  (as  also  that  of  many  other 
Massachusetts  leaders)  had  been  James  Bowdoin,  but  Han 
cock's  general  popularity  carried  the  day. 

Ward's  opinion  of  Hancock  had  suffered  seriously  from 
the  latter's  long  and  continuing  delay  in  accounting  for  the 
funds  of  Harvard  College,  entrusted  to  him  as  treasurer  from 
July,  1773,  to  July,  I777-21 

20  Essex  Institute  Historical  Collections,  XIII,    222. 

21  On    October   20,    1778,    after  years   of   patient   requests,    waiting,    and    postponements, 
the  Overseers  of  Harvard  College  had  named  Ward   (an  Overseer  by  virtue  of  his  mem 
bership  in  the  Council)    on  a  new  special  committee  to  try  to  bring  Hancock  to  a  reckon 
ing.      Hancock  again  promised  to  submit  his  accounts,   but  again  broke  his   word,   and  on 
December  9   Ward   wrote   to  him   saying  that,   in   view   of  his   promises,    his   failure   was 
inexplicable.      "I  am,"  he  continued,  "constrained  in  behalf  of  the  Committee  to  beg  and 
beseech   you   as   you   regard   your   own    Honor,    and   the   interest   of   the   College   to   cause 


258  ARTEMAS  WARD  {.Age  53 

He  also  felt  that  Hancock  devoted  too  much  time  to  social 
functions  'and  too  little  to  affairs  of  state.  On  March  13, 
1781,  he  wrote  to  Samuel  Osgood:22  "Measures  ought  to  be 
taken  by  the  States  to  inform  Congress  of  everything  they 
have  done  in  consequence  of  their  requisitions  for  men  & 
money.  Since  Novr  last  the  Governor  gives  no  more  in 
formation  than  if  he  was  at  the  East  Indies,  notwithstanding 
it  is  his  duty.  If  he  don't  know  his  duty  I  wish  his  Council 
would  advise  him ;  if  they  don't  know  it  to  be  his  duty,  do  let 
some  body  be  appointed  to  teach  them."23 

The  year  1781  has  high  historic  importance,  for  it  was 
marked  by  earnest  efforts  to  achieve  the  stronger  central 
authority  which  was  increasingly  recognized  as  the  country's 
greatest  need.  Thus  we  find  the  endeavor  to  obtain  for 
Congress  the  right  to  levy  import  duties  to  meet  the  pressing 
necessity  for  a  more  certain  national  revenue;  the  unfolding 
of  plans  for  executive  departments  and  a  federal  judiciary; 
and  the  establishment  of  a  national  bank. 

The  first  day  of  March  witnessed  the  final  signatures 
to  the  Articles  of  Confederation.  The  United  States  had  thus 
a  fully  authorized  written  constitution,  but  it  was  a  document 
lacking  the  enforcement  provisions  essential  to  a  competent 
national  government,  and  on  March  6  a  committee  was  ap 
pointed  "to  prepare  a  plan  to  invest  the  United  States  in 
Congress  assembled  with  full  and  explicit  powers  for  effectu 
ally  carrying  into  execution  in  the  several  states  all  acts  or 

your  accounts  aforesaid  to  be  prepared  for  examination  .  .  .  without  any  further  delay." 
I5ut  Hancock  continued  to  delay  and  on  May  20,  1779,  Ward  and  the  other  two  mem 
bers  of  the  committee  asked  "to  be  excused  from  any  further  concern"  in  the  matter 
when  the  other  overseers  demonstrated  that  they  lacked  the  courage  to  put  Hancock's 
bond  in  suit  to  protect  the  college  and  enforce  the  payment  of  the  much  needed  money 
due  it  (MS.  Records  of  Overseers,  III,  159).  Hancock  reached  a  "settlement"  of  his 
accounts  in  February,  1785,  but  the  first  payment  on  the  balance  due  the  college  was  not 
made  until  1795 — two  years  after  his  death  (Quincy,  History  of  Harvard  University, 
II,  182-209). 

22  One  of  Ward's  aides-de-camp  during  the  siege  of  Boston  (Chapter  V,  page  90)  — 
at  the  date  of  this  letter,  a  newly  elected  delegate  to  the  Continental  Congress ;  later, 
Commissioner  of  the  Treasury  and  Postmaster-General. 

28  MS.  draft  in  possession  (1921)   of  Ward  Dix  Kerlin,  Camden,  N.  J. 


//<?/]    THE  STRAIN  OF  THE  LONG  WAR        259 

resolutions  passed  agreeably  to  the  Articles  of  Confedera 
tion." 

The  committee  recommended  application  to  the  states  for 
an  article  granting  Congress  authority  "to  employ  the  force 
of  the  United  States,  as  well  by  sea  as  by  land,"  to  compel 
any  neglectful  or  refractory  "State  or  States  to  fulfill  their 
federal  engagements." 

The  report  was  on  May  2  referred  to  a  "Grand  Commit 
tee"  of  thirteen  members — one  from  each  state.  Ward 
represented  Massachusetts.  The  committee  proved  ineffec 
tive  because  of  the  departure  soon  after  of  Ward  and  several 
other  members,  and  its  business  was  later  turned  over  to  a 
new  committee. 

The  completed  Confederacy  seemed  headed  for  swift  bank 
ruptcy,  but  French  money  saved  the  day.  On  May  28 
Congress  heard  the  welcome  news  that  King  Louis  had  "re 
solved  to  grant  the  United  States  a  subsidy  of  six  million 
livres  tournois  and  to  enable  Dr.  [Benjamin]  Franklin  to 
borrow  four  million  more."  So  the  ship  of  state  steadied 
itself  and  continued  its  long  and  difficult  voyage  over  the 
uncharted  political  seas. 

Despite  the  heavy  laboring  and  threatening  storms,  the 
port  of  success  was  steadily  nearing.  England  was  weary  of 
the  protracted  expensive  struggle,  which  had  embroiled  her 
with  all  of  continental  Europe.  Spain  and  Holland  had  fol 
lowed  France  into  the  war  with  her,  and  Russia's  League  of 
Armed  Neutrality  supported  the  hands  of  all  her  enemies. 
English  statesmen  and  English  merchants  alike  longed  for 
the  termination  of  the  conflict,  and  thus  it  came  about  that 
Ward's  last  votes  were  cast  on  June  14  for  the  election  of 
Benjamin  Franklin,  Thomas  Jefferson,  and  Henry  Laurens 
(John  Jay  had  been  elected  on  June  13)  to  "be  joined  to 
the  honorable  John  Adams  in  negotiating  a  treaty  of  peace 
with  Great  Britain." 

On  the  preceding  day  Ward  had  received  leave  of  absence 
and  he  set  out  on  his  homeward  trip  on  the  following  Mon- 


26o  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  53-54 

day  (June  18).  He  had  been  a  full  year  in  Philadelphia 
and  he  could  leave  with  a  clear  conscience,  for  two  other 
Massachusetts  delegates  had  reached  the  capital  to  take  his 
place  and  that  of  Samuel  Adams  (who  had  returned  to 
Boston  a  few  weeks  earlier). 

On  June  22,  while  he  was  on  his  way  back,  Massachusetts 
reflected  him  to  Congress  for  the  year  1782 — the  General 
Court  giving  him  104  out  of  131  votes — but  his  "state  of 
health"  and  the  circumstances  of  his  family24  caused  him  to 
decline  this  third  term. 

Samuel  Adams  and  Gerry  were  also  reflected,  but  both 
again  by  considerably  fewer  votes. 

The  General  Court  was  now,  under  the  new  constitution, 
composed  of  representatives  and  senators,  instead  of  repre 
sentatives  and  councilors.  The  Council's  duties  had  become 
exclusively  executive,  being  confined  to  advising  and  assisting 
the  governor.  Its  old  share  in  lawmaking  had  passed  to  the 
Senate. 

Ward  spent  the  months  of  July  and  August  in  Shrewsbury, 
giving  needed  attention  to  his  private  affairs  but  devoting 
most  of  the  time  to  rest  and  recuperation. 

On  September  4  he  presided  in  the  Worcester  County 
Court  of  Common  Pleas  for  the  first  time  under  the  new  con 
stitution.25  The  Massachusetts  Spy  of  September  6  notes 
that  "He  gave  a  charge  to  the  jury,  which  it  is  hoped,  will 
have  a  tendency  to  reform  the  morals  of  the  people." 

Adjuration  was  needed,  for  western  Massachusetts  was 
beginning  to  ferment  with  the  unrest  that  culminated  in 
Shays'  Rebellion.  The  strain  of  the  long  war  was  telling 
on  the  poorer  western  counties,  who  plentifully  supplied  men 
for  its  armies  but  profited  little  by  its  commercial  inflation. 

In  this  month  there  occurred  also  an  interesting  tribute  to 
the  regard  in  which  Ward  was  held  by  the  Massachusetts 

24  Ward,  December  20,  1781,  to  Samuel  Adams. — Original  letter,  Massachusetts  Ar 
chives,  CCIV,  9. 

28  He  had  been  confirmed  as  justice  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas  of  Worcester 
County  on  March  i  (1781). 


1781-82]    THE  STRAIN  OF  THE  LONG  WAR    261 

House  of  Representatives — the  House  passing,  September 
20,  a  special  vote  that,  though  not  a  member,  "a  chair  be 
assigned  for  the  Hon.  Genl.  Ward  to  set  in,  to  hear  the  De 
bates  of  the  House  when  he  sees  fit." 

The  next  month  brought  the  glad  news  of  the  surrender 
of  Cornwallis  and  his  army  to  American-French  forces  un 
der  Washington's  personal  direction. 

From  a  military  standpoint  the  war  had  ended,  with  the 
new  republic  victorious,  but  two  more  years  were  to  drag 
before  the  goal  was  fully  won. 

On  May  29  (1782)  Ward  was  again  in  Boston  as  a  mem 
ber  of  the  Massachusetts  House. 

On  the  following  day  the  General  Court  elected  him  Sena 
tor  by  a  vote  of  115  out  of  126,  but  he  declined  to  serve, 
preferring  to  retain  instead  his  old-time  familiar  place  in  the 
House. 

June  25,  he  received  from  Governor  Hancock  a  commis 
sion  as  "Judge  of  Probate  of  Wills,  etc.,  in  the  County  of 
Worcester,"  but  he  refused  this  also,  "as  I  am  honored  with  a 
seat  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  &  know  it  to  be  the  wish 
of  my  Constituents  to  have  me  continue  there  through  the 
year;  and  as  holding  both  is  incompatible  by  the  Constitu 
tion."26 

His  return  to  the  House  was  very  popular  among  the  Rep 
resentatives.  There  were  few  days  of  the  legislative  year 
which  did  not  place  him  on  some  committee. 

Prominent  among  the  appointments  was  that  of  June  4, 
on  the  committee  of  finance  "To  consider  all  money  matters 
that  concern  this  Commonwealth"  and  whatever  "reform 
and  alteration"  seemed  necessary  in  the  conduct  of  the  state 
treasury. 

Another,  October  22,  was  on  the  condition  of  the  inhabi 
tants  of  Nantucket  Island;  the  fishermen  there  being  much 
distraught  by  war's  interference  with  their  livelihood — and, 

20  June  26,   1782,  to  Hancock. — Original  letter,  Massachusetts  Archive*,  CCVI,    161. 


262  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  54 

by  their  countrymen  elsewhere,  being  not  a  little  suspected  of 
aiding  the  enemy.27  The  committee  reported  (October  29) 
that  the  people  of  Nantucket  Island  were  justified  in  their 
complaints  and  that  they  were  entitled  to  relief,  but  it  advised 
referring  their  memorial  to  the  Continental  Congress,  uas  no 
adequate  relief  can  be  given  them  but  by  the  United  States. " 
Both  House  and  Senate  concurred,  and  a  copy  of  the  me 
morial  was  sent  to  the  Massachusetts  delegates  in  the  Conti 
nental  Congress  with  the  admonition  that  they  "use  their 
utmost  endeavors  to  impress  the  minds  of  Congress  with  just 
ideas  of  the  high  Worth  and  Importance  of  the  Fisheries  to 
the  United  States  in  general  and  this  State  in  particular." 

A  third  committee  appointment  was,  November  12,  to  re 
pair  to  Berkshire  County  and  "fix  the  places  for  holding  the 
courts." 

Yet  others  were:  February  18,  1783,  by  the  joint  vote  of 
the  House  and  Senate,  as  one  of  three  commissioners  "to 
meet  such  as  might  be  appointed  on  the  part  of  [the]  several 
states  to  treat  upon  the  subject  matter  of  Impost  and  Excise" ; 
and,  February  8,  1783,  to  bring  in  a  bill  relative  to  "Negros 
and  Molattos,"  to  be  based  on  the  principle  that  there  never 
had  been  legal  slaves  in  Massachusetts,  and  to  provide  both 
for  indemnifying  masters  who  had  held  slaves  in  fact  and 
for  any  assistance  to  negroes  and  mulattos  that  the  com 
missioners  might  find  expedient. 

The  trouble  in  the  western  counties  had  by  the  early  sum 
mer  of  1782  grown  to  serious  proportions.  In  April  a 
Hampshire  County  mob  led  by  Samuel  Ely,  an  irregular 
preacher,  had  disturbed  the  sitting  of  the  courts  in  Northamp 
ton.  Ely  was  arrested,  and  imprisoned  in  Springfield,  but  his 

27  Nc iu  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  XXIX,  141-145.  At  an 
earlier  date  (the  winter  of  1779-1780)  Ward  had  served  as  chairman  of  a  committee  to 
investigate  charges  of  treason  brought  against  several  of  Nantucket's  prominent  inhabi 
tants.  The  charges  came  to  nothing,  the  complainant  retracting  his  accusations. — Massa 
chusetts  Archives,  CXXXVII,  279-292.  See  also  "Nantucket  in  the  Revolution,"  New 
England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  XXIX,  48-53,  141-145;  and,  in  the 
same  periodical,  "An  Autobiographical  Memoir  of  William  Rotch,"  XXXI,  262,  XXXII, 
36-42,  I5I-I55. 


1782'}    THE  STRAIN  OF  THE  LONG  WAR        263 

adherents  broke  into  the  jail  and  released  him.  The  authori 
ties  retaliated  by  arresting  three  of  the  ringleaders  among 
the  rescuers,  and  committed  them  to  jail  in  Northampton.  A 
wave  of  excited  protest  swept  the  county,  and  a  body  of  three 
hundred  men  so  thoroughly  overawed  General  Porter,  despite 
the  twelve  hundred  militiamen  called  out,  that  on  a  thirty- 
minute  ultimatum  he  freed  the  prisoners  on  their  personal 
paroles. 

The  farmers  and  mechanics  of  the  western  counties,  espe 
cially  the  poorer  class,  were  ripe  for  the  arguments  of 
malcontents  and  agitators. 

The  absence  of  so  many  men  in  the  continental  armies — 
and  from  time  to  time  in  the  militia — had  wrought  its  mark 
upon  the  farms  and  homes  they  left:  crops  not  planted,  or 
ill-cared  for,  cattle  too  often  neglected,  fences  and  buildings 
out  of  repair.  All  of  these  things,  many  times  multiplied, 
changed  plain  living  to  poverty;  and  poverty  in  hundreds  of 
instances  reached  to  the  borders  of  destitution.  The  fluctua 
tion  and  depreciation  of  the  continental  currency — and, 
finally,  its  extinction — had  also  brought  losses  and  hardships 
to  many  individuals.  And  the  second  year  under  the  new  con 
stitution  had  seen  the  commencement  of  a  great  rush  to  the 
courts  by  creditors  with  claims  held  in  abeyance  by  the  un 
settled  conditions  of  the  earlier  years  of  the  war. 

These  conditions  lent  special  weight  to  the  bitter  complaints 
against  the  taxes  levied.  It  was  held  that  the  legislature  was 
wasteful  of  the  public  moneys;  and  it  was  charged  that  on  the 
poorer  counties  was  laid  an  unjust  share  of  the  expenses  of 
the  war,  the  while  merchants  and  others  well-to-do  were 
fattening  on  it. 

The  agitation  and  discontent  had  passed  beyond  the  hope 
of  relief  by  either  state  or  continental  action.  In  Hamp 
shire  County,  where  it  rose  the  highest,  many  planned  a 
return  to  allegiance  to  Great  Britain  in  the  belief  that  they 
could  thus  lighten  their  burdens. 

"We  have  had  it  huzza'd  for  George  the  third  within  8 


264  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  54 

rods  of  our  Court  House,"  wrote  Joseph  Hawley,  June  24, 
from  Northampton.  "You  would  be  astonished,"  he  de 
clared,  "to  know  with  what  amazing  rapdity  the  spirit  of  the 
Insurgts  propagates.  Many  are  infected  with  it,  of  whom 
you  never  would  have  the  least  suspicion.  We  are  not  certain 
who,  besides  the  Devil,  sprang  Ely  at  first.  But  we  are  not 
at  loss  who  ventilates  the  flame,  for  the  fire  is  now  become 
such  a  flame  as  I  cannot  describe  to  you.  The  General  Court 
have  not  had  any  affair  of  greater  magnitude  before  them 
since  the  Revolution."28 

A  most  critical  condition  was  threatened.  On  March  4 
the  English  House  of  Commons  had  extinguished  even  the 
most  stubborn  British  hope  of  continuing  the  conflict,  by  its 
declaration  that  it  would  consider  as  enemies  to  His  Majesty 
and  the  country,  all  those  who  should  advise,  or  attempt,  the 
further  prosecution  of  offensive  war  on  the  Continent  of 
North  America;  but  domestic  discord  in  the  United  States 
would  assuredly  lessen  American  prestige  and  might  thus 
very  unfavorably  affect  the  terms  of  the  agreement  establish 
ing  peace. 

So  delicate  a  situation  demanded  both  prompt  and  careful 
handling,  and  the  General  Court  on  July  3  appointed  a  joint 
committee  to  visit  Hampshire  County  "to  enquire  into  the 
grounds  of  dissatisfaction,  to  correct  misinformations,  to  re 
move  groundless  jealousies."  On  this  committee  Ward  and 
Nathaniel  Gorham  represented  the  House,  and  Samuel 
Adams  represented  the  Senate. 

On  the  same  day  the  legislature  checked  the  enforcement 
of  execution  sales  for  unsatisfied  judgments  by  passing  a 
"Tender  Act"  which  made  cattle  and  other  specified  articles 
legal  tender  at  prices  to  be  determined  by  impartial  arbitra 
tors.  This  served  as  an  effective  temporary  safeguard  for 
debtors,  but  its  operation  covered  only  twelve  months  and 
acceptance  of  "tender"  was  not  compulsory  on  creditors  who 

"Joseph  Hawley  to  Caleb  Strong. — Original  letter,  Ha-wley  Papers,  New  York  Pub 
lic  Library.  Printed  in  part  in  Trumbull's  History  of  Northampton,  Mass.,  II,  465-466. 


17821    THE  STRAIN  OF  THE  LONG  WAR        265 

had  previously  commenced  proceedings.  If  they  refused  it, 
they  could  not  add  new  costs  or  interest  to  the  amounts  due 
them,  but  they  could — and  a  great  many  did — hold  their 
judgments  over  awaiting  the  expiration  of  the  act.  And  a 
great  many  other  creditors,  who  had  not  commenced  pro 
ceedings  before  its  passage,  also  held  back  their  claims 
awaiting  its  expiration. 

The  General  Court  committee  reached  Northampton  on 
July  27  and  thence  proceeded  to  Conway,  Ely's  home  town, 
their  intent  being  uto  visit  all  those  Towns  where  Discontent 
had  in  any  great  Degree  prevail'd." 

At  Conway  it  was  found  that  though  the  inhabitants,  as 
individuals,  "convers'd  freely  and  publicly  with  the  Commit 
tee  upon  Matters  supposed  by  them  to  be  just  Grounds  of 
Uneasiness,"  they  were  averse  to  going  on  record  with  a 
separate  town  memorial.  A  special  meeting,  July  29,  called 
at  the  request  of  the  committee,  voted  "that  the  Town  had 
no  Grievances  destinct  from  the  County."  They  preferred 
the  greater  strength  of  a  united  county  protest. 

The  same  sentiment  was  voiced  by  delegates  attending 
from  thirteen  other  towns,  so  it  was  decided  to  call  a  county 
convention,  to  be  held  at  Hatfield  commencing  August  7. 

Delegates  from  forty-five  towns  came  together  at  Hatfield, 
and  the  convention  proceedings  quickly  assumed  the  form  of 
an  interrogatory  debate.  The  initiative  was  taken  by  the 
leaders  of  the  insurgent  element  and  they  poured  out  their 
complaints  against  the  government. 

Replying  to  them,  the  members  of  the  committee  explained 
the  reasons  for  the  various  acts  and  resolves  passed  by  the 
legislature. 

The  story  of  the  three  principal  days  is  succinctly  told  in  a 
contemporary  diary:29 

"Thursday  8.  The  Mobb  began  to  tell  their  Grievances 
and  the  [Committee]  to  answer  and  to  give  Information. 

29  Jonathan  Judd's. — Trumbull,  History  of  Northampton,  Mass.,  II,  468. 


266  ARTEMAS  WARD  ^ge  54 

The  Day  was  spent  in  this  way.  The  Mobbists  began  to  feel 
themselves  more  a  ground  than  they  expected.  The  Tories 
who  are  spectators  in  very  great  plenty  do  not  hold  their 
Heads  so  High  as  they  have  done  of  late: 

"Fryday  9.  Began  where  we  left  off.  Afterwards  chose 
a  committee  to  state  Grievances  to  us.  Then  the  Mobb  still 
continued  to  tell  their  Grievances  but  got  upon  the  Shoals 
long  before  Night.  Committee  report  near  Night. 

"Saturday  10.  Began  in  the  Morning  upon  the  Report  of 
the  Comttee  which  consisted  of  8  Articles.  3  we  passed 
and  the  rest  we  through  out.  Friends  of  the  Mobb  could  not 
get  things  to  their  Mind.  They  [are]  Disappointed  and 
Chagrined.  What  they  may  produce  is  uncertain,  but  'tis 
certain  that  they  cannot  answer  the  arguments  of  the  Comttee, 
or  gainsay  the  facts  they  asserted.  The  appearance  is  that 
there  is  more  probability  of  their  being  still,  if  nothing  more. 
Convention  broke  up  about  6." 

In  the  resolutions  with  which  the  convention  concluded  its 
sessions,  the  delegates  held  to  their  belief  that  the  county  was 
"burdened  with  more  than  its  just  proportion  of  taxes"  and 
"that  the  grants  of  money  by  the  General  Court  to  particular 
persons  and  officers"  were  too  large,  and  they  expressed  the 
opinion  that  "the  common  people"  were  "kept  in  unnecessary 
and  unhappy  ignorance  of  the  state  of  the  public  debt  and  the 
appropriations  of  the  public  money";  but  they  promised  sup 
port  of  the  government  "to  the  utmost  of  their  power,"  and 
disclaimed  the  design  to  renounce  the  "Great  American 
cause"  and  to  "return  into  a  state  of  subjection  to  Great 
Britain."  They  declared  that  the  disturbances  in  the 
county  had  "in  a  great  measure  arisen  from  misrepresenta 
tions  and  mistakes." 

They  also  resolved  to  return  "sincere  thanks  to  the  honor 
able  Gentlemen  of  the  Committee  .  .  .  for  the  satisfactory 
information  they  have  given  this  Convention  concerning  the 
state  of  public  affairs;  and  for  the  patient,  friendly,  &  gener- 


J7&?]    THE  STRAIN  OF  THE  LONG  WAR        267 

ous  Attention  with  which  they  have  heard  our  various 
representations." 

The  result  of  the  committee's  visit  was  very  gratifying 
to  the  legislature,  and  on  October  2  it  passed  a  formal  resolu 
tion  "highly  approving"  the  proceedings  of  the  committee 
and  "their  indefatigable  and  successful  endeavours  in  so 
great  a  degree  quieting  the  disturbances  that  had  arisen." 

The  committee  had  indeed  so  efficiently  discharged  its 
mission  that  Massachusetts  reassumed  a  united  front  of  pa 
triotic  determination  to  reap  the  full  profits  of  independence. 

Thus  again  had  Artemas  Ward  well  served  his  country  by 
employing  in  its  behalf  the  influence  he  drew  from  his  inti 
mate  knowledge  of  the  life  and  thought  and  sentiments  of  the 
rural  communities  of  his  state.  Samuel  Adams'  name  added 
luster  and  high  ability  to  the  committee — one  readily  pictures 
the  force  of  his  addresses  and  arguments — but  in  the  rural 
townships  (as  several  House  elections  had  proved)  Ward's 
quiet  imperturbability  held  the  greater  strength. 

Meantime,  through  all  that  summer,  and  on  through  the 
autumn,  continued  the  negotiations  toward  a  preliminary 
treaty  of  peace.  Many  obstacles  delayed  agreement.  Two 
of  them  vitally  concerned  the  people  of  Massachusetts:  the 
northeastern  boundary  line  and  the  northern  fisheries.  Eng 
land  claimed  a  substantial  part  of  the  present  state  of  Maine, 
and  both  England  and  France  planned  to  withhold  from  the 
new  nation  its  old  fruitful  participation  in  the  fisheries. 

During  the  winter,  reports  were  circulated  that  England 
planned  to  emphasize  her  claim  on  the  Maine  territory  by 
extending  her  lines  westerly  from  Penobscot  to  the  east  bank 
of  the  Kennebec.30  Public  apprehension  made  itself  strongly 

80  "The  situation  of  the  Eastern  part  of  this  Commonwealth  is  very  Alarming.  The 
late  Movements  of  the  Enemy  plainly  indicate  that  they  Intend  to  Possess  themselves  of 
all  that  Country  that  lies  between  Kenebeck  &  Nova  Scotia,  a  Country  Contiguous  to  a 
British  Province  and  from  which  Brittain  may  be  supplied  with  Masts,  Their  West  India 
Islands  with  Lumber,  &  the  European  States  with  fish." — Lieutenant-Governor  Thomas 
Cushing  to  Samuel  Holten,  delegate  to  the  federal  congress,  February  9,  1783  (Original 
letter,  Danforth  Collection,  Henkels  sale,  Philadelphia,  December  n,  1913). 


268  ARTEMAS  WARD 

felt,  and  the  General  Court  on  February  8,  1783,^  wrote  to 
Washington  asking  him  to  send  northward  a  force  sufficient 
to  drive  the  English  from  Penobscot — "or  at  least  such  a 
number  as  will  confine  them  to  their  present  possessions," 
reminding  him  that  for  years  Massachusetts  had  been  "con 
stantly  throwing  in  forces  and  supplies"  to  the  assistance 
of  her  brethren  in  the  south,  even  when  the  "enemy  ravaged 
within  our  own  borders,"  and  that  at  the  present  time,  when 
"there  is  no  particular  object  that  seems  to  engage  the  atten 
tion  of  the  army,"  it  seemed  only  just  that  the  other  states 
should  reciprocate. 

The  delivery  of  this  request  for  assistance  was  entrusted 
to  Major-General  Benjamin  Lincoln — he  who  had  acted  as 
general  officer  of  the  Massachusetts  state  troops  during 
Ward's  continental  command  in  Boston — and  Stephen  Hig- 
ginson,  one  of  the  Massachusetts  delegates  to  the  federal 
congress. 

Washington  could  not  comply  with  the  request,  whether  or 
not  he  wished  to,  as  Congress  was  considering  an  attempt  to 
reduce  New  York  if  peace  negotiations  should  fail,32  and 
such  an  undertaking  would  require  every  available  man  in 
the  American  army;  but  Lincoln,  from  headquarters  at  New- 
burgh,  sent  a  reassuring  letter  to  Ward,  saying  "There  can 
not  in  my  opinion  be  any  doubt  but  that  we  shall  receive  all 
the  succour  we  wish  for  unless  the  reduction  of  New  York 
should  be  undertaken."33 

Washington's  own  reply  to  the  General  Court  was  not  so 
pleasingly  worded.  His  conclusions,  and  the  reasons  for 
them,  were  respectfully  accepted,  but  an  apparently  dispar 
aging  reference  to  the  suggested  campaign  against  Penobscot 
aroused  some  ill  feeling,  despite  his  complimentary  reference 

11  Massachusetts  General  Court  Records,  XLIV,  304-305. 

82  The  Provisional  Articles  of  Peace  had  been  signed  by  England  and  the  United  States 
on  November  30,  1782,  and  toward  the  end  of  February,  1783,  the  newspapers 
published  a  report  to  that  effect,  but  official  advice  of  the  signing  did  not  reach  the 
United  States  until  March  12,  1783. 

"February  18,  1783. — Original  letter,  Artcmas  W a rd  MSS. 


ijS s\         THE  CONCLUSION  OF  PEACE  269 

to  Massachusetts  as  a  state  "whose  exertions  have  been  so 
great  and  meritorious."34  Ward,  writing  to  Lincoln,  re 
marked  that  Washington  "gives  credit  to  the  Exertions  of 
the  States  and  informs  he  shall  readily  (when  in  his  power) 
consent  to  any  Judicious  Plan  for  the  removal  of  the  Invaders 
of  this  State;  Which  I  take  to  be  a  slap,  for  which  I  shall  not 
be  in  a  hurry  to  thank  him.  If  peace  takes  place,  we  shall  not 
I  trust  want  his  aid  for  that  purpose."35 

Massachusetts'  impatience  was  heightened  by  the  laxity  of 
several  of  the  other  states;  by  their  avoidance  of  their  share 
of  the  support  of  the  continental  army. 

"How  is  it,"  demanded  Thomas  Cushing  of  Samuel  Hoi- 
ten,  "that  while  we  are  exerting  every  nerve  for  furnishing 
our  Quota  of  Men  and  Money,  Virginia  as  well  as  some  of 
the  other  States  do  little  or  nothing?36  Will  this  be  born 
with  long!  Will  not  our  People  be  out  of  Patience?  and 
will  not  such  a  Conduct,  if  long  persisted  in,  tend  to  shake  the 
Union?"37 

It  was  indeed  good  news  that  reached  Boston  the  following 
month  of  the  arrival  in  Philadelphia,  March  12,  of  authentic 
advice  that  Provisional  Articles  of  Peace  had  been  signed  by 
the  English  and  United  States  representatives,  and  that  the 
firmness  and  ability  of  the  American  commissioners  had  in 
serted  in  them  England's  recognition  of  the  United  States' 
right  to  the  Maine  territory  in  dispute,38  and  also  an  agree 
ment  "that  the  people  of  the  United  States  shall  continue  to 
enjoy  unmolested  the  right  to  take  fish  of  every  kind  on  the 
Grand  Bank  and  on  all  the  other  banks  of  Newfoundland; 

84  February  22,   1783. — Original  letter,   Massachusetts  Archives,  CCIV,   322-324. 

3(i  Original  letter,  April  23,   1783,  Fogg  Collection,  Maine  Historical  Society. 

30  The  same  quotas  had  been  assigned  to  Massachusetts  and  Virginia  for  1783,  but 
Virginia  furnished  only  629  men  for  the  continental  line,  against  4370  from  Massa 
chusetts. — American  State  Papers,  Military  Affairs,  I,  14. 

•"'February   9,    1783 — the   same   letter   quoted   on   page   267,   note   30. 

38  Later,  there  came  controversies  over  the  identification  of  the  Saint  Croix  River  agreed 
upon  as  the  southerly  part  of  the  eastern  border,  and,  in  succeeding  years,  much  wrangling 
over  the  intent  to  be  drawn  from  words  and  phrases  defining  the  northeastern  boundary. 
But  such  troubles  were  of  the  future — they  did  not  dim  the  satisfaction  felt  in  Massa 
chusetts  that  the  line  of  British  dominion  was  set  well  to  the  east  of  the  Penobscot. 


270  ARTEMAS  WARD  Wg*  55 

also  in  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  and  at  all  other  places  in 
the  sea  where  the  inhabitants  of  both  countries  used  at  any 
time  heretofore  to  fish.  And  ...  on  such  part  of  the  coast 
of  Newfoundland  as  British  fishermen  shall  use  .  .  .  and 
also  on  the  coasts,  bays,  and  creeks  of  all  other  of  his  Britan 
nic  Majesty's  dominions  in  America." 

The  Provisional  Articles  could  not  be  transferred  to  a 
definitive  treaty  until  the  completion  of  a  peace  agreement 
by  Great  Britain  and  France,  but  they  tended  greatly  to 
clear  the  political  atmosphere  and  relieve  the  tension  under 
which  the  country  had  been  laboring.  And  they  were  soon 
followed  by  word  that  Great  Britain  and  France  (and  Spain) 
had  also  signed  preliminary  articles. 

It  was  with  a  well  satisfied  heart  that  Ward  read  the 
proclamation  of  Congress,  April  12,  announcing  the  cessation 
of  hostilities. 

Ward  was  not  a  candidate  for  the  Massachusetts  House  of 
1783-1784,  but  he  was  a  much  interested  observer  of  the 
Hancock-Bowdoin  contest  for  the  governorship.  "It  is  aston 
ishing,"  he  wrote  to  Lincoln,  "to  see  the  Arts  that  are  made 
use  of  to  keep  the  little  man  [Hancock]  in  the  chair.  .  .  . 
Low  art  and  cunning  never  was  more  prevalent  since  my  re 
membrance  than  at  this  day.  He  that  espouseth  the  little 
one's  cause  is  represented  as  a  friend  to  America :  but  he  that 
is  in  favor  of  Mr.  Bowdoin  is  at  once  dub'd  an  Enemy  and 
not  to  be  trusted.  ...  In  some  [towns]  he  has  made  but  a 
very  indifferent  figure,  howsoever  I  expect  nothing  but  he  will 
be  chosen  and  the  State  suffer  the  Calamity  one  year  more  at 
least."39 

The  "calamity"  happened  as  Ward  expected,  but  he  prob 
ably  did  not  let  it  trouble  him  very  long,  for  in  the  fall  came 
official  advice  of  the  definitive  treaty  with  England.40 

It  was  during  the  autumn  of  1782  and  the  early  part  of 

89  Original   letter,   April   23,    1783,   Fogg  Collection,   Maine   Historical    Society. 

40  Signed  September  3,  1783;  received  in  the  United  States  in  November,  1783;  ratified 
by  Congress  January  14,  1784;  ratified  by  George  IV  April  9;  ratifications  exchanged 
May  12. 


THE  CONCLUSION  OF  PEACE  271 

the  year  of  definite  peace,  that  Ward  was  frequently  asso 
ciated  with  Timothy  Dwight,  the  famous  divine,  revolutionary 
chaplain,  writer,  and  educator — then  Representative  from 
Northampton — who  recorded  his  opinion  of  Shrewsbury's 
representative  in  the  following  terms:41 

"I  knew  General  Ward  well:  and  having  been  often  with 
him  on  Committees,  charged  with  interesting  business,  neces 
sarily  developing  the  views,  and  principles  of  the  several 
members,  had  a  very  fair  opportunity  to  learn  fris  character. 
He  was  possessed  of  an  excellent  understanding,  directed 
chiefly  to  the  practical  interests  of  mankind;  was  of  few 
words,  and  those  always  pointing  to  the  purpose  in  hand; 
was  frank,  undisguised,  of  inflexible  integrity,  an  unwarping 
public  spirit,  and  a  fixed  adherence  to  what  he  thought  right: 
a  subject  which  he  rarely  mistook.  His  reverence  for  the 
Christian  religion  was  entire;  and  his  life  adorned  its  precepts. 
I  have  known  no  person,  to  whom  might  be  applied  the  'Jus- 
turn  et  tenacem  propositi  virum'  of  Horace  with  more  pro 
priety,  or  whose  firm  mind  would  be  less  shaken  by  the 
'Civium  ardor,  prava  jubentium,'  or  the  'Vultus  instantis 
Tyranni;  "42 

41  Dwight,   Travels  in  Nciv  England  and  Neiv  York,  I,  370. 

42  The    quotations — the    "man    just    and    steadfast    in    his    purpose"   .  .  .   "the    excited 
citizens   demanding   evil"   .   .   .  the    "frowning    face   of   the   tyrant" — are    from   the   open 
ing  lines  of  the  famous  Third  Ode  of  Book  III. 


CHAPTER  XIV 

1784-1787:  Age  56-59 

The  financial  distress  and  discontent  in  Massachusetts.  "Shays'  Re 
bellion."  The  fear  that  England  was  fomenting  the  disturbances. 
General  Ward  harangues  the  rebels  from  the  steps  of  the  Worces 
ter  County  court-house. 

THE  United  States  had  won  a  place  among  the  self- 
governing  nations  of  the  earth,  but  greater  than  ever 
was  its  need  of  the  highest  wisdom  and  the  strongest  leader 
ship  that  it  could  muster. 

The  inevitable  difficulties  of  reconstruction  were  multiplied 
by  the  lack  both  of  an  effective  national  government  and  of 
a  national  currency. 

The  Confederacy,  dangerously  weak  even  under  war's 
driving  necessity  for  unity  of  purpose,  became  after  the  con 
clusion  of  peace  completely  powerless  to  hold  the  states  in 
harmony;  and  equally  impotent  to  cope  with  the  commercial 
and  financial  problems,  international  and  domestic,  which 
beset  them.  There  was  everywhere  a  great  deal  of  dan 
gerous  unrest. 

A  stronger  union  was  needed,  a  stronger  central  govern 
ment — and  a  general  accord  of  state  governments — to  foster 
commerce  and  to  set  running  again  the  wheels  of  normal 
peacetime  life  and  occupations.  But  jealousy,  pride,  and 
lethargy  stayed  men's  hands.  So,  also,  did  over-rigid  adher 
ence  to  political  tenets,  and  morbid  fear  of  what  might  evolve 
from  opening  the  door  to  a  change  in  the  form  of  national 
government. 

In  Massachusetts,  the  seven  years'  contest  had  spelled  in- 

272 


1784-1785]          SHAYS'  REBELLION  273 

creased  prosperity  for  a  considerable  number  of  individuals: 
for  some  merchants;  for  many  inhabitants  of  the  coast  com 
munities  which'  profited  from  privateering;  for  speculators 
with  cheaply  purchased  soldiers'  certificates  or  other  claims; 
for  army  contractors.  But  for  a  much  greater  number — and 
they  included  particularly  the  small  farmers,  artisans,  and 
laborers  of  the  inland  counties — it  had  in  general  meant  the 
laying  of  heavy  additional  burdens  on  their  always  meager 
resources. 

Peace  and  independence  had  come,  but  important  sources 
of  Massachusetts'  pre-war  prosperity  were  held  closed  by 
English  orders  which  barred  American  ships  from  the  British 
West  Indies  and  forbade  the  importation  into  them  of  Amer 
ican-caught  fish,  placed  an  excessive  duty  on  whale  oil,  and  in 
other  ways  obstructed  efforts  to  revive  American  commerce. 
France  and  Spain  also,  though  to  minor  effect,  raised  im 
peding  barriers. 

This  crippling  of  the  fishing,  shipping,  and  ship-building 
industries  imposed  a  serious  handicap  on  Massachusetts.  It 
delayed  the  return  of  the  privateersmen  to  their  peacetime 
callings  and  affected  the  value  of  every  farmer's  crop — in 
many  cases,  added  to  the  other  troubles  of  the  times,  re 
sulting  in  its  lying  unused  and  unmarketable  in  his  barn. 

Most  successful  had  been  the  national  outcome  of  the 
contest  with  Great  Britain,  but  its  initial  legacy  was  an  op 
pressive  weight  of  continental,  state,  and  town  indebtedness, 
and  an  excessively  disordered  condition  of  individual 
finances. 

The  alarming  aggregate  of  private  indebtedness  repre 
sented  the  accumulations  of  several  years — their  normal  totals 
enhanced  both  by  the  inflation  resulting  from  cheap  paper 
money  and  by  war's  claims  on  men's  time  and  services. 

Many  causes  had  operated  to  delay  the  payment  of  debts : 
the  lack  of  an  adequate  circulating  medium,  and  the  unsettled 
condition  of  trade;  the  individual  unrest,  and  the  lessened 
individual  industry  inevitable  under  conditions  of  abnormal 


274  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  56-57 

excitement;  the  (also  inevitable)  looseness  of  thought,  and 
—where  possible — extravagance  of  living. 

During  much  of  the  time  preceding,  and  also  during  the 
first  years  of,  the  Revolution,  a  majority  had  practised  self- 
denial,  but  later  had  come  the  reaction  so  severely  censured 
by  contemporary  writers  and  legislators.  The  epidemic  of 
self-indulgence  was  a  natural  result  of  war  conditions.  The 
excessive  severity  of  its  punishment  was  due,  largely,  to  the 
lack  of  a  national  currency. 

An  emission  of  continental-state  paper  money  had  fol 
lowed  the  expiration  of  the  continental  paper  money  in  1781, 
but  it  enjoyed  only  a  short  life. 

For  a  while  its  place  was  generously  filled  by  specie  flowing 
in  through  various  channels :  from  the  disbursements  of  the 
British  and  French  armies;  from  trade  with  Havana  and 
other  points  under  the  protection  of  the  French  fleet;  from 
prize  ships,  etc. 

In  eastern  Massachusetts  the  atmosphere  of  prosperity 
had  been  further  stimulated  by  the  expenditures  of  the  French 
fleet  during  its  visit  to  Boston  after  the  battle  of  Yorktown. 

Soon,  however,  this  foreign  specie  began  to  disappear. 
Large  amounts  were  shipped  to  England  and  elsewhere  to 
pay  for  the  great  quantities  of  goods  imported — goods  which 
filled  merchants'  shelves  to  overflowing,  bought  at  prices  with 
which  the  smaller  American  industries  could  not  compete ;  and 
much  of  the  remainder  was  gathered  into  the  coffers  of  the 
"money-holders" — and  by  them  closely  hoarded. 

In  the  central  and  western  counties  of  Massachusetts,  trade 
came  to  a  paralytic  halt,  labor  could  find  no  employment,  and 
entire  communities  found  themselves  reduced  to  the  level  of 
barter. 

Vehement  demands  arose  for  paper  money  to  make  people 
prosperous  again. 

It  was  the  natural  desire  of  private  creditors  to  reaKze  on 
their  claims — many  of  them  long  deferred — which  finally 
raised  class  antagonism  to  the  highest  point.  There  were  not 


SHAYS'  REBELLION  275 

wanting  creditors  keen  to  take  the  fullest  advantage  of  the 
abnormal  conditions,  just  as  in  the  earlier  legal-tender  paper- 
money  days  there  had  not  been  lacking  debtors  endeavoring 
to  evade  a  just  settlement  of  their  indebtedness. 

The  flood  of  suits  that  had  set  in  soon  after  the  opening 
of  the  courts  under  the  state  constitution,  reached  a  great 
height  in  1783,  1784,  and  1785,  continuing  on  into  1786.  In 
many  hundreds  of  cases,  decisive  action  had  been  deferred  as 
a  result  of  the  Tender  Act  and  by  court  extensions,  and  by 
agreement;  but  such  deferments  could  prove  of  only  tempo 
rary  service,  and  one  after  the  other  they  broke  down,  leav 
ing  a  large  part  of  the  population  of  Massachusetts  almost 
hopelessly  entangled  in  debt  and  legislation. 

Very  precarious,  in  truth,  was  then  the  position  of  a  debtor 
in  Massachusetts. 

A  debt  contracted  when  money  was  cheap  and  plentiful, 
gained  hugely  in  burden  if  to  be  paid  when  currency  was 
nearly  extinct.  As  cash  was  almost  unobtainable,  a  judgment 
was  quickly  translated  into  execution;  and  execution  meant  the 
seizure  of  any  or  all  property  that  a  man  might  have — there 
was  then  no  "homestead"  or  any  other  exemption,  save  only, 
by  common  law,  a  man's  tools  and  absolutely  essential  cloth 
ing  and  household  furniture.  As  the  next  step,  the  debtor 
would  see  his  belongings  publicly  sold  at  ruinous  prices,  for 
few,  save  the  creditors,  were  financially  able  to  bid  at  the 
sales. 

As  a  final  weapon,  the  barbarous  laws  permitted  imprison 
ment  for  debt  (or  for  unpaid  taxes) — even  for  a  small  bal 
ance  unrealized  by  the  sale  of  all  a  man's  possessions;  and 
the  abominable  jails  were  quickly  filled — were  crowded  to  the 
very  roofs — with  debtors. 

Especially  hard  hit  were  the  returned  soldiers.  Their 
farms,  or  their  other  private  affairs,  had  suffered  in  their 
absence  and  many  of  them  were  in  debt  for  necessaries  for 
their  families.  For  their  back  pay,  they  had  received  certi 
ficates  which  they  had  been  obliged  to  sell  at  heavy  discount. 


276  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  56-58 

They  had  no  money  to  show  for  their  services  or  to  apply  upon 
their  obligations. 

In  Worcester  County,  104  prisoners  were  committed  dur 
ing  1785.  Ten  of  them  had  been  sentenced  on  criminal 
counts — the  other  94  were  jailed  for  debt.1  They  were  all 
herded  together  in  a  building  rotten  and  fetid  with  age — the 
poorest  of  them  crowded  "fifteen  into  one  small  room."2 

The  propertyless  debtor  was  utterly  at  the  mercy  of  his 
creditor.  His  creditor,  by  paying  a  small  charge  for  board 
(only  four  shillings  and  sixpence  a  week),  could  keep  him  in 
jail  as  long  as  he  liked.  A  judgment,  with  the  threat  of  in 
carceration  in  such  a  pest-hole  as  the  Worcester  County  jail 
of  1785,  could,  in  many  cases,  be  used  to  control  a  man's 
labor  as  effectively  as  if  he  were  a  slave. 

To  parallel  today  the  Massachusetts  conditions  of  1785, 
imagine  that,  of  the  population  of  New  York  City,  10,000 
men- — none  of  them  guilty  of  any  crime  except  that  of  being 
in  debt — had  been  stripped  of  all  their  possessions  and  thrown 
into  crowded  dungeons  to  be  kept  there  at  the  will  and  whim 
of  their  creditors;  and  that  the  threat  of  similar  calamity 
swung  over  the  heads  of  a  hundred  thousand  men  of  the  city! 
To  gauge  the  emotions  that  would  be  aroused,  know  also 
that  a  majority  of  the  men  thus  imprisoned  are  debtors  be 
cause  of  economic  conditions  which  they  had  been  powerless 
to  control;  that  many  of  them  have  seen  possessions  worth 
much  more  than  the  sum  of  their  debts  sold  for  a  mere  frac 
tion  of  those  debts  because  money  had  almost  disappeared; 
and  that  a  great  number  of  them  are  ex-soldiers  returned 
from  a  victorious  war.  Broaden  the  view  by  spreading  the 
same  conditions  over  a  large  part  of  the  country,  and  heighten 
the  tension  by  a  vigorous  community  of  feeling — for  the  men 
thus  jailed  in  Massachusetts,  and  the  men  threatened  with 
jail,  were  not  of  large  cities  where  neighborliness  is  little 

1  These   figures    are  drawn    from   a   contemporary   register   preserved   in   the   Worcester 
County  jail.      Study  of  the   register  suggests  that   a   complete  total,   if  obtainable,    would 
give  a  still  higher  number  of  debtors  jailed. 

2  Report  of  a  committee  of  the  Court  of  General  Sessions,  March  28,   1786. 


1784-1786']  SHAYS'  REBELLION  277 

known,  but  chiefly  of  small  towns  where  (in  those  days) 
blood  ties  were  strong  and  neighborly  fellowship  was  a  living 
creed. 

The  pressure  was  kept  at  full  by  the  hungry  competition 
of  creditors — each  one  beset  by  the  fear  that  some  other 
might  forestall  him.  There  were  no  insolvency  laws  to  guard 
the  distribution  of  a  living  debtor's  estate:  the  first  man  to 
obtain  an  execution  might  swallow  it  all. 

These  serious  flaws  in  the  social  system  gaped  into  chasms 
under  the  financial  stress  of  the  times  and  imperiled  the 
structure  of  the  commonwealth. 

The  people  of  Massachusetts  had  brought  themselves  to 
believe  that  the  end  of  the  war  would  mean  the  end  of  their 
troubles.  Instead,  especially  in  the  central  and  western 
counties,  their  burdens  were  heavier  than  ever  and  their  con 
dition  much  more  onerous  than  when  under  the  "tyranny"  of 
Great  Britain. 

Who  was  to  blame  for  this?  How  should  they  relieve 
themselves  from  the  pressure  of  their  loads? 

The  taverns — and  wherever  else  men  congregated — again 
heard  the  excited  arguments  and  angry  accusations  that  had  j 
preceded  the  outbreak  of  the  Revolution. 

Those  who  had  complained  and  protested  in  1782 — and1 
later — now  held  many  new  grievances.     And  those  of  tory 
inclination — open  or  concealed — eagerly  swayed  backward  toj 
the  hope  of  renewed  allegiance  to  England. 

Lawyers  were  denounced  as  public  enemies  and  as  unfit 
to  serve  in  the  assembly.  The  legislature  was  upbraided  for 
the  weight  of  taxation,  and  it  was  charged  that  the  additional 
taxes  laid  in  July,  1784,  and  March,  1786,  to  take  up  the 
notes  given  to  the  soldiers  for  back  pay,  had  been  promoted 
by  speculators  who  had  purchased  the  notes  at  excessive 
discounts.  The  lower  courts  were  held  to  be  instruments  of 
oppression  and  an  unnecessary  expense.  Merchants,  as  en 
couraging  extravagance  and  damaging  domestic  trade  by  their 
importations,  were  assailed  as  the  root  of  economic  troubles. 


278  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  56-58 

There  was  an  undercurrent  of  suspicion  that  the  "rich 
men"  of  Boston  were  planning  "to  bring  the  state  into  lord 
ships"  and  that  to  obtain  their  end  they  had  deliberately 
brought  about  "a  tax  so  heavy  on  the  people  that  there  was 
not  sufficient  money  in  circulation  to  pay  for  it."3 

Equally  dangerous  to  the  peace  of  the  state  were  charges 
or  insinuations  that  the  burdens  under  which  it  suffered  were 
made  heavier  by  the  monopolizing  of  power  and  position 
by  family  cliques.4  People  began  to  wonder  if  they  had 
merely  cast  off  one  set  of  undesired  rulers  for  the  privilege 
of  being  weighed  down  by  others  yet  more  self-seeking. 

3  Memoirs  of  "Billy"  Hibbard,  Minister  of  the  Gospel,   50. 

4  Below  is  an  article  published  in  the  Massachusetts  Spy,  April   14,   1784: 

"Before  the  revolution,  Mr.  Hutchinson  was  Lieutenant  Governor,  Mr.  Oliver  was 
Secretary  of  the  Province,  Peter  Oliver  and  Foster  Hutchinson  Esqrs.  were  Judges  of  the 
Superior  Court:  The  people  were  alarmed  at  that  accumulation  of  power  in  one  family 
and  connection — they  very  justly  considered  it  a  source  of  corrupt  influence  dangerous  to 
publick  liberty;  and  accordingly  exerted  every  effort  in  their  power  to  dissolve  the  com 
bination — but  unhappily  their  means  were  not  adequate  to  their  security.  Since  the 
revolution,  the  offices  of  Lieutenant  Governor,  Secretary  of  the  Commonwealth,  Justice 
of  the  Peace  for  the  County  of  Suffolk,  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Judicial  Court, 
Clerk  of  that  Court  by  a  brother  of  the  Chief  Justice,  and  another  of  the  Judges,  Judge 
of  the  Maritime  Court,  and  one  of  the  Council  of  the  Commonwealth,  and  a  Judge  of 
Probate,  are  held  by  one  family  and  connection,  without  any  apprehension  from  the 
influence  and  power. 

"Is  publick  virtue  now  so  universally  prevalent  that  there  is  no  necessity  for  adverting 
to  circumstances  of  this  nature?  Or  are  the  extraordinary  merits  of  this  family  sufficient 
to  justify  the  inattention?  I  will  not  inquire  what  they  were  in  the  beginning  of  the 
contest  with  Great  Britain,  or  whether  their  conduct  was  so  uniform  and  vigorous  in  the 
cause  of  their  country  as  to  justify  the  present  confidence,  and  predilection  in  their  favour. 
— I  leave  these  questions  to  the  discussion  of  others,  and  only  observe  that  it  appears 
to  me,  the  combination  is  strong,  that  the  conclusion  is  obvious,  unless,  the  integrity  and 
ability  of  these  men,  secure  us  from  danger,  or  their  incapacity  renders  them  harmless." 

A  host  of  readers  also  approvingly  read  "A  Shorter  Catechism,"  widely  distributed 
at  about  the  same  time.  It  was  printed  in  the  Nciv  York  Packet,  February  5,  1784,  the 
Massachusetts  Gazette,  February  17,  1784,  and  elsewhere.  It  includes  the  following 
Questions  and  Answers: 

''Question.  What  is  law?  Answer.  A  servant  to  the  rich  and  task 

master  to  the  poor. 

Q.     What  are  Courts  of  Justice?  A.     Executioners  of  the  law. 

Q.     What  are  lawyers?  A.     Rods  of  correction. 

Q.     What  is  independence  ?  A.     Dependence  on  nothing. 

Q.     Do  we  enjoy  it?  A.     Yes. 

Q.     Who  gain'd  it  for  us?  A.     The  army. 

Q.     How  shall   we  reward  them?  A.     Cheat  'em. 

Q.     What  is  gratitude?  A.     Disposition  to  repay  benefactors. 

Q.      What  is  public  gratitude?  A.      Forgetfulness  of  benefits. 

Q.  What  is  public  credit?  A.  Soldiers'  notes  at  30  per  cent  dis 

count." 


1784-1786}          SHAYS'  REBELLION  279 

Carrying  the  tide  higher  was  the  swelling  restlessness  of 
the  young  men  back  from  camp  with  no  settled  prospects  and, 
many  of  them,  impelled  by  the  doctrine  that  those  who  had 
fought  for  their  country  should  have  a  full  share  in  all  its 
property  and  resources,  no  matter  how  or  by  whom  held.5 

And  surging  upward  again  were  the  chronically  discon 
tented  who  see  only  that  others  are  more  prosperous  than 
they  and  who  bear  an  ever-present  resentment  of  that  fact 
and  an  ever-ready  hatred  toward  those  thus  favored.  The 
laboring  of  communities  in  the  aftermath  of  the  war  gave 
this  class  both  opportunity  and  many  temporary  allies. 

The  breaking  point  came  in  1786.  The  spring  elections 
had  placed  in  the  House  a  number  of  Representatives  who 
leaned  toward  the  debtors'  side,  but  they  produced  no  relief, 
and  when  the  legislature  adjourned  on  July  8,  reliance  on  con 
stitutional  methods  suddenly  vanished — legislative  process 
appeared  too  slow  for  the  thousands  of  men  caught  in  the 
quicksands  of  the  times.  As  an  evil  background,  prison  con 
ditions  became  continuously  more  revolting — by  June  30  the 
Worcester  County  jail  was  so  choked  with  debtors  that 
twenty-six  were  confined  in  one  small  garret.6  Debtors  yet 
free,  and  the  relatives  and  friends  of  debtors  both  free  and 
imprisoned,  turned  angrily  from  talk  and  argument  to  the 
determination  to  prevent  any  further  court  procedure  until 
aid  should  come  from,  or  be  forced  from,  the  legislature — or 
until  a  new  legislature  could  be  elected. 

The  debtors'  reasoning  was  simple.  If  the  courts  and 
present  legal  processes  continue  uninterrupted,  we  shall  lose 
our  property,  be  in  danger  of  jail  for  debt,  and  be 
disfranchised.7  If  we  prevent  the  courts  sitting,  we  shall, 

5  "Their  creed  is  that  the  property  of  the  United  States  has  been  protected  from  the 
confiscations  of  Britain  by  the  joint  exertions  of  all,  and  therefore  ought  to  be  the  com 
mon  property  of  all." — Knox  to  Washington,  October  23,  1786.  Brooks,  Henry  Knox, 
194;  Drake,  Life  and  Correspondence  of  Henry  Knox,  91-92. 

"Report  of  a  committee  of  the  Court  of  General  Sessions,  June  13,  1786. 

7  The  new  constitution  contained  a  property  qualification  restricting  the  votes  for  Gov 
ernor,  Senators,  and  Representatives.  It  was  half  as  high  again  as  the  qualification  re 
quired  of  electors  of  Representatives  under  the  Province  charter. 


28o  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  58 

for  a  time  at  least,  keep  both  our  possessions  and  our  votes; 
and  perhaps  a  new  legislature  will  devise  a  way  out  of  our 
troubles. 

The  fallacy  of  the  plan,  as  many  discovered  later,  was 
the  impossibility  of  continued  obstruction  of  the  courts  with 
out  incurring  the  responsibility  and  dangers  of  armed  oppo 
sition  to  both  the  state  and  the  national  governments,  but  its 
apparent  promise  served  to  unite  those  in  distress — and  to 
their  standard  flocked  all  the  restless  and  disloyal. 

In  the  year  preceding  the  Revolution,  people  had  learned 
the  political  strength  of  county  conventions,  and  now  town 
ship  after  township  turned  toward  the  same  panacea. 

The  first  gathering  to  make  its  resolutions  felt  was  that  of 
Worcester  County  at  Leicester  on  August  15. 

Delegates  from  thirty-seven  towns  came  together  to  discuss 
grievances  and  debate  remedies. 

They  recorded  their  objection  to  the  sitting  of  the  legisla 
ture  in  Boston:  they  felt  that  in  the  capital  it  was  too  much 
under  the  influence  or  the  domination  of  the  wealthier  classes; 
they  wanted  it  to  meet  elsewhere,  believing  that  it  would  then 
be  more  responsive  to  the  needs  of  the  state  in  general.  They 
emphasized  next  the  need  for  a  circulating  medium.  And 
they  continued  with  complaints  of  "abuses  in  the  practice  of 
the  law,  and  the  exorbitance  of  the  fee-table";  the  existence 
of  the  Courts  of  Common  Pleas  uin  their  present  mode  of 
administration";  the  appropriation  of  the  impost  and  excise 
revenue  for  the  payment  of  the  interest  of  the  state  securities; 
the  "unreasonable  and  unnecessary  grants"  made  by  the  Gen 
eral  Court  "to  the  Attorney  General  and  others";  the  govern 
ment  employees  "being  too  numerous  and  having  too  great 
salaries";  and  the  state  "granting  aid  or  paying  moneys  to 
Congress,  while  our  Public  accounts  remain  unsettled." 

Ward's  influence  with  the  discontented  of  his  fellow  citi 
zens,  even  with  those  of  his  home  town,  was  this  time  un 
availing. 

Shrewsbury  had  elected  him  Representative  in  1785   and 


1786}  SHAYS'  REBELLION  281 

1786,  and  he  had  been  made  Speaker  of  the  House  (first, 
February  3,  1786,  for  the  concluding  weeks  of  1785-1786  by 
a  vote  of  fifty-two  out  of  eighty-one;  and  then  by  reelection 
for  1786-1787  by  ninety-nine  out  of  a  hundred8),  but  in 
this  new  revolt  against  conditions  it  turned  suddenly  from 
his  leadership.  As  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives 
and  Chief  Justice  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas  for  Worces 
ter  County,  he  stood  as  too  conspicuous  a  figure  of  the  govern 
ment  which  the  discontented  held  responsible  for  their 
troubles. 

Also  there  were,  probably,  many  to  declare  that  he  had 
become  prosperous,  and  therefore  anathema,  because  he  had 
during  1784  and  1785  enlarged  his  house  by  the  addition  of 
the  "New  Part,"  thus  changing  it  from  a  seven-room  home  to 
a  more  imposing  dwelling  of  eleven  rooms.  In  truth, 
Ward  never  acquired  the  gift  of  money-making,  and  his  mod 
est  investments  were  the  result  of  rigid  personal  economy. 
The  "New  Part"  had  not  been  built  because  of  overflowing 
prosperity  but  because  more  space  was  needed  to  house  to 
gether  his  own  family  and  that  of  his  son,  Thomas  Walter, 
who  on  its  completion  came  to  live  under  the  same  roof, 
bringing  with  him  his  wife  and  two  babies.  General  Ward's 
repeated  absences — in  Boston  and  Philadelphia — made  this 
arrangement  very  desirable,  especially  as  his  wife's  health 
was  failing.9 

The  Leicester  gathering  was  succeeded  by  a  Hampshire 
County  convention  at  Hatfield;  and  that  was  followed  by  the 
insurgents'  forcible  closing  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas  at 
Northampton  on  August  29. 

Bowdoin — governor  now,  for  his  second  term — met  the 
Northampton  outbreak  with  a  proclamation  (September  2) 

8  On  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day  that  gave  him  this  all   but  unanimous  election   as 
Speaker,  the  House  for  the  second  time  elected  him  Senator,   hut  he  again  declined. 

There  were  four  sessions  in  the  critical  legislative  year  of  1786—7:  May  31,  1786, 
to  July  8,  1786;  September  27,  1786,  to  November  18,  1786;  January  31,  1787,  to 
March  10,  1787;  April  25,  1787,  to  May  3,  1787.  Ward  was  present  every  day. 

9  After  several  years  of  ill  health,  General  Ward's   wife  died  December   13,    1788. 


282  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  58 

calling  upon  all  officers,  civil  and  military,  and  the  public  in 
general  "to  unite  in  preventing  and  suppressing  all  such  trea 
sonable  proceedings,"  but  the  proclamation  had  little  effect 
and  the  insurgent  leaders  pressed  their  plans  with  complete 
disregard  of  it. 

Two  men  had  by  this  time  attained  prominence  in  the 
movement — Daniel  Shays  of  Pelham  and  Luke  Day  of  West 
Springfield.  Both  had  served  as  captains  in  the  Revolutionary 
army.  It  is  said  that  Day  was  the  stronger  character,  but  the 
insurrection  is  indelibly  stamped  with  Shays'  name. 

The  insurgents'  next  purpose  was  the  closing  of  the 
Worcester  County  Courts  of  Common  Pleas  and  General 
Sessions  to  be  held  commencing  September  5.  Five  hundred 
cases  were  to  come  before  the  justices  of  the  Common  Pleas — 
a  large  grist — fewer  than  at  preceding  sessions  but  equal  to 
the  average  of  an  entire  year  prior  to  the  Revolution. 

Bowdoin  had  followed  his  proclamation  by  orders  both  to 
the  sheriff  of  Worcester  County  and  to  Major-General  War 
ner  of  the  county  militia  to  protect  the  courts,  but  this  pre 
caution  had  no  more  efficacy  than  the  proclamation.  Popular 
sentiment  paralyzed  authority,  and  on  the  night  of  Septem 
ber  4  a  body  of  armed  men,  commanded  by  Captain  Adam 
Wheeler  of  Hubbardston,  entered  Worcester  and  found  no 
difficulty  in  taking  possession  of  the  court-house. 

Early  the  next  morning  Wheeler's  company  was  joined  by 
new  contingents  under  several  other  insurgent  leaders. 

Shortly  before  noon  Ward  left  the  house  of  Joseph  Allen10 
and  walked  toward  the  court-house11  to  open  court.  He  was 

10  Clerk  of  the  courts  and  a  nephew  of  Samuel  Adams. 

11  This    was  the   "Second    Court   House,"   a   wooden   structure   about   42    feet    front   by 
33  feet  in  depth,  built   1751-1754  near  the  site  of  the  north  wing  of  the  present  court 
house.      In    1803,  soon  to  be  succeeded  by  the  "Old   Brick  Court  House,"   it   was   rolled 
along  Main  Street  and  thence  down  Franklin  Street,  twenty  yoke  of  oxen  hauling,  to  the 
locality  now  known  as  Trumbull  Square    (then  a  beautiful  rural  section),  there  to  serve 
as  a  residence  for  four  generations  of  the  Trumbull  family. 

In  1886,  shortly  after  the  death  of  Mrs.  George  A.  (Louisa  Clap)  Trumbull  (Decem 
ber  5,  1885),  the  house  was  rented  to  Dr.  Joseph  H.  Kelley,  who  used  part  of  it  himself 
(building  an  addition  for  a  waiting  room)  and  sublet  the  remainder. 

On  June    i,    1892,   the   building   was   sold   by   the   Trumbull    heirs    to    Dr.    Kelley   and 


1786]  SHAYS'  REBELLION  283 

accompanied  by  the  other  justices  of  the  Common  Pleas,  a 
number  of  the  justices  of  the  Sessions,  the  clerk,  the  sheriff, 
court  attendants,  and  members  of  the  bar. 

Court-house  Hill  was  thronged  with  men.  On  the  out 
skirts  of  the  crowd  stood  a  sentry,  and  he  challenged  the 
judges  as  they  approached.  Ward  sharply  ordered  him  to 
"present  arms" ;  and  the  man,  formerly  a  subaltern  in  Ward's 
own  regiment,  instinctively  obeyed,  saluted,  and  stepped  aside 
to  let  his  old  commander  pass.  With  the  first  honors  thus 
readily  won,  Ward  and  the  other  members  of  his  party  re 
sumed  their  progress,  and  the  insurgents,  following  the  ex 
ample  of  the  sentry,  fell  back  to  left  and  right  and  let  them 
through. 

A  curious  repetition  of  that  other  walk  through  the  ranks 
of  armed  men  to  the  same  court-house,  staged  in  that  same 
month  twelve  years  before,  when  Ward,  setting  himself  in 
opposition  to  his  associates  on  the  bench,  had  become  marked 
as  a  leader  of  the  people  in  the  dangerous  road  to  rebellion. 
Now,  as  Chief  Justice,  surrounded  by  a  riotous  mob  of  armed 
men,  he  as  undauntedly  faced  them  in  opposition  to  their 
revolt  against  the  authority  of  the  state  which  he  and  they 
together  had  helped  to  erect. 

The  judges  reached  the  court-house,  but  at  its  doors  they 
were  brought  to  a  sudden  stop  by  a  row  of  men  with  fixed 
bayonets. 

Dr.  William  J.  Delahanty  (whose  office  was  across  the  street),  and  in  the  spring  of 
the  following  year  it  was  again  moved — though  this  time  only  a  few  feet — to  make 
room  for  a  brick  apartment  house,  The  Trumbull,  No.  5  Trumbull  Square. 

In  1899  its  owners  were  about  to  demolish  it  in  order  to  use  its  site  for  the  construc 
tion  of  another  apartment  house,  No.  15  Trumbull  Square,  adjoining  The  Trumbull,  but 
Miss  Susan  Trumbull  came  to  the  rescue,  purchased  it,  and  with  infinite  care  supervised 
its  taking  down  and  rebuilding,  restoring  it  to  dignity  as  a  residence  again  on  its  present 
site  at  No.  6  Massachusetts  Avenue,  near  the  home  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society. 

In  this  restoration,  the  style  and  dimensions  of  the  original  building  were  carefully 
followed,  and  the  old  material  utilized  where  possible.  The  only  modifications  in  exterior 
appearance  are  the  added  porches,  side  terrace,  and  rear  extension.  One  cannot  speak 
with  the  same  certainty  of  the  interior  divisions  because  of  the  many  changes  that  the 
building  has  undergone — from  court-house  to  mansion,  from  mansion  to  tenement,  and 
back  again  to  mansion,  but  the  court-room  (about  31  feet  by  18  feet  8  inches),  occupy 
ing  the  entire  southerly  side  of  the  second  floor,  is  said  to  be  an  exact  reproduction  of  the 
days  of  Shays'  Rebellion,  and  its  doors,  mantels,  and  most  of  the  wainscoting  are  from 
the  original  structure. 


284  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  58 

Ward  sternly  asked  uwho  commanded  the  people  there; 
by  what  authority,  and  for  what  purpose,  they  had  met  in 
hostile  array?" 

44  [Captain]  Wheeler  at  length  replied.  After  disclaiming 
the  rank  of  leader,  he  stated,  that  they  had  come  to  relieve 
the  distresses  of  the  country,  by  preventing  the  sittings  of 
courts  until  they  could  obtain  redress  of  grievances." 

Ward  answered  "that  he  would  satisfy  them  their  com 
plaints  were  without  just  foundation."  He  demanded  that 
they  "take  away  their  bayonets  and  give  him  some  position 
where  he  could  be  heard  by  his  fellow  citizens,  and  not  by  the 
leaders  alone  who  had  deceived  and  deluded  them.  .  .  ." 

"The  insurgent  officers,  fearful  of  the  effect  of  his  deter 
mined  manner  on  the  minds  of  their  followers,  interrupted. 
They  did  not  come  there,  they  said,  to  listen  to  long  speeches, 
but  to  resist  oppression:  they  had  the  power  to  compel  sub 
mission:  and  they  demanded,  an  adjournment  without  day."12 

Ward  peremptorily  refused  to  reply  to  any  proposition 
thus  delivered. 

They  then  told  him  to  "fall  back."  "The  drum  was  beat, 
and  the  guard  ordered  to  charge.  The  soldiers  advanced, 
until  the  points  of  their  bayonets  pressed  hard  upon  his 
breast,"  penetrating  his  robe,  but  he  "stood  as  immoveable  as 
a  statue, -without  stirring  a  limb,  or  yielding  an  inch."13 
""  He  told  the  men  that  he  did  not  fear  their  bayonets,  that 
"he  was  in  the  way  of  his  duty"  and  that  he  was  determined 
to  do  it:  they  might  plunge  their  bayonets  into  his  heart;  that 
when  opposed  to  his  duty  his  life  was  of  little  consequence.14 

His  intrepidity  prevailed.  The  men  lowered  their  bay 
onets;  and  Ward  turned  and  addressed  the  insurgent  crowd. 

Then  happened  a  strange  thing — a  minor  miracle ! 

Ward's  public  career  had  brought  him  many  distinctions. 

12  Lincoln,  History  of  Jf'orcester,  Mass.,  First  edition,   135—136;    1862  edition,   119. 

13  Ibid.,  First  edition,    136;    1862  edition,   119. 

l*  Massachusetts    Gazette,    September    8,    1786;    Massachusetts    Centinel,    September   9, 
1786. 


SHAYS'  REBELLION  285 

He  had  commanded  a  regiment,  and  then  an  army;  had  pre 
sided  as  judge  and  as  Chief  Justice;  had  headed  the  Council 
of  Massachusetts,  and  served  as  Speaker  of  its  House  of 
Representatives — but  he  had  never  possessed  the  gift  of 
ready  speech.  No  orator  he,  but,  on  the  contrary,  inclined  to 
stumble  in  public  utterance. 

But  now  at  this  moment — when  he  saw  the  fruits  of  the 
long  labors  of  a  generation  of  Massachusetts  patriots  imper 
iled  by  assaults  within  the  temple — the  gift  which  had  been 
denied  him  as  a  young  man  and  through  his  middle  age  came 
to  him  as  he  stood  there,  a  man  close  upon  his  threescore 
years. 

In  "clear  and  forcible  argument"  he  pleaded  the  insurgents' 
own  cause  against  themselves  and  opposed  their  attempts 
at  political  self-destruction.  He  "explained  the  dangerous  ten 
dency  of  their  rash  measures;  admonished  them  that  they 
were  placing  in  peril  the  liberty  acquired  by  the  efforts  and 
sufferings  of  years,  plunging  the  country  in  civil  war,  and 
involving  themselves  and  their  families  in  misery;  that  the 
measures  they  had  taken  must  defeat  their  own  wishes;  for 
the  government  would  never  yield  that  to  force,  which  would 
be  readily  accorded  to  respectful  representations;  and  warned 
them  that  the  majesty  of  the  laws,  would  be  vindicated,  and 
their  resistance  of  its  power  avenged."15 

For  nearly  two  hours  he  spoke,  frequently  interrupted,  but 
ready  with  retort  and  reply.  Finally,  turning  to  Captain 
Wheeler,  he  told  him  "that  he  had  better  take  his  men  away; 
that  they  were  waging  war,  which  was  treason;  and  that  the 
consequence  would  be  (here  he  made  a  short  pause,  and  then 
added  in  a  strong  voice)  the  Gallows." 1G>  17 

15  Lincoln,  History  of  Worcester,  Mass.,  First  edition,   136;    1862  edition,    119-120. 

16  Massachusetts  Centinel,  September  9,   1786. 

1T  George  Allen  in  his  "Reminiscences"  (Reminiscences  of  the  Reverend  George  Allen 
of  Worcester,  41—42)  endeavored  to  rob  Ward  of  the  credit  of  his  speech  on  the  court 
house  steps  September  5,  1786.  "General  Ward  of  Shrewsbury,"  he  wrote,  "frequently 
visited  my  father.  He  had  no  command  of  language — was  hesitating  in  his  speech.  The 
address  to  the  insurgents  in  Worcester  during  Shays's  Rebellion,  which  Lincoln  prints  in 


286  ARTEMAS  WARD  Wge  58 

Ward  made  no  further  attempt  to  enter  the  court-house. 
Instead,  as  he  ceased  talking,  he  stepped  down  among  the 
insurgents.  One  of  their  officers  ordered  the  men  to  open 
ranks,  and  he  walked  slowly  through,  followed  by  the  other 
members  of  his  party,  and  made  his  way  to  the  United  States 
Arms  tavern.18 

Court  was  formally  opened  in  the  tavern,  and  messengers 
were  dispatched  calling  upon  the  militia  to  come  in  for  its 
protection.  Adjournment  was  then  taken  until  the  following 
morning. 

The  insurgents  meantime  continued  their  garrison  of  the 
court-house  and  patroled  the  town. 

The  following  day  brought  a  large  addition  to  their  forces, 
but  no  aid  or  protection  for  the  court.  Instead  of  the  militia 
men,  came  word  that  their  officers  could  not  marshal  them  to 
oppose  the  insurgents:  ufor  they  were  too  generally  in  favor 
of  the  peoples  measures."19 

To  attempt  any  further  court  procedure  would  have  been 
futile.  The  Court  of  Common  Pleas  was  adjourned  sine  die, 
all  cases  being  continued  to  the  next  term  ( December  5 ) .  The 
Court  of  General  Sessions  was  put  over  to  November  21. 

The  insurgents  had  won  their  point  and  prevented  the 
county  courts  sitting  to  any  effect,  but  Ward's  firm  stand 
for  law  and  order,  and  his  impassioned  harangue  on  the  court 
house  steps,  shone  as  a  beacon-light  over  the  troubled  seas. 
The  little  newspapers  of  those  days  all  told  the  story.  Its 

his  History  as  having  been  made  by  Ward,  is  purely  fictitious.  He  was  incapable  of  such 
an  effort." 

Allen's  contention  is  upset  by  the  fact  that  Lincoln  based  his  narration  on  a  contem 
porary  account — written  on  the  evening  of  the  very  day  on  which  Ward  made  this,  the 
longest  speech  of  his  life,  and  published  in  the  newspapers  of  the  period — Massachusetts 
Cent'tnel,  September  9;  American  Herald,  September  II  ;  Ne<w  York  Packet,  September 
18;  and  others. 

18  Also  known  as  "Patch's  Tavern."  Then  a  new  and  pretentious  establishment,  and 
the  resort  of  visitors  of  consequence.  Later,  under  Colonel  Sikes  (famous  as  a  stage-coach 
proprietor),  it  became  the  center  of  stage-coach  travel  to,  from,  and  through  Worcester. 
Its  third  story  was  added  by  Sikes  in  1813.  In  the  generations  that  have  passed  since 
the  days  of  Shays'  Rebellion,  it  has  seen  numerous  changes  of  ownership,  and  some  in 
construction,  and  borne  several  different  names,  its  last  being  that  of  the  Exchange  Hotel. 
It  still  stands  (1921),  hut  uncouth  and  dilapidated,  an  eyesore  to  the  neighborhood. 

*Mfattachusetts  Archives,  CXC,   233. 


SHAYS'  REBELLION  287 

moral  strength  persisted  and  fructified  long  after  Shays  had 
fled  and  the  rebellion  had  subsided.  It  still  lives  as  one  of 
the  finest  traditions  of  the  county. 

Next  to  sit  in  Worcester  was  the  Supreme  Judicial  Court — 
the  old  Superior  Court  under  a  new  title.  The  insurgents,  ap 
prehensive  of  the  result  of  carrying  their  opposition  too  high, 
kept  themselves  well  in  hand  and  made  no  attempt  to  inter 
fere  with  its  proceedings.  Nor,  on  their  part,  did  the  justices 
take  cognizance  of  the  obstruction  of  the  county  court  four 
teen  days  earlier.  They  did,  however,  affirm  judgments 
against  debtors  in  almost  all  the  cases  (more  than  250) 
brought  before  them  on  appeal  from  the  county  court,  and 
thus  turned  upon  themselves  the  wrath  that  had  been  with 
held. 

From  Worcester  the  justices  went  to  Springfield.  Their  ar 
rival  found  excitement  running  high  and  the  insurgents  gath 
ering  to  prevent  their  holding  court — the  temper  of  the  peo 
ple  growing  steadily  more  violent  from  anxiety  concerning 
the  court's  action  on  appeals  in  civil  cases  and,  among  the 
more  prominent  insurgents,  from  perturbation  lest  they  be 
indicted  for  the  blocking  of  the  lower  courts,  despite  the 
pacific  attitude  of  the  justices  at  their  Worcester  session.20 

The  court  opened  on  September  26  under  the  protection  of 
several  hundred  militiamen  commanded  by  General  Shepard, 
but  insurgent  officers  mustered  a  large  enough  force  to  render 
judicial  procedure  impossible  and  the  court  was  adjourned  on 
its  third  day  without  any  cases  coming  before  it. 

All  eyes  were  now  turned  on  the  legislature,  which  had 
convened  in  special  session  on  September  27.  The  gravity  of 
the  political  situation  was  undeniable,  but  there  was  much  dif 
ference  of  opinion  in  the  House  on  the  course  to  be  adopted, 

20  Historian  give  only  the  second  reason — the  Insurgent  leaders'  fear  of  indictment — as 
the  cause  of  the  forcible  closing  of  the  Supreme  Judicial  Court  at  Springfield.  That  was  a 
lesser  cause.  Its  chief  aim  was  to  prevent  the  issuance  of  further  judgments  and  execu 
tions,  for — as  the  debtors  of  Worcester  County  had  discovered — it  was  largely  futile  to 
close  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas  unless  the  Supreme  Judicial  Court  also  was  blocked. 
To  obstruct  the  Supreme  Judicial  Court  with  the  sole  Intent  of  protecting  insurgent 
leaders  would  have  been  a  poorly  considered  aim,  for  they  would  still  remain  liable  to 
arrest  and  imprisonment  by  the  General  Court. 


288  ARTEMAS  WARD  [.Age  58 

and  insurgent  sympathizers  were  loath  to  cast  their  votes  for 
punitive,  or  even  suppressive,  measures.  Agreement  was, 
nevertheless,  finally  reached  on  a  number  of  acts  designed 
both  to  strengthen  the  hands  of  authority  and  to  alleviate 
some  of  the  grievances  complained  of. 

For  the  first  purpose,  the  General  Court  effected  (October 
28)  a  new  law,  with  very  severe  penalties,21  against  the  as 
sembling  of  armed  persons,  or  of  "riotous"  or  "tumultuous" 
assemblies  whether  armed  or  not;  and  (November  10)  sus 
pended  the  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  at  the  same 
time  empowering  the  governor  and  Council  to  bring  about  the 
arrest  and  imprisonment  without  bail  of  any  one  whom  they 
considered  dangerous  to  the  commonwealth. 

For  the  second  purpose,  it  provided  (November  8)  for  the 
payment  of  back  taxes  in  kind;  and  a  week  later  adopted  a 
measure  to  lower  the  cost  of  many  civil  cases,  passed  a  new 
Tender  Act,  and  offered  full  pardon  to  those  who  should 
desist  from  illegal  activities  and  take  the  oath  of  allegiance. 

It  also  (November  14)  adopted  an  address  to  the  people 
summarizing  the  state's  indebtedness  and  explaining  the  ne 
cessity  of  the  taxes  that  had  been  laid.  It  demonstrated  that 
some  of  the  grievances  complained  of  were  unfounded  and 
that  the  state  officials  were  by  no  means  overpaid;  and  it 
blamed  the  people  for  unnecessary  extravagance — for  wast 
ing  money  on  "gewgaws  imported  from  Europe  &  the  more 
pernicious  produce  of  the  West  Indies"  (i.e.,  rum,  and 
molasses  for  conversion  into  rum),  and  for  indulgence  "in 
fantastical  and  expensive  Fashions,  and  intemperate  living" 
—but  it  admitted  that  "the  taxes  have  indeed  been  very 
great."  Biblical  comparisons,  so  familiar  to  the  Massa 
chusetts  of  those  days,  added  vividness  to  the  address. 

Meantime,  the  successes  achieved  in  the  closing  of  the 

21  The  full  penalty  decreed  for  offenders  was  that  they  should  forfeit  all  "lands,  tene 
ments,  goods  and  chattels"  and  should  further  "be  whipped  thirty-nine  stripes  on  the 
naked  back,  at  the  public  whipping-post,  and  suffer  imprisonment  for  a  term  not  exceeding 
twelve  months  nor  less  than  six  months;  and  once  every  three  months  during  the  said 
imprisonment  receive  the  same  number  of  stripes  on  the  naked  back,  at  the  public  whip 
ping  post  as  aforesaid." 


1786}  SHAYS'  REBELLION  289 

courts,  and  the  government's  hesitancy  to  take  effective  action, 
increased  the  boldness  of  the  insurgent  leaders.  While  the 
General  Court  sat,  insurgent  circulars  went  out  (October  23) 
to  the  towns  of  Hampshire  County,  instructing  them  to  as 
semble  their  men,  to  see  that  they  were  all  "well  armed  and 
equipped  with  sixty  rounds  each  man,  and  to  be  ready  to  turn 
out  at  a  minute's  warning." 

As  the  disorders  spread  they  raised  two  widely  differing 
classes  of  political  extremists :  among  the  propertyless,  some 
who  planned  for  the  state's  plunge  into  the  communism  of 
land;22  and  among  the  well-to-do  of  Revolutionary  patriots, 
some — shocked  into  reactionism  by  the  sight  of  the  country 
floundering  in  political  quagmires — who  hoped  for  a  monarchy 
to  set  it  again  on  its  feet.23 

The  insurgent  movement  held  the  attention  of  the  entire 
nation.  It  was  feared  that  sinister  forces  were  magnifying 
the  grievances  and  playing  upon  the  passions  of  the  people. 
There  were  many  who  believed  the  disturbances  in  Massa 
chusetts  (and  elsewhere  in  New  England)  were  encouraged 
by  English  emissaries  and  tory  agents,  and  feared  that  their 
growth  might  disrupt  the  republic  before  it  was  out  of  its 
swaddling  clothes. 

This  dangerous  possibility  was  felt  in  the  breasts  of  those 
highest  in  the  land.  "What  is  the  cause  of  all  these  commo 
tions?"  asked  Washington  in  a  letter  to  Colonel  Humphreys. 
"Do  they  proceed  from  licentiousness,  British  influence  dis 
seminated  by  the  tories,  or  real  grievances  which  admit  of 
redress?"24 

And  Humphreys  replied,  "From  all  the  information  I  have 
been  able  to  obtain  ...  I  should  attribute  them  to  all  the 
three  causes  which  you  have  suggested."25 

22  Knox  to  Washington,  October  23,   1786. — Brooks,  Henry  Knox,   195;   Drake,  Henry 
Knox,   92. 

23  Minot,   History   of   the   Insurrections   in   Massachusetts,   First   edition,    62—63 »    Second 
edition,  61—62. 

24  October  22,   1786. — Ford,  Writings  of  Washington,  XT,  77,  note. 

"5  Marshall,  Life  of  Washington,   First  American  edition,   V,    113—114    (different  page 
numbers  in  other  editions). 


29o  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  58-59 

As  the  weeks  passed,  Washington's  suspicions  increased. 
He  declared  that  he  felt  no  doubt  that  Great  Britain  was 
"sowing  the  seeds  of  jealousy  and  discontent  among  the  va 
rious  tribes  of  Indians  on  our  frontiers"  and  that  she  would 
"improve  every  opportunity  to  foment  the  spirit  of  turbulence 
within  the  bowels  of  the  United  States."20 

Ward  held  the  same  opinion.  A  few  days  after  the  closing 
of  the  Worcester  Court  of  Common  Pleas  he  had  written  to 
Governor  Bowdoin  his  belief  that  the  disturbances  in  Hamp 
shire  and  Worcester  did  not  originate  in  those  counties  but 
were  "the  effects  of  British  emissaries  .  .  .  employed  .  .  . 
to  stimulate  the  unwary  to  acts  of  disorder  &  violence,  [and] 
to  poison  the  minds  of  others  with  unreasonable  jealousies  of 
their  rulers — suggesting  they  are  oppressed  by  them  un 
necessarily." 

"It  is  my  opinion,"  he  continued,  "the  plan  is  deeper  laid 
than  many  are  aware  of.  Why  such  care  in  a  British  Gov 
ernor  to  strengthen  the  out  Posts  with  such  dispatch?  Have 
we  not  great  reason  to  suppose  they  are  waiting  for  an  op 
portunity  to  take  advantage  of  these  States  who  are  at  this 
time  as  inattentive  to  their  real  interest  as  the  beasts  that 
perish."27 

Some  modern  writers  have  minimized  the  dangers  of  the 
uprising,  but  that  is  to  disregard  or  contradict  the  observa 
tion  and  impressions  of  the  best  informed  of  the  men  who 
lived  through  the  period. 

Worcester  was  on  November  21  again  occupied  by  in 
surgents — coming  from  Princeton,  Hubbardston,  Shrewsbury, 
and  other  adjacent  towns  to  prevent  the  adjourned  sitting  of 
the  Court  of  General  Sessions. 

As  the  government  had  made  no  move  to  back  its 
legislation  with  force,  they  easily  accomplished  their  purpose. 

The  capital  was,  indeed,  troubled  by  reports  that  the  insur- 

24  To  Knox,  December  26,   1786. — Ford,  Writings  of  Washington,  XI,   106. 
27  Original  letter,  September   12,    1786,  Charles  Roberts  Autograph  Letter  Collection  of 
Havcrford  College 


i7&6~\  SHAYS'  REBELLION  291 

gents,  growing  in  confidence  and  strength,  planned  a  march 
eastward  to  stop  the  sitting  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas 
in  Cambridge  on  November  28 — this  to  be  followed  by  a 
demonstration  in  Boston  and  the  coercion  of  the  General 
Court  itself. 

On  the  twenty-third  an  insurgent  convention,  held  in 
Worcester,  published  an  address  calling  upon  the  people  to 
stand  together  and  asserting  their  right  to  "examine,  censure, 
and  condemn  the  conduct  of  their  rulers,"  adding  that,  as 
many  of  the  rulers  of  Massachusetts  had  been  "born  to  afflu 
ence,"  and  "perhaps  the  whole  in  easy  circumstances,"  they 
were  not  "under  advantages  of  feeling  for  the  less  wealthy." 

The  address  deprecated  the  closing  of  the  courts  as  unwise 
policy,  but  this  admonition  was  not  taken  seriously,  for  in  the 
following  week  insurgents  from  Hampshire  and  Worcester 
counties  gathered  to  prevent  the  opening  of  the  Court  of 
Common  Pleas  at  Worcester  on  December  5. 

Their  first  rendezvous  was  at  Shrewsbury,  and  their  head 
quarters  "in  the  large  yard  in  front  of  the  Baldwin  Tavern 
directly  opposite  Judge  Ward's  house."28  Later,  they  cen 
tered  at  other  towns  nearby. 

General  Warner  issued  orders  to  the  militia  of  his  division 
to  hold  themselves  in  readiness  to  march  to  Worcester,  but 
he  found  insurgent  sympathy  so  wide-spread  that  he  dis 
patched  an  express  to  Bowdoin  warning  him  that  it  might  be 
impossible  to  muster  enough  loyal  Worcester  County  militia 
to  be  effective,  and  that  to  ensure  the  protection  of  the  court 
it  would  "be  necessary  to  send  on  a  formidable  force  from 
the  Lower  Counties  and  Perhaps  some  Pieces  of  Artillery,  as 
I  am  credibly  informed  the  Insurgents  have  obtained 
some."29 

Bowdoin  immediately  gave  Warner's  message  to  the  Coun 
cil,  but  it  voted  against  aiding  him  with  militiamen  from  the 

28  Elizabeth   Ward,    Old   Times   In  Shrewsbury,    185.      It    was   in   this   house,    before   it 
became  the  Baldwin  Tavern,  that  Ward  had  been  brought  up   (as  noted  also  on  page  4). 

29  December  I,   1786. — Original  letter,  Massachusetts  Archives,  CLXXXIX,  46. 


292  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Jff*  59 

eastern  counties.  The  councilors  feared  to  detach  any  men 
that  might  be  needed  for  the  defense  of  the  capital. 

Bowdoin  returned  word  to  Warner  that  no  reinforcements 
could  be  sent,  but  urged  him — and  also  the  sheriff  of  the 
county — to  every  means  to  prevent  interference. 

On  the  same  day  (December  2)  he  wrote  warning  Ward 
that  reports  had  been  received  in  Boston  that  the  insurgent 
chiefs  had  decided,  "in  consultation  this  or  last  week,  that  in 
case  Government  took  up  any  of  them,  they  would  retaliate 
on  the  friends  of  Government — And  that  you  &  Judge  Gill 
were  agreed  on."30 

Overnight,  the  governor  and  Council  decided  against  any 
attempt  to  meet  the  issue  in  Worcester.  On  the  third  (Sun 
day)  Bowdoin  dispatched  another  express,  countermanding 
Warner's  orders  and  notifying  the  judges  that  -the  Council 
advised  adjournment  to  January  23  if  they  should  find  them 
selves  unable  to  sit  without  molestation. 

That  same  evening  a  party  of  insurgents  entered  Worces 
ter  and  took  possession  of  the  court-house,  their  ranks  being 
strengthened  during  the  night  and  the  day  following  by  the 
arrival  of  numerous  reinforcements. 

A  violent  snowstorm  set  in  Monday  evening  and  raged  all 
next  day,  but  the  insurgents  continued  to  gather,  numbering 
five  or  six  hundred  by  the  time  appointed  for  the  opening 
of  the  court. 

To  have  attempted  to  transact  court  business  would  have 
brought  fresh  indignities  upon  the  judiciary,  but  Ward  and 
Samuel  Baker — the  only  two  of  the  four  judges  who  had  ar 
rived — went  through  the  formality  of  opening  court31  and 
then  adjourned  it  by  proclamation32  to  January  23. 

*°  Original  letter   (by  John  Avery,  Jr.),  Artemas  Ward  MSS. 

81  As  the  United  States  Arms  tavern  was  in  the  possession  of  the  insurgents,  court 
was  this  time  opened  in  the  Sun  Tavern.  The  Sun,  also  known  as  "Mower's  Tavern," 
had  prior  to  the  Revolution  been  the  residence  of  the  loyalist  judge  John  Chandler.  It 
was  in  1818  replaced  by  a  new  building,  known  first  as  the  Worcester  Hotel,  or  Hovey's, 
and  later  as  the  United  States  Hotel.  Its  site  (the  southeast  corner  of  Main  and 
Mechanic  streets)  has  for  many  years  been  covered  by  the  Walker  Building. 

"  The  original  is  among  the  Artcma*  Ward  MSS. 


SHAYS'  REBELLION  293 

The  judges  held  the  Council's  advice  to  adjourn  if  oppo 
sition  was  offered  to  their  sitting,  but  they  were  able  to  avoid 
public  acknowledgment  of  this  new  interruption  of  justice  by 
having  another  reason  for  adjournment  in  the  absence  of  the 
two  judges  who  had  been  "providentially  detained." 

Ward  remained  in  Worcester  Tuesday  night,  virtually  a 
prisoner,  for  the  insurgents  placed  a  guard  around  the  house 
where  he  was  staying,  but  he  was  permitted  to  return  to 
Shrewsbury  the  following  day. 

Meantime,  an  insurgent  council  of  war  declared  for  a 
march  on  Boston  to  liberate  insurgent  prisoners  as  soon  as  a 
large  enough  force  had  collected. 

In  anticipation  of  such  a  move,  the  governor  and  Council 
prepared  for  the  defense  of  the  capital — "guards  were 
mounted  at  the  prison,  and  at  the  entrances  of  the  town ;  and 
all  things  seemed  to  carry  the  shew  of  a  garrison."  Outside 
the  town,  Major-General  Brooks  held  "the  Middlesex  mili 
tia  contiguous  to  the  road,  in  readiness  for  action."33 

Wednesday  morning  the  insurgents  received  additional  re 
inforcements  and  during  the  day  paraded  to  meet  Shays,  who 
came  in  from  Hampshire  County  with  about  350  men.  This 
was  Shays'  highest  moment.  His  column  of  a  full  thousand 
men34  made  an  imposing  appearance  marching  through  the 
streets.  "The  companies  included  many  who  had  learned 
their  tactics  from  Steuben,  and  served  an  apprenticeship  of 
discipline  in  the  ranks  of  the  revolution:  war  worn  veterans, 
who  in  a  good  cause,  would  have  been  invincible.  The  pine 
tuft  supplied  the  place  of  plurne  in  their  hats.  Shays,  with 
his  aid,  mounted  on  white  horses,  led  the  van.  They  displayed 
into  line  before  the  Court  House,  where  they  were  reviewed 
and  inspected." 

The  possession  of  the  town  was  complete,  and  Shays  took 
every  precaution  against  surprise.  "Chains  of  sentinels  were 

13  Minot,  History  of  the  Insurrections  In  Massachusetts,  First  edition,  88,  87;  Second 
edition,  87,  86.  Council  Records,  December  7,  1786. 

34  Worcester  Magazine,  first  week  in  December,  1786,  says  "about  800," — but  the 
next  week's  continuation  of  the  account  has  it  as  1000. 


294  ARTEMAS  WARD  \.Ag*  S9 

stretched  along  the  streets;  planted  in  every  avenue  of  ap 
proach,  and  on  the  neighboring  hills,  examining  all  who 
passed."35 

Fortunately  for  Massachusetts  the  excessively  severe 
weather  made  the  roads  so  nearly  impassable  that  the  full 
insurgent  strength  could  not  gather.  Short  by  many  hundreds 
of  their  expected  numbers  and  unable  to  bring  in  sufficient 
supplies  over  the  snow-choked  roads,  the  plan  for  a  descent 
upon  Boston  faded  to  impossibility.  Nor  even  could  Shays 
subsist  his  men  in  Worcester  except  by  levying  on  the  in 
habitants — which  (to  his  credit  be  it  told)  he  did  not  attempt 
—so  on  December  7  he  marched  a  large  detachment  out  of 
the  town  and  two  days  later  the  remainder  were  temporarily 
disbanded. 

On  December  14  Bowdoin  wrote  to  Ward  advising  that 
the  Council  would  meet  on  the  twentieth,  "when  the  means  of 
effectually  suppressing  the  insurgents  will  be  taken  into  serious 
consideration,"  and  asking  his  suggestions  and  advice.  His 
letter  in  facsimile  is  on  the  page  opposite. 

Ward,  replying,  estimated  1500  as  the  strength  that  the 
insurgents  would  be  able  to  muster  at  Worcester  for  the  next 
court  sitting — that  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas,  January  23 
—and  he  strongly  advocated  the  government's  putting  into 
the  field  a  "decided  superiority"  of  numbers  as  "the  most 
likely  way  to  prevent  the  shedding  of  blood."  He  advised 
that  a  force  double  that  of  the  insurgents  be  drawn  from  the 
"lower  counties" — this  would  "serve  as  a  stimulus  to  the 
militia  in  this  county  to  turn  out  in  support  of  Government," 
and  would  "convince  the  insurgents  that  they  are  not  the 
people,  as  they  affect  to  call  themselves."30 

On  December  26  Shays'  men  closed  the  Springfield  Courts 
of  Common  Pleas  and  General  Sessions.  The  news  reached 
Boston  the  following  Sunday,  and  coupled  with  it  was  word 

83  Lincoln,  History  of  Worcester,  Mass.,  First  edition,   146;    1862  edition,   127. 
'""'  Howdoin  and  Temple  Papers,   II,    Il8. — Massachusetts  Historical  Society   Collections, 
7th,  VI. 


^c-.-y 

X? 

'Ac     <e *,<,„, 


S«     S,  S     Jllf       .<.«,,,. 

V-    "^-....  .  -  •.^,.  « ; 


From    the    original    (7^  X  125i)    in    the    Artemas    Ward   .A/SS. 

GOVERNOR  BOWDOIX'S  LETTER  ASKING  WARD'S  ADVICE 
ON  THE  SUPPRESSION  OF  SHAYS'  REBELLION 


1786-1787]          SHAYS'  REBELLION  295 

that  the  insurgents  were  already  preparing  to  prevent  the 
sitting  of  the  Worcester  court. 

The  Council  was  at  last  aroused  to  the  necessity  of  effective 
action.  On  January  4,  acting  on  Ward's  advice,  an  army  of 
4400  men  was  ordered  raised,  and  its  command  was  entrusted 
to  General  Benjamin  Lincoln.  3200  men  were  to  form  the 
army  with  which  Lincoln  was  to  march  to  Worcester  to  up 
hold  the  court;  1200  were  to  rendezvous  at  Springfield. 
There  was  no  money  in  the  treasury  to  supply  the  troops,  but 
a  sufficient  fund  was  quickly  raised  by  loans  from  private 
citizens. 

On  January  12  Ward  wrote  to  Bowdoin  telling  of  a  con 
ference  of  insurgent  officers  to  be  held  at  Rutland  on  January 
1 6,  and  suggested  an  attempt  "to  cast  the  net  over  them."37 
Bowdoin  passed  the  letter  on  to  Lincoln,  but  the  latter's  prepa 
rations  were  not  sufficiently  advanced  to  make  the  plan 
feasible. 

Lincoln  and  his  troops  reached  Worcester  on  January  22 
and  were  joined  there  by  loyal  militia  units.  They  encoun 
tered  no  opposition  and  the  court  sat  uninterruptedly,  for  the 
insurgents  had  shifted  their  aim  and  were  gathering  their 
forces  for  an  attempt  on  the  continental  arsenal  at  Spring 
field,  planning  to  strike  for  its  capture  before  the  main  gov 
ernment  army  could  be  thrown  into  the  scale  against  them. 

The  insurgents  had  suffered  from  the  lack  not  only  of  com 
petent  leaders,  but  also  of  firearms  and  ammunition.  Pos 
session  of  the  arsenal  would  greatly  increase  both  their  mili 
tary  strength  and  their  political  power. 

The  court  completed  its  labors  on  Thursday,  January  25. 
On  the  same  day,  Shays  attempted  a  descent  on  the  arsenal. 
He  was  easily  repulsed,  but  General  Shepard  was  nevertheless 
much  perturbed  by  the  strength  of  the  insurgent  bodies  en 
camped  around  him.  He  feared  for  the  safety  both  of  the 
arsenal  and  of  Springfield  itself,  and  he  sent  expresses  to 

37  Worcester,  Original  Papers,  III,   14,  American  Antiquarian  Society. 


296  ARTEMAS  WARD 

Worcester  calling  for  help.  Lincoln  immediately  responded, 
throwing  one  regiment  of  foot  and  a  small  detachment  of 
cavalry  into  the  arsenal  camp  on  the  night  of  the  twenty- 
sixth,38  and  following  them  next  morning  with  his  full 
command. 

Ward,  meanwhile,  returned  to  Shrewsbury  and  thence  to 
Boston. 

The  opening  of  the  General  Court  had  been  scheduled  for 
January  31  and  Ward  was  present  on  that  day,  but  it  was 
February  3  before  a  quorum  gathered. 

Governor  Bowdoin's  opening  speech  urged  vigorous  action 
to  restore  order.  And  both  branches  of  the  legislature 
promptly  responded. 

"The  plans  for  the  session  seem  to  have  been  prearranged 
by  some  guiding  minds;  for  there  was  a  concert  of  action 
between  the  two  branches  as  well  as  with  the  Governor,  un 
known  since  the  outbreak.  To  Bowdoin's  patriotic  address, 
urging  a  determined  suppression  of  the  rebellion,  the  Senate 
[February  4]  replied  by  the  hand  of  Samuel  Adams,  declar 
ing  a  rebellion  to  exist,  and  promising  to  support  him  in  all 
his  measures  to  restore  the  supremacy  of  the  law.  The  House 
immediately  concurred/'39 

The  very  day  that  a  state  of  rebellion  was  thus  declared, 
the  rebellion  received  its  death  blow. 

The  insurgents  had  retreated  as  Lincoln  advanced  upon 
them  after  reaching  Springfield,  and  soon  after  had  come 
their  dispersal — and  the  breaking  of  the  backbone  of  the  in 
surrection — at  Petersham  on  February  4,  following  Lincoln's 
famous  pursuit  in  a  forced  march  of  thirty  miles  through  a 
driving  snow-storm. 

Small  bodies  of  insurgents  continued  in  arms  for  a  while, 
essaying  guerilla  tactics,  but  they  were  for  the  most  part 
of  the  element  lawless  by  nature.  Among  the  people  gener- 

88  Lincoln  to  Washington,  February  22,  1787,  Sparks  MSS.,  LVII,  f.  10,  Harvard 
College  Library. 

M  Wells,  Life  of  Samuel  Adams,  III,  236. 


SHAYS'  REBELLION  297 

ally,  there  was  little  appetite  left  for  armed  protest.  "Shays' 
Rebellion"  was  no  longer  a  menace  to  the  institutions  of  the 
commonwealth. 

The  strength  of  the  insurgency  had,  even  at  its  height, 
rested  much  less  in  the  half-armed  forces  which  represented 
it  on  the  march  or  in  the  field  than  in  their  background  of  a 
public  sentiment  aflame  with  anger  at  the  legal  pitfalls  beset 
ting  scores  of  communities.  And  public  sentiment,  per 
ceiving  the  futility  of  insurrection,  had  withdrawn  its  sup 
port.  Hundreds  of  the  men  whom  circumstances  had  swept 
from  the  well-traveled  highway  of  political  protest  into  the 
whirlpool  of  rebellion,  were  at  heart  fully  loyal  to  both  their 
state  and  the  Confederacy,  and  they  rejoiced  when  the  re 
bellion  subsided  and  their  feet  were  once  again  on  solid 
ground — though  they  were  perhaps  not  regretful  of  their 
sudden  plunge  if  it  should  have  opened  the  eyes  of  their 
fellows  to  the  needs  and  grievances  of  so  many  of  the  people 
of  the  state. 

And  very  soon — so  soon  indeed  that  the  embers  of  the  in 
surrection  were  barely  cold — one  sees  dissolve  the  worst  fea 
tures  of  -the  economic  and  legal  tangle  which  had  imperiled 
the  commonwealth.  No  great  constitutional  change  took 
place,  but  several  causes  united  to  set  its  life  currents  coursing 
more  healthfully.  Judges  held  creditors  to  some  degree  in 
check;  and  creditors  in  general  had  been  shocked  into  a  more 
careful  consideration.  Further,  in  the  following  November 
the  General  Court  struck  the  shackles  from  propertyless  debt 
ors  by  a  new  law  which  permitted  them  to  step  out  of  the 
gloom  of  the  jails  into  the  sunshine  of  freedom.  The  cred 
itor  could  still  pursue  without  restriction  for  any  property 
that  his  debtor  might  have  or  might  acquire,  but  he  could 
no  longer  condemn  him  indefinitely  to  the  dungeon. 

Then,  too,  commerce  found  new  outlets — and  regained 
some  old  ones — and,  before  long,  prosperity,  in  at  least  toler 
able  measure,  flowed  again  through  the  highways,  helping 
to  wipe  out  both  old  debts  and  old  grievances. 


298  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  59 

In  national  affairs,  also,  the  rebellion  had  served  a  purpose 
as  a  warning  that  could  not  be  ignored  by  any  thoughtful 
man.  Despite  their  handicaps,  the  insurgents  had  shaken 
the  government  of  one  of  the  strongest  states  in  the  Con 
federacy.  And,  as  Washington  testifies,  there  were  "com 
bustibles  in  every  state,  which  a  spark  might  set  fire  to."40 

If  a  new  and  greater  conflagration  should  break  out,  where 
could  be  found  the  power  to  quench  the  flames?  There  could 
be  little  reliance  in  a  national  government  so  weak  that- 
even  while  recording  its  belief  that  its  aid  was  necessary  for 
the  support  of  the  government  of  Massachusetts  in  order  to 
save  the  United  States  from  "the  calamities  of  a  civil  war" — 
it  confessed  itself  afraid  of  the  "perilous  step"  of  arming 
its  ex-soldiers  had  it  not  received  assurances  that  "the 
money  holders  in  the  state  of  Massachusetts  and  the  other 
states"  would  fill  the  loans  to  pay  the  soldiers'  wages.41  It 
was  high  time  for  an  abatement  of  personal  jealousies  and 
grudges,  of  personal  absorption  in  pursuit  of  gain,  of  state 
rivalries  and  selfishness.  Time  too  for  statesmen,  hard  set 
on  political  theories,  to  learn  to  bend  or  shape  them  to  meet 
the  needs  of  the  nation. 

Old  objections  to  a  change  in  the  form  of  national  govern 
ment  had  weakened  under  the  pressure,  and  every  state 
but  Rhode  Island  was  represented  in  the  Constitutional 
Convention  which  on  September  17,  1787,  after  four  months' 
labor  and  debate,  adopted  the  present  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  and  submitted  it  for  ratification. 

Then  followed  a  series  of  stirring — frequently  bitter — fac 
tional  fights  within  the  states.  Victory  was  won  by  the  advo 
cates  of  the  constitution,  and  the  young  republic  thus  took 
another  and  a  firm  step  forward  on  the  road  to  its  future 
greatness.  It  accepted  the  strong  national  government  of 
the  "Federalists"  instead  of  the  League  of  States  of  which 
the  "Anti-Federalists"  were  enamored. 

40  To  Knox,  December  26,   1786. — Ford,   Writings  of  Washington,  XI,   104. 

41  Secret  Journals  of  the  Congress  of  the  Confederation,  Domcstick  Affairs,  October  21, 
1786,  I,  268-270    (1821). 


SHAYS'  REBELLION  299 

There  was  much  opposition*  in  Massachusetts  to  the  re 
strictions  and  sacrifices  of  state  sovereignty  which  the  Con 
stitution  embodied — the  Worcester  County  delegates  voted 
forty-three  for  rejection  and  only  seven  for  acceptance — but 
public  opinion  gradually  veered  toward  it  and  Massachusetts 
became  the  stronghold  of  the  "Federal"  party. 

With  that  change  of  heart  came  Ward's  vindication  among 
his  townsmen.  It  had  been  against  an  overwhelming  major 
ity  that  he  had  maintained  his  stand  for  the  political  integrity 
of  the  commonwealth,  but  in  after  years  there  were  many 
who  contritely  asked  his  pardon  for  the  abuse  they  had 
poured  on  him  for  refusing  to  join  with  them  in  revolt.42 

And  the  clemency  extended  to  the  insurgents,  both  leaders 
and  rank  and  file,  must  have  been  satisfactory  even  to 
Thomas  Jefferson,  who  had  expressed  hope  that  no  severity 
would  be  exercised  in  punishment.  Jefferson  believed  that  an 
occasional  spirit  of  revolt  was  beneficial — even  if  wrongly 
directed,  it  was  better  than  none  at  all!  "I  like  a  little  rebel 
lion  now  and  then,"  he  declared.  "It  is  like  a  storm  in  the 
atmosphere."43 

42  Silvanus    Billings    petition,    Henry    Baldwin    acknowledgment,    etc. — Artcmas    Ward 
MSS. 

43  To  Abigail  Adams,   February  22,    1787. — Paul   Leicester  Ford,   Writings   of   Thomas 
Jefferson,   IV,    370. 


CHAPTER  XV 

1^87-1800:  Age  59-72 

After  Shays'  Rebellion  to  1800.  General  Ward  as  a  "Federalist"  in 
the  Second  and  Third  United  States  Congresses.  His  political 
views.  The  break  with  Samuel  Adams.  His  death. 

DURING  the  legislative  year  commencing  May  30,  1787, 
Ward  took  no  part  in  the  Massachusetts  government, 
but  on  June  4,  1788,  he  was  elected  one  of  the  nine  councilors 
provided  by  the  new  state  constitution  to  advise  and  assist 
the  governor. 

In  December  of  the  same  year  he  was  a  candidate  to  rep 
resent  the  Worcester  district  in  the  first  United  States  con 
gress  under  the  new  national  constitution.  He  was  handi 
capped  by  the  "insurgent"  vote — which  was  not  yet  fully 
reconciled  to  the  part  he  had  taken  in  opposing  the  Shays 
movement — and  he  ran  third  in  a  hotly  contested  election. 
The  two  leading  contestants  were  Colonel  Jonathan  Grout 
and  Timothy  Paine.  On  the  third  vote  Grout  was  elected.1 

1  Rice,  The  Jforcestcr  District  in  Congress,  4. — "Grout,  although  a  lawyer,  had  sym 
pathized  with  the  insurgents,  during  the  Shays  Rebellion,  and  w^as  known  as  a  pro 
nounced  Antifederalist.  Paine  had  been  a  tory  of  the  mild  stripe  in  the  Revolution  but 
had  readily  regained  the  favor  of  the  community  in  which  he  lived  by  his  cheerful 
acquiescence  in  the  new  order.  He  was  a  man  of  wealth  and  influence,  and  was  sup 
ported  by  the  Federalists. 

"Three  trials  were  necessary  before  a  choice  was  effected.  [On  the  first,  Grout  re 
ceived  a  plurality.]  On  the  second  Paine  received  a  plurality.  .  .  .  Artemas  Ward 
appearing  as  a  candidate  of  some  strength,  and  drawing  from  both  sides.  [This  is  in 
accurate,  as  the  Ward  vote  was  approximately  the  same  on  each  ballot — and  was  a 
little  higher  on  the  first  than  on  the  second  and  third.]  These  failures  prolonged  the 
contest  through  the  winter,  with  increasing  excitement  and  ill  feeling.  The  merits  and 
demerits  of  the  candidates  were  set  forth  with  earnestness  in  the  public  print,  and  dis 
cussed  in  private  with  acrimony.  Paine  was  denounced  as  a  tory,  an  aristocrat,  and  an 
enemy  to  the  common  people.  The  objections  to  Grout  were,  that  in  education  and 
ability  he  was  Paine's  inferior,  and  that  he  had  large  property  interests  in  Vermont  and 
New  Hampshire.  A  third  attempt  on  the  zd  of  March,  1789,  resulted  in  Grout's  elec 
tion  by  a  small  majority." 

300 


1787-1791]  AS  A  FEDERALIST  301 

Time  was,  however,  correcting  the  vision  of  the  men  of 
Shrewsbury  and  in  the  following  spring  (1789)  they  elected 
Ward  as  Moderator — the  chief  office  of  the  township;  and 
thereafter  twice  reelected  him. 

It  was  in  the  fall  of  the  same  year  that  Washington  as  the 
first  President  of  the  United  States  visited  New  England: 
everywhere  to  be  received  with  the  highest  respect  and  great 
est  acclaim.  He  arrived  in  Worcester  on  the  morning  of 
October  23,  escorted  into  the  town  by  a  party  of  prominent 
citizens.  He  breakfasted  at  the  United  States  Arms  and 
then  set  out  again  on  the  road  for  Boston,  passing  Ward's 
house  on  his  way;  but  Ward  was  not  there  to  greet  him,  nor 
had  he  taken  any  part  in  the  Worcester  reception — so  deep- 
seated  and  lasting  had  proved  the  estrangement  of  the  two 
men. 

Ward  spent  the  greater  part  of  1789  and  1790  in  semi- 
retirement  on  his  Shrewsbury  farm,  but  in  the  fall  of  the 
latter  year  he  was  again  a  candidate  to  represent  the  Worces 
ter  district  in  the  United  States  House  of  Representatives, 
and  again  the  election  was  close  and  hotly  contested. 

Grout  ran  for  reelection,  and  the  fight  this  time  was  be 
tween  him  and  Ward,  a  third  candidate  running  well  behind 
both. 

On  the  first  vote  (October  4)  neither  Ward  nor  Grout 
obtained  the  requisite  number  (1123)  of  votes:  Ward  re 
ceiving  798  and  Grout  800.  In  the  second  contest,  Novem 
ber  26,  Ward  made  the  goal,  his  vote  running  up  to  1248, 
and  Grout's  reaching  only  1081. 

Ward  set  out  for  Philadelphia  in  the  following  October 
(1791),  traveling  this  time  by  stage  coach  instead  of  on 
horseback  as  eleven  years  earlier  he  had  ridden  to  the  same 
town  to  attend  the  Continental  Congress.  He  arrived  Oc 
tober  22, 2  two  days  before  the  opening  of  the  first  session  of 

a  Philadelphia,  October  22 :  "...  Artemas  Ward,  Representative  in  Congress  from 
Massachusetts,  is  arrived  in  this  city.  To  that  state  and  to  this  officer,  American  liberty  is 
particularly  indebted.  In  that  gloomy  year,  viz  1775,  when  Boston  was  in  the  pos- 


302  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  63 

the  Second  Congress.  And  he  was  equally  punctual  at  the 
other  three  sessions  of  his  two  terms. 

The  United  States  Congress  then  was  a  small  assemblage 
compared  with  that  of  today.  The  total  enrolment  of  Rep 
resentatives  in  the  Second  Congress  was  only  sixty-nine;  and 
only  thirty-eight  were  present  when  it  was  called  to  order. 

Ward  aligned  himself  with  the  "Federalists"  (or  "Nation 
alists,"  as  they  had  better  been  called),  who  supported  Wash 
ington  and  Alexander  Hamilton  and  John  Adams  in  their 
stand  for  a  strong  central  government  exercising  the  fullest 
possible  power  that  could  be  assumed  under  the  Constitution; 
and  many  of  whom  inclined  toward  a  social  system  akin  to 
that  of  England.  Of  opposing  views  were  the  "Anti-Federal 
ists"  :  those  of  states'  rights  and  individualistic  views,  who  ob 
jected  to  the  national  government's  reaching  out  for  power 
and  authority,  and  who  looked  askance  at  the  almost  regal 
ceremonials  of  Washington's  administration.  Sectionalism 
and  variance  of  agrarian  and  commercial  interests  also  pro 
vided  reasons  for  cleavage.3 

Political  parties  did  not  in  those  first  years  attain  strong 
cohesion,  but  the  outstanding  testimony  of  the  recorded 
votes  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  Second  Con 
gress  is  that  New  England,  led  by  Massachusetts,  supported 
Washington's  administration  in  nearly  every  important  vote, 
and  that  the  South,  led  by  Virginia,  opposed  it;  that  New 

session  of  a  regular  and  well  appointed  British  force,  inimical  to  liberty,  before  the  other 
colonies  had  fully  taken  the  alarm,  the  sons  of  Massachusetts  dared  to  assert  their  rights, 
and  this  gentleman  was  appointed  by  them  to  conduct  their  enterprises.  To  have  men 
tioned  resistance  in  the  field,  would  have  been  acknowledged  a  proof  of  temerity,  in  some 
parts,  at  the  period  to  which  we  allude.  But  Ward  and  his  followers  thought  and  acted 
otherwise.  Scantily  supplied  with  arms  and  ammunition,  they  kept  in  awe  the  flower 
of  the  British  troops.  To  him  therefore  and  to  them  the  praise  of  firmness  and  conduct 
are  due — They  gallantly  began  to  effect  that  revolution,  which  was  afterwards  gloriously 
completed  by  confederated  America,  under  the  auspices  of  a  Washington,  to  whom 
the  patriotick  Ward,  in  obedience  to  Congress,  resigned  the  command  of  the  army, 
and  continued  to  act  as  first  Major  General." — Massachusetts  Spy,  November  3,  1791. 
8  The  issue  which  gave  rise  to  the  party  names  of  "Federalist"  and  "Anti-Federalist" 
had  been  banished  by  the  acceptance  of  the  constitution,  but  the  names  continued  with 
changed,  and  changing,  significance  as  party  labels. 


AS  A  FEDERALIST  303 

England  was  generally  Federal,  and  that  the  South  was 
generally  Anti-Federal.4 

Ward  had  full  confidence  in  the  honesty  and  intelligence 
of  the  people  and  their  ability  to  decide  correctly  on  subjects 
familiar  to  them,  but  during  the  years  of  the  Revolutionary 
War,  and  those  succeeding  it,  he  had  witnessed  so  many  in 
stances  of  the  populace  acting  upon  subjects  of  which  it  had 
little  understanding  that  he  felt  that  the  public  weal  was  best 
served  by  a  government  with  balance-wheels  set  beyond  its 
direct  control. 

As  early  as  March  13,  1781,  he  had  written  to  Samuel 
Osgood:  "You  say  that  which  comports  with  the  general  sen 
timents  of  the  people  is  political  justice.  If  you  mean  to  have 
them  first  well  informed  I  shall  not  differ  much  about  the 
matter;  but  if  you  mean  the  general  sentiment  of  the  people 
made  up  without  due  consideration  I  must  beg  leave  to 
dissent."5  Again,  two  years  later  (April  23,  1783),  to  Gen 
eral  Lincoln :  "When  I  see  the  methods  that  are  taken  by  some 
&  the  inattention  of  others,  to  their  Rights  and  Priviledges,  I 
am  almost  ready  to  say,  that  the  choice  of  the  first  magistrate 
[i.e.,  the  choice  of  the  governor  of  the  state]  ought  by  no 
means,  be  committed  to  the  People  at  large.  I  apprehend  the 
inattention  of  the  people  is  so  great  that  there  is  danger  of 
their  being  undone  before  they  are  aware  of  it."0 

Thus  feeling  and  believing,  Ward  was  a  whole-souled  Fed 
eralist.  He  was  proud  to  belong  to  the  party  whose  strong 
constructive  work  is  the  most  remarkable  feature  of  the  first 
years  under  the  United  States  Constitution.  The  Federal 
policies  were  to  him  the  true  New  England  Politics  (that  was 
his  favorite  way  of  referring  to  them),  as  Congregationalism 

4  An  interesting  tabulation  of  a  number  of  the  votes  of  the  first  four   United    States 
congresses  is  given  in  Libby's  "Political  Factions  in  Washington's  Administration,"   Quar 
terly  Journal  of  the  University  of  North  Dakota,  III,  293—318.     I  cannot,  though,  agree 
with  the  deductions  that   Professor   Libby  draws.      An  important  inaccuracy  in   the   votes 
of  the  Third  Congress,  Table  VI,  is  corrected  on  page  311,  note  17,  of  this  chapter. 

5  MS.  draft  in  the  possession    (1921)    of  Ward  Dix  Kerlin,  Camden,  N.  J. 

6  Original  letter,  Fogg  Collection,  Maine  Historical  Society. 


3o4  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  63-64 

was  to  him  the  New  England  Religion.  As  such  he  upheld 
them  both  in  his  adjurations  to  his  sons.7 

Ward  was  an  appointee  on  numerous  military  committees. 
Among  them — only  eight  days  after  his  first  attendance — was 
one  (November  i,  1791)  to  prepare  and  bring  in  a  bill  for 
the  establishment  of  a  militia,  and  competent  magazines,  ar 
senals,  and  fortifications.8 

Faithful  attention  to  duty  marked  him  as  in  his  younger 
days.  On  January  23,  1792,  he  notes,  "I  have  had  an  ill  turn 
for  one  day  whereby  I  was  prevented  from  attending  my  duty 
in  Congress";  but  he  proudly  adds,  "saving  that,  I  have  not 
been  absent  one  hour."9 

His  body  was,  however,  weaker  than  his  will,  for  the  fol 
lowing  month  (February  18)  he  was  obliged  to  write  that  he 
had  been  prevented  from  attending  his  "duty  in  Congress 
about  ten  days  by  reason  of  Indisposition.  I  was  first  taken 
with  the  Gravel.  As  soon  as  I  had  got  well  of  that  difficulty, 
I  was  taken  with  the  Gout  in  my  feet.  Have  been  much  ex 
ercised  with  pain  in  them.  They  are  now  become  quite  easy 
but  much  swollen.  I  am  not  able  to  put  on  my  shoes.  I  hope 
by  the  Blessing  of  a  kind  Providence  in  a  few  days  to  be  able 
to  attend  Congress  again."9 

Four  days  later  (February  22)  he  wrote,  "I  am  still  de 
tained  from  attending  Congress  on  account  of  the  gout.  I 

1  To  his  youngest  son,  Henry  Dana,  then  living  in  Orangeburgh,  S.  C.,  Ward  wrote, 
February  25,  1795,  "I  wish  to  have  you  obtain  the  esteem  of  the  people  among  whom 
you  dwell ;  but  to  obtain  that,  I  would  not  have  you  renounce  the  New-England  Politics 
nor  Religion";  and  again  on  March  3  of  the  same  year,  "I  hope  you  will  endeavor  to 
get  the  good  will  of  the  people  among  whom  you  reside,  but  in  order  to  obtain  that  I 
hope  you  will  not  sacrifice  your  Political  principles,  nor  your  religion,  as  too  many  have 
done.  A  steady  firm  adherence  to  right  principles  is  more  likely  to  raise  a  man  in 
the  opinion  of  others  than  shifting  &  turning  about  like  a  wethercock  with  every  breth  of 
wind."  The  originals  of  both  these  letters  are  in  the  possession  (1921)  of  Maria 
Whittelsey  Norris,  Grand  Rapids,  Mich. 

8  The  membership  of  the  committee  is  not  given  in  the  generally  consulted  "Annals  of 
Congress"  (Gales  and  Seaton,  Debates  and  Proceedings  in  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States,  1849),  but  it  may  be  found  in  the  first  (1792)  edition  of  the  House  Journal,  the 
Gales  and  Seaton  reprint  of  1826,  and  (incorrectly  dated  October  31)  in  [John  Agg's] 
History  of  Congress  exhibiting  a  classification  of  the  proceeding*  .  .  .  the  first  term 
of  the  Administration  of  General  Washington,  489. 

•  To  his  son,  Thomas  Walter  Ward.— Original  letters,  Artemas  Ward  MSS. 


AS  A  FEDERALIST  305 

have  but  little  pain,  but  my  left  foot,  ankle  &  small  of  my 
leg  is  very  much  swollen.  I  can't  get  on  my  shoe,  and  the 
Streats  are  so  damp  &  wet  that  it's  not  safe  to  go  out  unless 
I  could  wear  my  shoe.  Hope  in  a  short  time  to  be  able  to 
attend  my  duty  in  Congress."9 

One  consolation  he  found  in  his  sickness  was  that  it  af 
forded  him  an  excuse  for  not  taking  part  in  the  celebration 
of  Washington's  birthday.  "This  day"  (February  22),  he 
wrote,  "is  the  President's  birthday  &  there  is  a  mighty  fuss 
in  this  City  on  that  account.  Being  unwell  I  am  excused  from 
taking  any  part  therein,  &  that  gives  me  no  pain,  but  rather 
pleasure." 

Ward  supported  many  Washington  policies,  but  he  never 
attained  a  personal  liking  for  the  Virginian. 

His  interest  in  the  welfare  of  his  constituents  is  ever  pres 
ent.  He  writes  (in  his  letter  of  January  23,  already  quoted) , 
"there  are  matters  before  Congress  of  very  great  importance, 
such  as  the  Indian  war,10  representation  in  Congress  whether 
one  for  every  thirty  thousand,  &c,  militia  law  &c.  I  wish 
they  may  all  be  determined  in  such  manner  as  will  be  most 
for  the  benefit  of  the  people  at  large." 

He  dwelt  (February  22)  on  the  danger  of  too  many  Rep 
resentatives:  "I  fear  the  next  choice  of  Representatives  for 
Congress  will  give  too  many  members  for  the  benefit  of  the 
people  at  large;  Congress  having  determined  there  shall  be 
one  for  every  thirty  thousand  persons  in  the  United  States, 
so  that  Massachusetts  will  have  fifteen  members  instead  of 
eight.  It  will  make  the  expence  of  Government  much  greater 
and  the  business  not  done  any  better,  and  I  think  the  people 
be  in  more  danger  of  having  their  Rights  incroached  upon; 
for  an  Individual  in  a  large  assembly  will  not  look  upon  him 
self  so  much  accountable  to  his  constituents  for  what  is  done, 

0  See  note  9  on  preceding  page. 

10  The  intermittent  warfare  with  the  Indians — chiefly  at  this  period  in  western  Ohio 
and  Indiana  (both  Indiana  and  Ohio  then  being  part  of  the  Northwest  Territory), — had 
temporarily  assumed  a  serious  aspect  by  the  complete  rout  of  St.  Clair's  force  on 
November  4,  1791. 


3o6  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  64-65 

—he  will  hide  himself  in  the  multitude  and  say  I  was  not  pres 
ent  when  this  &  that  thing  was  transacted.  I  wish  many 
things  were  different  from  what  they  are  at  present." 

He  never  held  a  high  opinion  of  the  chronic  speechmaker. 
On  March  i  he  writes:  "There  is  more  business  that  ought 
to  be  done  before  we  rise,  than  we  have  hitherto  done.  There 
are  so  many  that  have  so  high  a  favor  for  speechafying  that 
they  hinder  business  amasingly,  and  one  half  of  it  is  nothing 
to  the  purpose.  If  there  were  fewer  speakers  &  more  inde 
pendent  men  we  should  do  much  better." 

He  found  the  life  in  Philadelphia  "Very  unpleasant  and 
irksome,"  and  he  declared  that  he  wished  "never  to  be  re- 
elected."11 

March  10,  there  came  up  a  resolution  which  reads  inter 
estingly  in  the  light  of  the  startling  events  which  followed: 

"Resolved,  That  this  House  hath  received,  with  sentiments 
of  high  satisfaction,  the  notification  of  the  King  of  the  French, 
of  his  acceptance  of  the  Constitution  presented  to  him  in  the 
name  of  the  Nation:  And  that  the  President  of  the  United 
States  be  requested,  in  his  answer  to  the  said  notification,  to 
express  the  sincere  participation  of  the  House  in  the  interests 
of  the  French  Nation,  on  this  great  and  important  event; 

"And  their  wish,  that  the  wisdom  and  magnanimity  dis 
played  in  the  formation  and  acceptance  of  the  Constitution, 
may  be  rewarded  by  the  most  perfect  attainment  of  its  object, 
the  permanent  happiness  of  so  great  a  people." 

Ward  voted  for  the  first  section,  but  against  the  second. 
He  perhaps  did  not  believe  in  the  "magnanimity"  of  Louis 
XVI,  and  he  saw  further  than  some  of  his  colleagues,  for  it 
was  only  five  months  later  that  Louis  fled  to  the  Assembly 
for  protection,  and  a  mob  sacked  the  Tuileries — young  Cap 
tain  Napoleon  Bonaparte  being  an  interested  observer;  and 
it  was  less  than  a  year  before  he  was  condemned  to  the  guil 
lotine  for  "conspiracy  against  the  liberty  of  the  nation  and 
criminal  attacks  upon  the  safety  of  the  state." 

11  To  Thomai  Walter  Ward. — Original   letter,   Artemas   Ward  MSS. 


1792]  AS  A  FEDERALIST  307 

A  few  weeks  after  the  House  vote  on  the  congratulatory 
resolutions  to  Louis  XVI,  Congress  (May  8)  adjourned  to 
November  5,  and  Ward  returned  to  Shrewsbury. 

The  journey  to  and  from  Philadelphia  every  year  by  stage 
over  the  broken,  eroded  route  of  the  eighteenth  century  was 
a  severe  strain  upon  a  man  of  his  age  and  condition.  Of 
that  to  the  second  session  of  the  Second  Congress  he  wrote 
(November  13),  "I  arrived  at  this  place  on  the  first  instant 
much  unwell  by  the  fatiguing  journey  I  had,"  and  again,  on 
December  28,  "I  have  been  unwell  a  great  part  of  the  time 
I  have  been  here,  ...  I  have  at  times  been  exercised  with 
excrutiating  pain.  That  is  now  abated  and  I  hope  through 
Divine  goodness  I  may  enjoy  better  health."12 

In  his  letter  of  November  13,  he  spoke  of  the  hope  of  ter 
minating  the  Indian  war,  "which  has  cost  us  millions  of  dol 
lars."  The  English  government  was  suspected  of  aiding  the 
Indians  with  supplies  and  ammunition,  but  English  traders 
had  become  "sick  of  the  war,  because  the  Indians  have  noth 
ing  to  trade  with;  they  having  spent  so  much  time  in  Counsels 
&  war." 

In  his  letter  of  December  28,  he  approvingly  noted  the 
reelection  of  John  Adams  as  Vice-President  "by  a  much 
greater  majority  than  he  was  first  chosen  by,  to  the  great 
mortification  of  those  who  have  been  endeavouring  to  prevent 
his  being  chosen."  Washington  had  again  been  unanimously 
elected  President. 

Ward  rejoiced  also  at  the  victories  of  the  French  revo 
lutionists.  "I  congratulate  you,"  he  wrote,  "on  the  success 
of  the  French  armes  against  the  combined  Armies.  They 
have  drove  them  out  of  France,  killed  and  taken  many  thou 
sands  of  them  with  large  quantities  of  Ordnance  &  Stores  and 
were  pursuing  them  in  the  beginning  of  October  last,  which 
is  the  latest  accounts  we  have  from  France." 

He  added  the  hope  that  "the  French  may  have  wisdom  to 
make  a  right  improvement  of  the  advantage  they  have  ob- 

12  To  Thomas  Walter  Ward. — Original  letters,  Artemas  Ward  MSS. 


3o8  ARTEMAS  WARD  {Age  65 

tained  over  their  enemies," — for  on  November  13  he  had 
noted  "from  France  they  appear  to  be  in  a  very  disagreeable 
situation,  not  knowing  how  to  use  their  rights  &  turn  their 
rage  against  their  best  friends." 

But  no  one  could  yet  foresee  the  distortions  and  deformi 
ties  which  the  European  turmoil  was  to  breed  in  the  American 
body  politic ! 

Ward  had  declared  himself  as  opposed  to  a  second  term, 
but  he  was  nevertheless  reflected — this  time  on  the  first  vote 
and  by  a  handsome  majority — to  the  Third  Congress. 

The  Second  Congress  closed  on  March  2,  1793,  and  the 
Third  Congress  did  not  meet  until  December  2. 

Between  those  two  dates  lies  a  spectacularly  feverish  pe 
riod  of  American  history,  for  domestic  divergencies  split 
wide  open  upon  the  rock  of  the  French  Revolution.  The 
upheaval  in  France  had  shaken  the  entire  civilized  world  and 
the  waves  rolled  high  upon  the  American  shore,  all  but  wreck 
ing  the  government  with  the  extreme  violence  of  the  emotions 
it  roused. 

France,  in  her  desperate  defiance  of  the  monarchical  powers 
of  Europe,  claimed  the  aid  of  the  United  States,  and  thou 
sands  of  Americans — blind  to,  or  disregarding,  the  vul 
nerability  of  their  own  so  newly  established  country — were 
eagerly  willing  that  she  should  respond  immediately  and  in 
full  to  the  French  demands  upon  her. 

By  the  early  summer,  sympathy  with  the  French  revolution 
ists  had  mounted  to  the  point  of  passion.  "Democratic  So 
cieties,"  modeled  on  the  Jacobins  Club  of  Paris,  were  organ 
ized  by  the  extreme  "French  Party"  of  the  Democratic-Re 
publicans — a  new  name  for  the  Anti-Federalists.  Politics 
boiled  as  a  veritable  orgy  of  factional  discord,  dissension,  and 
abuse. 

America's  clash  would  be  with  England — and  this  added 
zest  instead  of  exciting  caution,  for  the  old  Revolutionary  an 
tagonism,  continued  and  nursed  by  years  of  unsettled  griev 
ances,  had  been  heightened  by  the  depredations  on  American 


1792-1793}  AS  A  FEDERALIST  309 

merchantmen  which  followed  England's  entry  into  the  Euro 
pean  conflict.  "Ten  thousand  people  in  the  streets  of  Phila 
delphia,  day  after  day,  threatened  to  drag  Washington  out 
of  his  house,  and  effect  a  revolution  in  the  government,  or 
compel  it  to  declare  war  in  favor  of  the  French  revolution 
and  against  England."13 

Washington  held  firm  for  neutrality.  His  stand  drove  the 
"French  Party"  to  frenzy,  but  it  saved — just  barely  saved — 
the  country  from  being  drawn  into  the  European  maelstrom. 

The  swiftly  moving  current  of  events  heightened  differences 
of  opinion  and  viewpoint,  and  strengthened  new  lines  of  de 
marcation.  Ward  stood  firm  with  Washington:  sheerly  op 
posite  to  the  sentiments  of  his  old  friend  Samuel  Adams. 
Ward  and  Samuel  Adams  had  been  drifting  apart,  and  the 
acrimony  over  the  American  policy  toward  England  and 
France  severed  the  ties  of  a  generation  of  intimate  political 
fellowship. 

It  was  the  same  practical  bent  which  had  directed  Ward's 
support  of  so  many  Federal  measures  that  enlisted  him  also 
for  neutrality. 

He  was  thoroughly  imbued  with  the  belief  that  self-gov 
ernment  is  an  inherent  right,  and  his  sympathies  were  with  all 
those  struggling  for  political  freedom,14  but  it  was  solely  and 
specifically  for  the  political  liberty  of  his  own  province  of 
Massachusetts,  that,  nineteen  years  before,  he  had  risked  life 
and  honor  by  heading  a  revolutionary  army — not  for  the  gen 
eral  theory  of  human  rights;  and  he  was  not  willing  to  en 
danger  the  triumphant  result,  an  independent  American  re- 

13  Works  of  John  Adams,  X,  47. 

14  On  the  news  of  the  Polish  triumphs  of  the  spring  and  summer  of   1794,  he  wrote 
(November  20,    1794)    to  his   daughter   Sarah  and   her  husband,   Elijah   Brigham:   "The 
King  of  Prussia  does  not  succeed  to  his  wish  against  the  Poles.     He  will  it  is  hoped  have 
more  to  do  to  suppress  the  insurrections  in  his  own  dominions  than  he  will  be  able  to 
accomplish.     The  spirit  of  liberty  appears  to  be  kindling  in  Europe,  &  will  it  is  thought 
burst  forth  into  a  mighty  flame.     Then  Emperors  &  Kings  must  hide  their  heads  or  lose 
them." — Original    letter    owned     (1921)     by    the    Reverend    Francis    E.    Clark,    Boston. 
(Poland's  success  was  short-lived.     She  had  been  crushed  at  Maciejowice  and  Praga  dur 
ing  the  October  preceding  the  date  of  Ward's  letter.) 


3io  ARTEMAS  WARD  \_Age6s~66 

public,  on  so  unsatisfactory  a  hazard  as  a  naval  war  with 
Great  Britain:  neither  to  aid  revolutionary  France,  nor  in 
retaliation  for  commercial  losses,  while  there  existed  the 
possibility  of  peaceful  adjustment. 

Samuel  Adams,  on  the  other  hand,  stood  as  the  Massa 
chusetts  leader  of  the  "Antis,"  the  Democratic-Republicans  or 
"Republicans" — of  the  sentiment  of  the  Democratic  Societies 
—or  the  "Jacobins,"  as  they  came  to  be  known. 

The  hectic  excitement  had  subsided  before  the  Third  Con 
gress  met — the  pro-French  exhilaration  had  been  damped  both 
by  the  fearful  epidemic  of  yellow  fever  which  scourged  the 
capital  and  by  the  political  excesses  of  Citizen  Genet,  the 
French  minister — but  there  remained  the  strong  rancor 
against  England,  and  early  in  1794  the  war  spirit  began 
mounting  again  as  Congress  and  the  country  dwelt  upon  the 
ruin  that  English  activities  were  bringing  upon  American 
maritime  commerce. 

With  the  world  in  convulsion,  a  host  of  vessels — British, 
French,  and  Spanish — and  both  the  English  and  French  Ad 
miralties — were  preying  upon  American  ships,15  but  Eng 
land's  greater  fleet  gave  her  more  numerous  opportunities  and 
much  the  largest  list  of  victims.  English  warships  and  pri 
vateers  had  fallen  with  overwhelming  force  upon  hundreds  of 
American  vessels  which  had  swarmed  to  the  French  West 
Indies  to  enjoy  the  advantage  of  the  French  Declaration 
placing  American  ships  trading  with  French  colonies  on  a  full 
equality  with  French  ships.10  Further,  England's  impress 
ment  of  American  seamen  whipped  rage  to  a  keener  edge. 

The  Democratic-Republicans  now  found  allies  among  the 
Federalists,  and  both  Congress  and  the  country  began  to  pre 
pare  for  war.  Resolutions  passed  for  coast  fortifications,  and 
the  purchase  of  artillery;  plans  were  submitted  for  the  rais 
ing  of  an  army;  and  citizens  volunteered  for  work  on  the 
defenses. 

1(1  American  State  Papers,  Foreign,   I,  424. 

19  February  19,   1793,  American  State  Papers,  Foreign,  I,   147. 


1793-1794]  AS  A  FEDERALIST  311 

On  April  7  there  appeared  again  the  favorite  weapon 
of  the  Revolution — a  resolution  prohibiting  commercial  in 
tercourse  with  British  subjects — and  it  found  quick  support  in 
both  House  and  Senate. 

The  outlook  was  even  more  dangerous  than  it  had  been 
the  preceding  summer.  War  with  England  was  being  de 
manded  for  the  protection  of  American  shipping;  yet  at  that 
time  war  could  only  have  meant  its  annihilation  without  the 
possibility  of  adequate  reprisal.  Above  all  else,  the  new 
United  States  required  peace:  time  in  which  to  develop  its 
resources,  and  tranquillity  so  that  its  people  might  devote 
themselves  to  industry  instead  of  to  conflict. 

Measures  for  military  preparation  were  justifiable — were 
indeed  imperatively  demanded  by  the  world  turmoil — but  the 
situation  was  rapidly  getting  out  of  hand. 

Ward  voted  five  times  against  the  resolution  prohibiting 
(or,  as  finally  amended,  severely  restricting)  commercial  in 
tercourse  with  British  subjects,  but  united  Republican  and  Fed 
eral  votes  passed  it  in  the  House  of  Representatives.  It  re 
ceived  less  than  majority  support  on  the  second  reading  in 
the  Senate,  but  only  John  Adams'  vote  as  president  of  the 
Senate  stopped  its  passing  to  a  third  reading  and  possible 
acceptance.17 

17  Several  histories  incorrectly  report,  or  convey  an  incorrect  impression  of,  this  incident 
of  John  Adams'  vote.  They  state  that  the  non-intercourse  bill  was  "defeated  in  the 
Senate  only  by  the  casting  vote  of  Vice-president  Adams." — Avery,  History  of  the  United 
States,  VII,  127;  that  "it  was  lost  in  the  Senate  only  by  the  casting  of  the  vote  of  the 
vice-president." — Bassett,  The  Federalist  System,  125  (Volume  XI  of  The  American 
Nation),  and  so  forth.  The  history  of  the  bill  in  the  Senate  is,  instead,  briefly  as  follows: 
It  was  read  the  first  time  on  April  25  and  ordered  to  a  second  reading.  It  was  read  the 
second  time  on  April  28  and  put  to  a  vote,  but  was  rejected  (the  leading  section  by  a  vote 
of  14  nays  against  II  yeas).  Next  came  the  vote  on  a  motion  to  pass  it  for  a  third 
reading.  The  loss  of  the  motion  meant  the  loss  of  the  bill ;  to  carry  the  motion  would 
give  another  opportunity  to  endeavor  to  carry  the  bill.  Its  advocates  mustered  two  addi 
tional  votes,  and  one  of  its  opponents  failed  to  vote,  thus  bringing  about  the  tie  of  13 
and  13  which  was  ended  by  John  Adams.  Under  the  circumstances  one  can  only  specu 
late  on  the  outcome  if  the  bill  had  passed  to  a  third  reading. 

On  page  303,  note  4,  this  chapter,  reference  is  made  to  a  tabulation  of  votes  of  the  first 
four  United  States  congresses  in  Colby's  "Political  Factions  in  Washington's  Administra 
tion."  One  of  the  seemingly  inevitable  inaccuracies  of  such  tabulations  unfortunately 
reversed  the  record  and  significance  of  all  the  votes  on  this  proposed  "Non-intercourse 
with  Great  Britain."  The  Nays  are  listed  as  /fw/i-Adiriinistration,  whereas  the  opposite 


3i2  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  66 

The  need  for  an  understanding  with  England  had  become 
urgent,  and  Washington,  with  the  consent  of  the  Senate 
(obtained  while  the  non-intercourse  resolution  was  hatch 
ing  in  the  House),  sent  John  Jay  across  the  ocean  to 
negotiate  it. 

The  year  following  was  a  most  difficult  and  trying  period. 
The  harassing  of  American  commerce  was  maintained  to  an 
extent  which  kept  the  country  in  hysterical  anger.  The 
Washington-John  Adams  Federalists  held  the  helm  steady 
awaiting  the  result  of  Jay's  efforts  in  England,  but  under  a 
continuous  fire  of  insult  from  the  "French  Party" — which 
charged  toryism  and  monarchical  tendencies,  subservience  to 
England  and  English  gold — ignoring  the  fact  that  France 
to  the  best  of  her  lesser  ability  was  almost  equally  culpable 
with  her  foe  across  the  channel. 

In  Ward's  case  at  all  events  his  stand  was  not  suggested 
or  influenced  by  any  partiality  toward  England.  Despite  the 
excesses  and  atheism  of  the  French  revolutionists,  their  of 
fenses  against  American  commerce,  and  the  political  methods 
of  their  chief  protagonists  in  this  country,  his  sympathies  were 
still  for  France  in  her  conflict  with  England  and  her  other 
enemies.  He  was  strongly  gratified  by  the  defeat  of  the 
Duke  of  York  and  the  other  allied  commanders  at  the  battle 
of  Tourcoing — "By  accounts  arrived  here,"  he  wrote,  "the 
French  still  continue  to  conquer.  The  Duke  of  York  has  met 
with  a  sad  rebuff.  I  wish  he  may  meet  with  more  of  the 
like  kind."18 

The  Democratic  Societies  nevertheless  burrowed  desper 
ately  in  their  efforts  further  to  undermine  the  Federal  Party, 
and  Ward  and  the  other  strict  Federalists  were,  using  the 
words  of  an  indignant  writer  in  the  Columbian  Centinel  (Oc 
tober  25,  1794),  "vilified  worse  than  Robbers  and  even  Dev- 

is    the    truth.      The    error    involves    between    one-fifth    and-  one-sixth    of    all    the    Third 
Congress    votes   considered. 

18  November  20,   1794,  to  his  daughter  Sarah  and  her  husband,  Elijah  Brigham.     This 
letter   is   quoted   also   on   page   309,   note    14. 


17941  AS  A  FEDERALIST  313 

ils  would  be,  and  charged  with  crimes  that  Men  are  not 
capable  of  committing." 

The  conditions  were  a  severe  strain  upon  the  general, 
whose  health  was  again  poor,  but  he  stood  to  his  post  despite 
the  remonstrances  of  his  family.  Henry  Dana,  writing  to 
his  brother  Thomas  Walter  (June  30,  1794),  said  he  feared 
that  their  father  would  "be  called  to  take  his  seat  in  Heaven 
at  least  four  years  sooner  for  his  having  holden  on  in 
Congress."19 

The  summer  and  fall  were  further  perturbed  by  the 
"Whiskey  Insurrection"20  in  western  Pennsylvania.  The  dis 
turbances  which  bear  that  title  arose  from  efforts  to  enforce 
the  payment  of  United  States  excise  fees  and  the  resentment 
of  the  inhabitants  at  government  interference  with,  and  taxa 
tion  of,  their  whiskey  distilling — an  industry  of  high  impor 
tance  to  them  because  it  afforded  the  easiest  and  most  profit 
able  method  of  marketing  their  surplus  corn.  Riotous  de 
fiances  of  government  revenue  officers  mounted  finally  to  the 
brink  of  armed  rebellion,  with  several  thousand  men  gather 
ing  in  opposition  to  the  government.  Grave  fears  were 
aroused  that  their  action  might  stimulate  uprisings  in  other 
parts  of  the  country;  and  that  English  agents  were  respon 
sible  for  the  spread  of  disaffection. 

The  insurrection  died  down  at  the  (intentionally)  leisurely 
approach  of  a  government  army  of  15,000  men,  but  it  fed 
the  flames  of  party  animosity.  Washington,  in  a  formal 
message  to  Congress,  November  19,  charged  the  serious 
character  of  the  disturbances  to  the  Democratic  Societies — 
referring  to  them  by  the  peculiar  euphemism  of  "certain  self- 
created  societies" ;  and  members  of  the  Democratic  Societies 
retorted  that  the  insurrection  had  been  grossly  exaggerated 
by  Alexander  Hamilton — the  most  monarchical  of  the  Fed- 

19  Original  letter,  Artemas   Ward  MSS. 

20  At  the  time  also  known  as  "Gallatin's  Insurrection"  because,  until  it  verged  to  arms, 
opposition  to  the  excise  had  been  led  by  Senator  Albert  Gallatin,  the  young  Swiss,  already 
well  on  his  way  to  political  leadership  and  high  government  position. 


3 14  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  66-67 

eralists — for  the  express  purpose  of  staging  an  example  and 
proof  of  the  strength  of  the  authority  of  the  national  gov 
ernment. 

In  the  preparation  by  the  House  of  Representatives  of  its 
address  in  response  to  the  President's  message,  Ward  voted 
in  the  affirmative  to  so  amend  a  proposed  clause  as  to  speci 
fically  endorse  Washington's  charge  against  the  "self-created 
societies."  Thus  amended,  the  clause  read:  "In  tracing  the 
origin  and  progress  of  the  insurrection,  we  can  entertain  no 
doubt  that  certain  self-created  societies  and  combinations  of 
men,  careless  of  consequences  and  disregarding  the  truth,  by 
disseminating  suspicions,  jealousies,  and  accusations  of  the 
government;  have  had  all  the  agency  you  ascribe  to  them,  in 
fomenting  this  daring  outrage  against  social  order  and  the 
authority  of  the  laws." 

Ward  voted  against  the  majority  which  as  an  afterthought 
modified  the  charge  by  limiting  it  to  "certain  self-created  so 
cieties  and  combinations  of  men  in  the  four  Western  coun 
ties  of  Pennsylvania,  and  parts  adjacent";  and  again  against 
the  majority  by  his  vote  to  restore  most  of  the  original  signifi 
cance  of  the  clause  by  supplementing  the  limiting  sentence  with 
the  words  "countenanced  by  self-created  societies  elsewhere." 

On  yet  another  vote  the  entire  clause  was  defeated,  and 
direct  reference  to  "self-created  societies"  was  avoided  in  the 
address  adopted  (November  28),  but  the  record  of  the  de 
bate  is  valuable  as  an  indication  of  the  thought  and  trend 
of  the  times.21 

The  Third  Congress  dissolved  on  March  3,  1795,  and 
General  Ward  welcomed  its  end  as  the  self-appointed  termina 
tion  of  his  political  career.  "This  day  the  Session  of  Con- 

21  In  the  Senate,  the  Federalists  defeated  an  effort  to  expunge  reference  to  the  "self- 
created  societies"  in  its  reply  to  the  President's  message.  The  Senate  address  declared 
that  "our  anxiety  arising  from  the  licentious  and  open  resistance  to  the  laws  in  the  West 
ern  counties  of  Pennsylvania  has  been  increased  by  the  proceedings  of  certain  self-created 
societies,  relative  to  the  laws  and  administration  of  the  Government;  proceedings,  in  our 
apprehension,  founded  in  political  error,  calculated,  if  not  intended,  to  disorganize  our 
Government,  and  which,  by  inspiring  delusive  hopes  of  support,  have  been  influential  in 
misleading  our  fellow  citizens  in  the  scene  of  insurrection." 


1794-1795]  AS  A  FEDERALIST  315 

gress  closeth,"  he  wrote  to  his  son  Henry  Dana,  "and  this 
day  finisheth  my  public  political  life.  I  shall  now  return  to  the 
private  walks  of  life,  and  spend  the  few  remaining  days  of  my 
Pilgrimage  ...  in  solitude;  I  have  spent  many  of  my  days, 
I  may  say  years,  in  the  bustles  of  this  transitory  world;  I  hope 
not  altogether  unprofitably  to  my  constituents,  myself,  &  those 
that  shall  hereafter  come  on  the  stage  of  life."22 

On  his  way  home  from  Philadelphia  he  stopped  off  at 
Middletown,  Conn.,  to  visit  his  daughter  Maria  (Tracy). 
Of  his  journey  he  wrote  thence,  March  17,  to  his  son  Thomas 
Walter,  "the  travelling  is  excessive  bad,  I  never  saw  it  worse, 
nor  more  dangerous."23 

Only  four  days  after  the  Third  Congress  had  closed  its 
labors,  Jay's  treaty  with  Great  Britain  was  placed  in  Wash 
ington's  hands.  With  the  greatest  care  he  guarded  it  from 
the  public  eye  and  called  the  Senate  in  special  session.  The 
Senate  gathered  June  8,  debated  behind  closed  doors,  and 
gave  their  ratification  (excepting  only  one  article).  It  also 
endeavored  to  continue  Washington's  policy  of  secrecy  con 
cerning  the  provisions  of  the  treaty,  but  its  caution  was  with 
out  avail,  for  one  Senator  rebelled  and  the  full  text  became 
public  property  on  July  i. 

The  Democratic  Societies  immediately  raised  a  storm  of 
protest.  The  treaty  was  denounced  as  grossly  inadequate, 
as  a  proof  of  the  Federal  Party's  truckling  to  England,  as  a 
betrayal  of  American  rights.  There  were  wild  scenes  in 
many  places.  Alexander  Hamilton  was  stoned  by  a  New 
York  mob. 

Washington  ratified  the  treaty  in  August,  and  then  the  anti- 
English  wrath  turned  upon  him  and  he  was  reviled  in  terms 
which  he  bitterly  complained  could  scarcely  be  applied  "even 
to  a  common  pick-pocket."24 

22  Original  letter  owned   (1921)   by  Maria  Whittelsey  Norris,  Grand  Rapids,   Mich. 

23  Original  letter  in  the  possession    (1921)    of  Ward  Dix  Kerlin,   Camden,  N.  J. 

-4  To  Thomas  Jefferson,   July  6,    1796. — Ford,   Writings   of   Washington,   XIII,    231. 


316  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  68 

Abuse  and  political  tirades  continued  for  months,  and 
the  uproar  intensified  Ward's  aversion  for  the  Democratic- 
Republican  following.  "I  hope,"  he  wrote  to  his  son  Henry 
Dana  (in  South  Carolina),  "that  you  will  shun  the  Southern 
politics  as  you  would  the  poison  of  an  asp,  and  indeavour  to 
enlighten  the  dark  minds  of  your  legislators  so  far  as  you 
can  with  prudence.  It's  my  opinion  you  may  in  time  do  much 
good  in  that  way.  It's  through  ignorance  they  do  as  they 
at  this  time  do." 

In  the  same  letter  he  earnestly  defended  the  treaty.  "Let 
them,"  he  said,  "compare  the  treaty  made  with  Great  Brit 
ain  with  the  treaties  made  with  other  Nations,  particularly 
with  that  made  with  France.  They  will  find  privileges  in  the 
British  treaty  that  are  not  in  the  French  treaty,  particularly 
the  trade  to  the  East  Indias.  Before  the  treaty,  it  was  all 
upon  sufferance  in  the  British  East  Indias,  and  is  now  so  in 
the  French  East  Indias.  I  readily  allow  there  are  things 
in  the  treaty  I  could  wish  were  otherwise,  but  at  the  same 
time  I  must  say  we  had  it  not  in  power  to  have  them  other- 
ways.  Upon  the  whole  I  think  we  had  best  be  easy  with  it 
as  it  is,  it's  not  to  last  always.  What  makes  many  uneasy 
with  it  is  they  are  plague  loth  to  pay  the  debts  they  owe  to 
Great  Britain."25 

He  also  noted  that  the  country  towns  of  Massachusetts 
held  themselves  steadier  than  the  capital — "those  restless 
mortals  in  the  metropolis  have  used  every  art  to  make  the 
people  uneasy  in  the  Country,  but  have  pretty  generally 
failed." 

His  viewpoint  was  justified  by  the  results.  The  treaty, 
despite  its  defects,  proved  of  substantial  value.  Trade  im 
proved  and  a  fair  degree  of  prosperity  returned. 

France,  though,  was  seriously  disgruntled  by  the  concord 
ance  of  England  and  the  United  States  and  by  the  provisions 
of  the  treaty. 

23  Original  letter,  February  i,   1796,  owned  (1921)   by  Maria  Whittelsey  Norris,  Grand 
Rapids,  Mich. 


•17961  AS  A  FEDERALIST  317 

Increasing  age  compelled  Ward,  this  time,  to  adhere  to 
his  resolution  to  retire  from  the  stress  of  political  life,  but 
lor  another  three  years  he  continued  to  preside  as  chief  justice 
of  the  Worcester  County  Court  of  Common  Pleas. 

His  interest  in  affairs  remained  keen  and  his  convictions 
were  by  no  means  softened. 

By  correspondence  with  Dwight  Foster,  who  had  succeeded 
him  as  United  States  Representative,  he  kept  himself  in 
formed  on  the  political  sentiments  of  the  Fourth  Congress. 

On  January  15,  1796,  shortly  after  it  convened,  he  wrote 
asking  "for  a  list  of  your  house,  the  States  they  come  from, 
with  a  mark  for  Federalists  and  one  for  Jacobins  if  any  such 
there  be."  Those  marked  by  Foster  as  Federal  were  not  as 
numerous  as  Ward  had  hoped.  Acknowledging  the  list,  he 
says  (March  i,  1796),  "I  wish  you  had  been  able  to  have 
dotted  more  of  the  new  members" ;  and  he  adds  as  postscript, 
"I  hope  Congress  will  do  no  mischief." 

He  termed  "a  peculiar  smile  in  Providence"  the  intercep 
tion  of  a  letter  written  by  Joseph  Fauchet,  French  minister  to 
the  United  States,  which,  with  an  earlier  communication  it 
dragged  into  the  light,  charged  that  at  the  time  of  the 
''Whiskey  Insurrection"  Edmund  Randolph,  Secretary  of 
State — a  strong  opponent  of  the  treaty  with  England — had 
solicited  some  thousands  of  dollars  of  French  money  on  the 
plea  that  it  was  urgently  needed  to  pay  the  debts  of  four 
men  whose  talents,  influence,  and  energies  might  avail  to 
fend  off  civil  war  in  the  United  States,  but  who,  as  debtors, 
could  make  no  move  for  fear  of  being  thrown  into  prison 
by  their  English  creditors.26 

uln  my  opinion,"  Ward  continued,  "it  has  had  a  tendency 
to  silence  the  Jacobins  who  were  forever  declaiming  against 
the  Federalists,  saying  they  were  influenced  by  British  Gold. 

26  A  translation  of  Citizen  Fauchet' s  Intercepted  Letter  No.  IO;  to  which  are  added 
Extracts  of  Nos.  3  and  6,  published  in  Philadelphia,  1795.  Fauchet's  explanation  and 
qualified  retraction  appeared  shortly  after  in  A  Vindication  of  Mr.  Randolph's  Resignation 
[of  his  office  of  Secretary  of  State  on  being  confronted  with  Fauchet's  letter].  The  sub 
ject  is  treated  at  length  in  Conway's  Edmund  Randolph. 


318  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  68-70 

Now  we  may  conjecture  with  a  good  degree  of  certainty  who 
would  receive  foreign  bribes."27 

The  second  presidential  term  was  drawing  to  a  close. 
Washington  declined  to  be  a  candidate  for  a  third  term,  and 
so  in  the  fall  of  the  year  there  came  the  first  real  presidential 
contest — John  Adams,  the  Federalist,  against  Thomas  Jeffer 
son,  chief  of  the  Democratic-Republicans. 

"There  will  be  a  great  struggle,"  writes  Ward,  October 
10.  "John  Adams  will  I  trust  have  the  votes  for  President 
in  New  England  &  I  trust  some  more.  .  .  .  Some  talk  of 
Thos.  Pinckney  for  Vice  President.  I  wish  they  may  be 
chosen.  It  is  of  great  importance  we  should  have  federal 
men  in  those  places. 

"I  hope  we  shall  not  have  in  either  of  those  places  a  person 
so  frenchified  as  some  of  the  characters  to  the  southward  are. 
It  seams  some  are  so  attached  to  the  French  they  would  do 
nothing  without  their  leave.  We  are  an  Independant  nation 
&  we  ought  to  act  independently."-8 

Ward  had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  John  Adams  elected 
to  the  presidency,  but  had  to  be  content  with  Jefferson  for 
Vice-President.  (It  will  be  remembered  that  in  those  days 
prior  to  the  Twelfth  Amendment  a  possible  result  of  the 
vote  of  the  electoral  college  was  the  election  of  a  defeated 
presidential  candidate  as  vice  to  his  victorious  opponent.) 

A  little  later,  he  saw  the  European  conflict  again  drawing 
the  United  States  toward  war,  this  time  through  the  depre 
dations  of  French  privateers;  and  it  was  not  long  before  he 
was  to  read  the  famous  X,  Y,  Z  dispatches — the  demands 
of  agents  of  the  French  Directory  for  bribes  and  a  large 
national  loan — for  "money,  a  great  deal  of  money" — as  the 
price  of  peace,  and  to  see  the  country  reverse  its  pro-French 
attitude  and  howl  for  war  with  France,  using  as  their  slogan 
Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney's  "millions  for  defense,  but  not 
one  cent  for  tribute." 

"Original   letter  owned    (1921)    by  Charles  P.  Greenough,   Brookline,   Mass. 

28  Original  letter  owned    (1921)    by  Maria  Whittelsey  Norris,  Grand   Rapids,  Mich. 


1796-1798]      RETIRES  FROM  PUBLIC  LIFE      319 

By  the  summer  of  1797  General  Ward  had  begun  to  feel 
that  his  strength  was  unequal  to  his  judicial  duties.  On  June 
12,  writing  to  his  daughter  Maria  and  her  husband,  Dr. 
Ebenezer  Tracy,  he  says :  "the  lawyers  in  the  general  court  are 
endeavoring  to  demolish  the  Courts  of  Common  Pleas  in  this 
Commonwealth  &  to  establish  a  circuit  court  in  lieu  thereof, 
and  it  is  probable  they  will  effect  it.  It  don't  affect  me  much 
for  I  shall  soon  leave  that  Court  and  confine  myself  at  home. 
I  am  old  &  infirm,  it  is  time  for  me  to  quit  the  theatre  of 
action,  and  while  I  remain  here  live  a  domestic  life."29 

He  sat  in  court  for  the  last  time  during  the  session  of 
December,  1797,  and  soon  after  terminated  his  long  career 
as  a  judge.80 

He  spent  the  remaining  two  years  of  his  life  in  quiet  retire 
ment  in  his  home,  the  now  famous  old  Artemas  Ward  House. 

"His  grandchildren  lived  to  tell  their  grandchildren  about 
the  handsome  old  man,  with  his  erect  and  portly  figure  set 
off  with  his  ruffles  and  shoe-buckles  and  all  the  touches  of  the 
old  time  costume — how  he  would  rise  from  his  straight-backed 
chair  and  take  from  a  shelf  of  a  tall  cupboard  in  his  room, 
crackers,  or  raisins  or  some  other  dainty  (as  they  were  then) 
and  give  them  as  a  reward  for  some  little  service  they  had 
done."81 

His  letters  show  him,  in  his  old  age,  as  in  his  younger  years, 
full  of  kindly  love  for  his  children  and  the  members  of  their 
families — condoling  with  them  in  their  afflictions,  and  rejoic 
ing  in  their  happiness,  always  keeping  in  the  foreground  the 
God  he  had  served  so  conscientiously  all  his  life,  and  incul 
cating  the  same  reliance  in,  and  acceptance  of,  divine  decrees. 
For  himself,  he  was  expecting  the  end  and  praying  that  he 
might  be  "prepared." 

29  MS.  copy,  Artemas  Ward  MSS. 

30  On  March  20,    1798,  writing  to  the  Tracys,  he  says,   "I  have  resigned  the  office  of 
Judge  in  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas,  it  being  too  hard  service  for  me  to  perform  under 
my  difficulties.     I  shall  attend  these  courts  no  more." — Original  letter  owned    (1921)    by 
Frank  C.  Whittelsey,  Flushing,  N.  Y. 

"Elizabeth  Ward,   Old  Times  In  Shrewsbury,    186. 


32o  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  70-72 

His  health  became  precarious  in  1798.  On  July  18,  in 
a  letter  to  the  Tracys,  he  writes:  "I  have  been  much  unwell. 
For  four  months  I  have  not  been  one  hundred  rods  from  my 
house :  in  which  time  I  longed  to  see  you  &  for  your  advice. 
Through  Divine  goodness  I  am  much  better  on  some  accounts, 
although  far  from  being  well.  I  am  an  old  man  upwards  of 
seventy  years  of  age,  so  that  I  have  no  right  to  expect  to 
injoye  perfect  ease  &  comfort.  We  are  told  in  scripture  that 
threescore  and  ten  years  is  the  age  of  man;  beyond  that  is 
grief  and  pain"*2 

There  is  much  the  same  story  in  the  spring  following. 
On  March  6,  1799,  again  to  the  Tracys,  he  wrote:  "My 
health  is  no  better  than  when  you  saw  me  last,  I  have  not 
been  one  hundred  rods  from  my  own  house  for  more  than 
twelve  months.  I  have  just  recovered  from  a  verry  ill 
turn.'"'3 

In  November  he  suffered  a  paralytic  stroke  and  his  life 
was  despaired  of,  "but  through  divine  goodness  I  was  re 
stored  in  a  merciful  degree."34  He  was  very  weak  though, 
unable  to  dress  or  undress  without  aid. 

His  faithful  correspondent,  Dwight  Foster,  still  kept  him 
informed  on  national  politics.  On  December  28  Foster  sent 
him  "a  List  of  the  two  Houses  [of  the  Sixth  Congress] 
marked  ...  to  note  the  political  Character  by  the 
Terms  Federal,  anti federal  and  doubtful"  and  wrote  him 
that  there  was  "little  doubt"  that  the  Federalists  could  muster 
"a  respectable  majority  in  the  House  of  Representatives"; 
and  that  in  the  Senate  there  was  "a  majority  as  large,  as  re 
spectable  and  as  decided  as  there  was  previous  to  last  March 
when  one  third  were  either  re-elected  or  returned  as  new 
members."35 

82  Original  letter  owned   (1921)    by  Frank  C.  Whittelsey,  Flushing,  N.  Y. 

83  Original  letter  owned   (1921)  by  Mary  Clap  Wooster  Chapter,  D.A.R.,  New  Haven, 
Conn. 

14  To  the  Tracys,  June  12,  1800. — Original  letter  owned  (1921)  by  Frank  C.  Whittel 
sey,  Flushing,  N.  Y. 

83  Original  letter,  Artemas  ff'ard  MSS. 


1798-1800]  HIS  DEATH  321 

The  Federal  Party  was  nevertheless  nearing  the  end  of  its 
tenure. 

On  the  twentieth  of  March  Ward  suffered  a  second 
paralytic  stroke,  but  it  was  lighter  than  the  first  and  did 
not  immediately  affect  his  general  condition  to  any  marked 
extent. 

In  the  fall  he  failed  rapidly,  and  on  Tuesday,  October  28, 
he  lay  dying.  His  son  Thomas  Walter  wrote  to  Maria  Tracy, 
telling  her  of  the  approaching  end — "there  has  been  a  great 
alteration  in  the  good  old  gentleman  for  the  worse.  He  is 
past  speaking  or  taking  anything  unless  it  be  a  little  water  to 
wet  his  mouth."  For  twenty-four  hours  he  had  appeared 
almost  unconscious  of  his  surroundings.  "I  have  no  doubt 
he  will  make  a  happy  change  when  he  changes  time  for 
eternity.  I  shall  feel  the  loss  more  than  any  one  of  my 
brothers  or  sisters,  for  I  always  have  lived  with  him  &  it  is 
hard  to  part  with  so  good  a  Father,  but  it  is  the  wish  of 
God  &  we  must  not  murmur  nor  complain." 

He  died  a  little  before  seven  of  the  evening  of  that  day. 
He  was  occasionally  "exercised  with  the  same  distressing 
pain"  in  his  last  hours  that  he  had  been  troubled  with  "for 
months  and  years  past,"  but  he  passed  away  easily  with 
"scarce  a  struggle  in  death."36 

He  was  buried  on  the  afternoon  of  the  following  Friday, 
October  31 — a  "cloudy  day  with  an  easterly  wind."  A  long 
procession  of  carriages  formed  his  funeral  cortege37  and  an 
impressive  address  marked  the  last  rites. 

Thus  closed  the  career  of  Artemas  Ward,  one  of  the  worth 
iest  of  Massachusetts'  many  noble  sons.  He  had  played  a 
prominent  part  in  the  generation  which  founded  the  great 
republic  of  the  United  States.  He  had  stood  in  the  fore 
front  of  revolution  when  the  challenge  was  thrown  down  to 

86  Thomas  Walter  Ward  to  Maria  Tracy,  October  28  and  November  6,  1800. — Original 
letters  owned  (1921)  by  Frank  C.  Whittelsey,  Flushing,  N.  Y. 

37  Ruth  Henshaw  Bascom  (original)  diary. — Owned  (1921)  by  Caroline  Thurston, 
Leicester,  Mass. 


322  ARTEMAS  WARD  [Age  72 

the  might  of  the  British  Empire,  and  had  held  equally  reso 
lute  against  the  wrath  of  compatriots  when  it  ran  counter 
to  the  best  interests  of  the  state  or  nation.  His  had  been 
a  character  of  strength  and  stability  which  could  be  swayed 
neither  by  favor  nor  by  fear;  and  a  life  of  continuous  industry 
from  youth  to  old  age.  A  character  and  a  life  well  deserving 
a  high  place  in  the  annals  of  Massachusetts. 

As  he  passed  on,  there  closed  not  only  the  calendar  years 
of  the  eighteenth  century  but  also  a  well  defined  period  of 
the  history  of  the  United  States.  Washington  had  died  the 
year  before.  The  Federal  Party  lost  the  fourth  presidential 
election  and  never  again  achieved  importance.  A  new  chap 
ter,  embodying  new  thoughts  and  new  conceptions,  opened 
with  the  nineteenth  century  and  the  presidency  of  Thomas 
Jefferson. 


INDEX 


INDEX 


Abercromby,  James,  in  command  of  Bernard,    Francis,    cancels    Ward's 

the    Ticonderoga    campaign,     15;  commission,   35-36;   vetoes  Ward 

held  in  little  respect,  18;  his  army  as  councilor,  39 

bewildered  in  the  forest,  21;  or-  Boston,    in    1757,    14;   in    1765,    32; 


ders  the  assault  of  Ticonderoga, 
22;  the  battle  of  Ticonderoga, 
23-25 

Adams,  John,  his  tribute  to  Ward, 
163-164;  Federalist,  302;  Vice- 
President,  307;  President,  318 

Adams,  Samuel,  "master  of  the 
town-meeting,"  32;  elected  Repre 
sentative,  32;  his  close  association 
with  Ward,  34,  256;  his  congrat 
ulations  to  Ward  after  the  battle 
of  Bunker  Hill,  163,  note;  on  the 
committee  to  visit  Hampshire 
County  to  inquire  into  the  unrest 


the  "Boston  Massacre,"  44;  the 
destruction  of  the  tea  cargoes,  52; 
the  Port  Act,  53-54;  the  closing 
of  the  port,  55-56;  besieged  by 
an  army  of  militiamen,  88;  map 
of,  and  environs,  1775,  facing  92; 
the  change  in  the  English  plans 
caused  by  the  battle  of  Bunker 
Hill,  137-138;  plans  to  assault, 
171,  181,  194,  199;  instructions  to 
abandon,  183;  not  enough  ships 
for  the  operation,  183;  suffers 
from  scarcity  of  supplies,  186, 
187;  evacuation,  213 


there,     264-267 ;     his      alienation    Bowdoin,   James,   his   contests  with 


from  Ward  by  differing  views  on 
European  policies,  309 

Arnold,  Benedict,  organizing  his  de 
tachment  for  the  expedition  to 
Quebec,  169-170 

Artemas  Ward  House,  28-29,  281; 
view  of,  facing  282 

Baldwin  Tavern,  4,  note,  291 


Hancock  for  the  governorship, 
257,  270;  warns  Ward  of  the  in 
surgents'  plan  to  make  him  a 
prisoner,  292;  asks  Ward's  advice 
on  the  suppression  of  Shays'  Re 
bellion,  294;  urges  the  General 
Court  to  effective  action,  296 
Breed's  Hill,  description,  120.  See 
also  Bunker  Hill 


Bancroft,    George,   promulgated   the    Brinley  Place,   167-168 

theory   that  Ward   was    incompe-    Bunker      Hil]5      committee      report, 


tent  as  commander-in-chief,  154; 
his  inaccurate  and  unjust  cita 
tions,  154-164 

Barrington,  Lord,  his  views  and 
misconceptions,  138,  note 

Belknap,  Jeremy,  his  description  of 
Ward,  182 


May  12,  1775,  advising  its  for 
tification,  105;  set  aside,  106; 
Committee  of  Safety,  June  15, 
recommends  its  occupation,  116; 
the  boldness  of  the  project,  119; 
the  order  for  its  fortification, 
119;  description,  120;  order  for 


3*5 


326 


INDEX 


the  relief  of  the  occupying  detach 
ment,  122-124;  the  substitution  of 
Breed's  Hill,  124;  the  battle,  125- 
134;  the  supply  of  provisions  and 
drinking  water,  etc.,  130,  note; 
the  "Judge  Prescott  account," 
123,  note,  124,  note;  the  "Prescott 
MS.,"  123,  note,  124,  note;  criti 
cisms  of  the  battle,  139-143;  the 
night  and  the  day  after  the  battle, 
135-137;  the  battle  the  cause  of 
the  evacuation  of  Boston,  137- 
138.  See  also  Charlestown  Penin 
sula 

Burgoyne,  John,  his  descent  from 
Canada  and  capture  of  Ticonde- 
roga,  243;  his  surrender,  248 

Charlestown  Peninsula,  its  strategic 
importance,  92-93;  the  English 
plan  to  occupy,  116;  its  dimen 
sions,  etc.,  I2O-I2I.  See  also  Bun 
ker  Hill 

Chelsea  engagement,  114 

Church,  Benjamin,  his  early  treach 
ery,  101 ;  his  order  to  Thomas  to 
withdraw  his  men,  103;  arrested 
as  a  traitor,  180 

Circular  letter  to  the  other  colonies, 
39,  40 

Committee  of  Safety,  established, 
74;  resolves  to  enlist  8000  men, 
93;  resents  an  order  issued  by 
Ward,  113,  note;  its  Bunker  Hill 
resolution,  116 

Committee  of  Supplies,  established, 
75 

Committees  of  Correspondence,  es 
tablished,  46 

Connecticut  troops  in  Massachusetts 
put  under  Ward,  145 

Continental  Congress,  delegates  to, 
appointed  by  the  Massachusetts 
House,  57;  Ward  in  the,  255-260 


Cornwallis,  Charles,  surrenders  at 
Yorktown,  261 

Dartmouth,  Lord,  advises  the  arrest 
of  the  Massachusetts  patriot  lead 
ers,  84;  sends  instructions  for  the 
abandonment  of  Boston,  137-138, 
183;  resigns  as  Secretary  of  State, 
184 

Day,  Luke,  282 

Dearborn,  Henry,  142 

Dearborn  House,  168,  note 

de  Birniere,  Henry,  82,  88 

Declaratory  Act,  34 

Democratic  Societies,  308,  310,  312, 
3I3-3H 

DorchesterNeck(DorchesterHeights, 
Dorchester  Point),  its  strategic 
importance,  92-93 ;  early  reports 
of  the  English  plan  to  seize,  101 ; 
American  resolution,  May  9, 
!775>  to  forestall  the  enemy,  102; 
fortification  considered  impracti 
cable  by  Thomas,  104;  neither 
side  attempts  the  project,  104, 
105;  fortification  of  the  heights 
again  considered  and  decided 
against,  106;  surveyed  in  plan  for 
occupation,  June  6,  115;  the  Eng 
lish  plan  to  seize,  116;  resolution, 
June  15,  of  an  American  council 
of  war  to  occupy  simultaneously 
with  Bunker  Hill,  117;  its  name, 
1 1 8,  note;  the  English  revive  their 
plan  to  occupy,  146;  Ward  pre 
vents  its  fulfilment,  146-147; 
Washington's  council  of  war  of 
July  9  decides  not  to  attempt  to 
take  possession,  165;  a  council  of 
war,  November  2,  discusses  its 
occupation,  183;  winter  prepara 
tions  for  its  fortification,  191  ; 
reconnoitered  by  Washington, 
Ward,  and  other  officers,  191- 
192;  British  raid  on,  192;  Wash- 


INDEX  327 

ington's  lukewarmness  concerning  Greene,   Nathanael,   135,  note,    145, 

its    strategic   value,    193;    Ward,  note,    153,   note,    179,    note,    182, 

February    16,    1776,    again    advo-  note,  187,  I99>  212,  213,  249 

cates  its  occupation,  194;  the  reso-  Gridley,   Richard,  marks  out  a  re- 

lution   to   take   possession   of   the  doubt   on    Breed's    Hill,    124;    at 

heights,    195;  preparing  for  their  the     fortification     of     Dorchester 

seizure,    195-202;    a    report    that  Heights,  203 
the    British    were    landing    men 

on,    198;   the   fortification   of   the  Hamilton,  Alexander,  302,  313,  315 

heights,  202-205.     See  also  Nook  Hancock|     Johrlj    presldent    of    the 

First     Provincial     Congress,     72; 

Dwight,    Timothy,    his    tribute    to  Massachusetts    major-general    in 

Ward,  271  the  second   Rhode   Island   expedi 
tion,   249;   his   long   delay   in    ac- 

Ely,  Samuel,  262,  264  counting   for   the   funds   of   Har 
vard   College,  257;  Ward's  criti- 

"Fenno's  Orderly  Book,"  99,  note  cism    of,    258;    his    contests    with 

French  Revolution,   the  disturbance  Bowdoin     for     the     governorship, 

it   created   in   the    United    States,  257,  270 

308  Harvard  College  in  1744,  7-9 

„           „,                          j      TT      u-  Hastings  House,  90,  note 

Gage,    Thomas,    succeeds    Hutchin- 

son  as  governor  of  Massachu-  Heath>  William,  appointed  fifth 
setts,  55;  refuses  to  receive  the  Massachusetts  general  officer,  78, 
address  prepared  by  Ward,  56-  gi ;  in  the  battle  of  Lexington 
57;  rejoices  at  tory  developments,  and  Concord,  88;  appointed 
59;  fortifies  Boston  Neek,  68;  fourth  continental  brigadier-gen- 
worried  by  the  activities  of  the  eral>  150,  note;  succeeds  to  the 
country  townships,  70;  counter-  command  in  Boston,  240;  tells  of 
mands  his  summons  for  a  General  a  tory  Plot>  242 
Court,  70;  his  decision  to  assault  Hillsborough,  Lord,  demands  the 
Breed's  Hill,  127;  wishes  to  aban-  rescinding  of  the  "Circular  Let- 
don  Boston,  169  ter,"  40 

Gates,     Horatio,     adjutant-general  Holmes  House,  90,  note 

of     the    continental     army,     147;  HowCj  George)  in  the  Ticonderoga 
against  a  musket  attack  on  Bos-       campaign)  l8;  his  death,  20 

ton,  194;  succeeds  Schuyler  in  the  TT          ,„.„.          ,.      ,          .  .        , 

north,    246;    adulation    of,    after  Howe,  William,  plan  for  raising  the 

Burgoyne's  surrender,  248,  note  8ie^  °f  Boston>  ^V  commander- 

in-chief,    183;    receives    word    to 

Germain,      Lord,      succeeds      Lord        abandon    Boston>    l83;   unable    to 
Dartmouth  as  Secretary  of  State,        act  up(m  ^  ^ .  dcddcs  tQ  assault 

the     American     fortifications     on 

Gerry,  Elbridge,  cited  by  Bancroft,        Dorchester   Heights,    206;    recon- 
J54>  158-161  siders  and  determines  to  give  up 

"Glorious  Ninety-Two,"  the,  40  the  town,  209 


328 


INDEX 


Hutchinson,  Thomas,  defeated  for 
the  Council  by  Ward,  39;  his 
references  to  Ward,  40;  his  let 
ters  to  England,  42,  48-49;  suc 
ceeded  by  Gage,  55;  report  of  his 
flying  to  France,  178 

Impartial  Administration  of  Justice, 
Act  for  the,  59-60 

Independence,  Declaration  of,  read 
to  the  regiments,  228;  formally 
declared  in  Boston,  229 

Jay,  John,  233,  note,  259;  goes  to 
England  to  negotiate  a  treaty, 
312;  "Jay's  Treaty,"  315 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  his  views  on  re 
bellion,  299;  Vice-President,  318; 
President,  322 

King's  Arms  (tavern),  61,  note 
Knox,  Henry,  188,  192 

Lafayette,  Marquis  de,  249 

Lee,  Charles,  captain  in  the  Ticon- 
deroga  campaign,  18;  wounded  in 
the  battle  of  Ticonderoga,  25;  re 
turns  to  America  as  a  major- 
general,  49-50;  his  military  abil 
ity,  50  and  note;  in  Philadelphia, 
68-69;  on  a  report  that  he  had 
offered  to  lead  the  colonies  in  re 
bellion,  69,  note;  aids  the  military 
organization  of  Maryland,  79; 
appointed  second  major-general 
of  the  continental  army,  147,  149; 
the  desire  for  his  services,  149, 
159;  his  attitude  on  the  appoint 
ments  of  Washington,  Ward,  and 
himself,  149  and  note;  in  charge 
of  the  left  wing  at  the  siege  of 
Boston,  1 66;  the  growth  of  his 
military  fame,  189,  233;  fails  to 
reinforce  Washington,  236-237; 
captured  by  the  English,  237 


Lexington   and   Concord,   battle   of, 

87 
Lincoln,    Benjamin,    225,    232,    246, 

268,    269,    295,    303 ;    suppresses 

Shays'  Rebellion,  296 

Loyalists.     See  Tories 

Majorbagaduce   Peninsula.      See 
Penobscot 

Massachusetts  Constitutional  Con 
vention,  254,  note 

Minute-men,  their  organization 
recommended  by  the  Worcester 
County  convention,  70;  the  Pro 
vincial  Congress  advice  on  equip 
ment,  etc.,  78-79;  in  the  battle  of 
Lexington  and  Concord,  88,  note; 
James  Warren  wished  they  had 
never  been  organized,  108,  note 

Nantucket  Island,  261-262 

New  Hampshire  Grants.  See  Ver 
mont 

Newport.     See  Rhode  Island 

Nook  Hill,  193,  196,  203;  attempts 
to  fortify,  210;  fortified,  212 

North,  Lord,  53,  160,  178 

Oliver,  Peter,  impeached  for  ac 
cepting  his  salary  from  the  crown, 
53 

Otis,  James,  31,  36,  37,  39,  43,  44 

Penobscot,  seizure  by  English,  and 
American  expedition  against,  251— 
253 ;  committee  of  investigation 
on  failure  of  expedition,  252;  fear 
that  the  English  would  extend 
their  lines,  267 

Pierpont  Castle,   167-168 

Pitt,  William,  15,  19,  21,  note. 

Pitts,  John,  140,  note 

Pomeroy,  Seth,  appointed  third 
Massachusetts  general  officer,  75, 


INDEX  329 

81;  appointment  as  first  continen-  Hill,    126,    note,    128,    132,    139, 

tal  brigadier-general,  150,  note  note 

Port  Act,  Boston,  53-56  Regulating  Act,  the,  59,  60 

"Powder  Alarm,"  64  Revere,  Paul,  55,  87,  219,  note,  251, 

Preble,     Jedediah,     appointed     first  252 

Massachusetts  general  officer,  75,  Rhode  Island,  troops  in  Massachu- 

81  setts  put  under  Ward,  145;  Eng- 

Prescott,   William,    given   command  Hsh  seizure   of   Newport,  235;    a 

of   the    Bunker    Hill   detachment,  proposed    expedition    against    the 

119;  in  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  English,  241-242;  the  first  expedi- 

122-134  tlon    against    Newport,    247;    the 

Prescott  account,  Judge,    123,  note,  second    expedition    against    New- 

I24>  note  Port,     248-249;     the     "Battle     of 

,  -„  Rhode  Island,"  249 
Prescott  MS.,  123,  note,  124,  note 

_.  .                                                          ,  Riflemen,  170,  179,  204 

Privateers,  218,  219,  note,  224,  226,  '        '           *   . 

230,  310,  318  Kuggtes,     Timothy,     brigadier-gen 
eral  in  the  Ticonderoga  campaign, 

Prospect  Hill,  105,  134,  135  l8;  chief  justice  of  the  Worcester 

Provincial  Congress.     First:  7i-J9'>  County  Court  of  Common  Pleas, 

appoints    a    Committee   of    Safety  28,  note;  president  of  the  Stamp 

and  a  Committee  of  Supplies,  75 ;  Act  congress,  33 ;  votes  to  rescind 

elects     general     officers,     75,     78.  the    "Circular    Letter,"    40;    ap- 

Second:     80-82,     84-86;     reelects  pointed   a  "mandamus  councilor," 

general  officers,  81 ;  plans  a  New  60;  organizes  a  tory  Association, 

England    army,    85,    86;    declares  78;    commandant    of    the    "Loyal 

for    the    raising    of    an    army    of  American  Associates,"  181 
13,600  men,  95 

Putnam,    Daniel,    letter    cited,    126,  Sargent,     Paul     Dudley,     criticizes 

note  Ward,  139,  note 

Putnam,  Israel,  major  in  the  Ticon-  Schuylcr,   Philip,   fourth  continental 

deroga    campaign,    18;    urges    the  major-general,     150;     New    Eng- 

fortification  of  Bunker  Hill,  105;  land's   dislike   of>    2*6'>   succeeded 

in  the   Chelsea   engagement,    114;  b^  Gates»  2*6>  in  the  Continental 

in  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  125,  Congress,  256 

128,    129,    134;   on   Winter    Hill,  "Second    Court    House,"    the,    282, 

135,    note;    appointed    fifth   conti-  note 

nental  major-general,   150;  under  Shays,  Daniel,  282,  293,  294,  295 

Washington,  in  charge  of  the  cen-  Shays>  Rebellion>  the  growth  of  un- 

ter  division,   166;  to  lead  an  as-  rest>      26o>      262_267>      272_28o; 

sault  on  Boston,  199  "Tender    Acts,"    264,    288;     the 

Putnam,  Rufus,  192,  195,  note,  203  prisoners  for  debt,  276-277,  279, 

297;   open   resistance   and   its  de- 
Raffles  Collection,  Thomas,  104,  note,  velopment     into     rebellion,     281- 
118  296;  Ward  harangues  the  insur- 
Reed,  James,  in  the  battle  of  Bunker  gents     from     the     steps     of     the 


33o  INDEX 

Worcester     County     court-house,  gade  of  the  right  wing,  167;  heads 
285;  the  insurgents  dispersed  and  the    detachment    to    occupy    Dor- 
the    rebellion    crushed,    296;    the  chester  Neck,   198;  fortifies  Dor- 
state    and    national    results,    297-  chester  Heights,  202-205 
299  Ticonderoga,  the  campaign  of,  1758, 

Smallpox,  186,  220,  227,  229  I5-27J  captured  by  Burgoyne,  243 

Southern    fears    of    New    England's  Tories,    their    strength    and    social 

domination,  68,  157,  note,  182  importance,  32;  the  growth  of  a 

Spencer,   Joseph,   in   command   of    a  tory   party,   59;    an   "Association" 

brigade   of   the    right   wing,    167;  organized,     78;     General     Court 

the  first  Rhode  Island  expedition,  committees  to  discover  plans,  239, 

2Aj  242-243 ;    sentiment   in    Vermont, 

Stamp  Act,  31;  its  repeal,  34;  com-  239-240 

pensation  to  riot  victims  and  par-  Townsend,    David,    calls    at    head- 

don  to  offenders,  36  quarters  on  the  day  of  the  battle 

Stark,   John,  captain  in  the  Ticon-  of  Bunker  Hill,  129 

deroga  campaign,  18;  at  the  battle  Townshend   Act,    37;    repeal    of    its 

of  Bunker  Hill,  125,  126  and  note,  taxation  provisions,  excepting  tea, 

128,  132,  139,  note;  after  the  bat-  45 

tie,    145,   note;    in   the    Burgoyne  Trenton,  the  effect  of  the  battle  of, 

campaign,  244,  246  238 

Steuben,  William  von,  159,  172  Trowbridge,  Caleb,  9 

Stow's  orderly  book,  Nathan,  123,  Trowbridge,   Sarah    (wife  of   Arte- 

note,  135,  note  mas  Ward),  10,  281,  note 

"Suffolk  Resolves,"  the,  68 

Sullivan,    John,    169,    199,   212;    the  United  States  Arms    (tavern),  286, 

second    Rhode    Island    expedition,  292,  3°i 

248,  249  United  States  Constitution,  298- 

Sumner  House,  10,  28,  note 

Sun  Tavern,  292 

Vermont,  tory  sentiment  in,  239— 

Tea,  taxation  of,  37,  45,  50-52;  de 
struction  of  the  tea  cargoes,  52  ,,r            A                 ,  .     ,  .    ,              . 

Ward,    Artemas,    his    birth,    3;    the 

'Tender  Acts,"  264,  288  house  in  which  he  was  born,  4;  his 

Thomas,     John,     appointed     fourth  boyhood,    5-6;    he    studies    under 

Massachusetts  general  officer,  78,  the  Reverend  Job  Gushing,  5;  the 

81;  takes  stand   at  Roxbury,  92;  decision  to  send  him  to  Harvard 

receives  Church's   order  to  with-  College,  6;  his  admission  to  Har- 

draw    his    men,    103;    refuses    to  vard  College,  7;  is  graduated,  9; 

move   them,    103;   considered   the  a      school-teacher      in      Groton, 

occupation    of    Dorchester    Neck  Mass.,    9;    returns    to    establish 

impracticable,  104,  119;  appointed  himself  in  Shrewsbury,  10;  makes 

first  continental  brigadier-general,  his    home   in   the   Yellow    House, 

150,  note;  in  command  of  a  bri-  10;  opens  a  general  store,  n;  his 


INDEX 


courtship  and  marriage,  10,  n; 
appointed  tax  assessor,  n;  justice 
of  the  peace,  1 1 ;  receives  the  de 
gree  of  A.M.,  9,  note;  town  clerk, 
12;  selectman,  12;  executor  and 
residuary  legatee  of  his  father's 
estate,  13;  major  of  a  militia  reg 
iment,  13;  Representative,  14; 
the  call  to  arms  on  the  fall  of 
Fort  William  Henry,  14;  enlist 
ing  men  for  the  Ticonderoga 
campaign,  15;  gives  up  storekeep- 
ing,  16;  sets  out  for  Ticonderoga, 
19;  his  diary  of  the  expedition,  19, 
21,  22,  25,  26;  promoted  to  lieu 
tenant-colonel,  19;  colonel  of  mi 
litia,  27;  colonel  of  an  expedi 
tionary  regiment,  27;  ill  health 
compels  his  resignation  of  the 
expeditionary  command,  27;  town 
moderator,  28;  church  modera 
tor,  28;  town  treasurer,  28;  judge 
of  the  Worcester  County  Court 
of  Common  Pleas,  28;  a  justice 
of  the  peace  "of  the  quorum,"  28; 
on  many  legislative  committees, 
28;  sells  the  Yellow  House,  28, 
note;  buys  the  Artemas  Ward 
House,  28-29;  inspired  by  the 
protests  on  the  Stamp  Act,  31; 
his  first  appointment  on  a  com 
mittee  of  political  protest,  33 ;  his 
close  political  association  with 
Samuel  Adams,  34;  his  commis 
sion  as  militia  colonel  revoked  by 
Governor  Bernard,  35-36 ;  elected 
to  the  Council  in  a  contest  with 
Lieutenant-Governor  Hutchinson, 
39;  vetoed  by  Governor  Bernard, 
39;  as  he  appeared  to  Hutch 
inson,  and  the  latter's  earlier 
failure  to  "bring  him  over,"  40; 
one  of  the  "Glorious  Ninety- 
Two,"  40;  representative  in  the 
"Committee  of  Convention,"  40; 
again  elected  to  the  Council  and 
again  vetoed,  42;  in  a  vote  ap 


proving  a  petition  for  the  removal 
of  Governor  Bernard,  43;  again 
elected  to  the  Council  and  at  last 
accepted,  45;  on  the  committee 
protesting  against  the  order  mak 
ing  the  judges  of  the  Superior 
Court  dependent  on  crown  sup 
port,  47;  upholds  the  Samuel 
Adams  party  in  the  tea  dispute, 
52;  prepares  an  address  to  Gov 
ernor  Gage,  56;  Gage  refuses  to 
receive  it,  57;  a  delegate  to  the 
Worcester  County  convention, 
61,  63;  the  closing  of  the  courts, 
65-67;  his  old  regiment  puts  him 
at  its  head,  70-71 ;  a  delegate  to 
the  First  and  Second  Provincial 
Congresses,  72,  80;  member  of  a 
committee  on  "the  state  of  the 
province,"  73  j  appointed  second 
Massachusetts  general  officer,  75, 
81;  mentioned  in  de  Berniere's 
report,  83 ;  ill  at  the  time  of  the 
battle  of  Lexington  and  Concord, 
89;  rides  to  Cambridge  to  take 
charge  of  the  army  gathering 
around  Boston,  89;  as  he  ap 
peared  at  the  siege  of  Boston,  91 ; 
writes  to  the  Provincial  Congress 
imploring  immediate  action,  94; 
his  urgent  demands  for  equip 
ment  and  materials  resented  by 
the  Committee  of  Supplies,  98; 
his  careful  treatment  of  the  Eng 
lish  prisoners  of  war,  99—100;  his 
early  views  on  the  fortification  of 
Bunker  Hill,  105 ;  urges  the 
Provincial  Congress  to  the  imme 
diate  organization  of  an  army, 
107;  receives  his  commission  as 
commander-in-chief,  108;  faces 
the  danger  of  anarchy — even  his 
chief  detractor  testifies  "we  dare 
not  superceed  him  here,"  108- 
112;  his  need  for  gunpowder, 
115;  surveys  Dorchester  Neck, 
115;  his  council  of  war  resolves 


332 


INDEX 


for  the  simultaneous  fortification 
of  Bunker  Hill  and  Dorchester 
Neck,  117;  issues  his  orders  for 
the  fortification  of  Bunker  Hill, 
119;  reconnoiters  Bunker  Hill, 
120 ;  the  day  of  the  battle  of 
Bunker  Hill,  125-134;  Connecti 
cut  and  Rhode  Island  troops  for 
mally  put  under  his  command, 
145;  repeats  his  need  for  ordnance 
and  supplies,  146;  rr&de  first 
major-general  of  the  continental 
army,  147,  150;  entertains  Wash 
ington  on  his  arrival,  152;  criti 
cisms  of  him  as  commander-in- 
chief,  154-164;  in  command  of 
the  right  wing,  166;  his  headquar 
ters  in  Roxbury,  167-168; 
estrangement  between  Washing 
ton  and  Ward,  174,  222;  ap 
pointed  chief  justice  of  the  Court 
of  Common  Pleas  for  Worcester 
County,  181;  Belknap's  descrip 
tion  of,  182;  reconnoiters  Dor 
chester  Neck  with  Washington 
and  other  officers,  191—192;  op 
poses  a  musket  attack  on  Boston, 
advocates  instead  the  possession 
of  Dorchester  Heights,  194;  is 
sues  his  orders  for  the  fortifica 
tion  of  Dorchester  Heights,  201 ; 
enters  Boston,  213;  because  of  ill 
health  he  tenders  his  resignation, 
2l6;  Washington's  comments  on 
his  resignation,  216-217;  Wash 
ington  asks  him  to  take  the  conti 
nental  command  in  Boston,  he  ac 
cedes,  218;  building  works  for  the 
defense  of  the  harbor,  220-221, 
223;  repeats  his  desire  to  resign, 
222;  his  resignation  accepted  but 
Washington  requests  him  to  re 
main,  223 ;  again  elected  to  the 
Council,  225;  Congress  requests 
him  to  continue  in  command,  231 ; 
major-general  in  a  separate  de 
partment,  231;  the  Council  asks 


him  to  command  the  state  troops 
also,  232;  hunting  down  tory 
plans,  239;  turns  the  garrison 
over  to  Heath,  240;  president  of 
the  Council,  241 ;  chairman  of  a 
committee  on  a  proposed  Rhode 
Island  expedition,  241-242;  re 
turns  to  Shrewsbury  for  the  se 
cret  committee  on  tory  move 
ments,  243;  president  of  the  court 
of  inquiry  on  the  first  Rhode 
Island  expedition,  247;  president 
of  the  committee  of  investigation 
of  the  failure  of  the  Penobscot 
expedition,  252;  elected  to  the 
Continental  Congress,  253;  ar 
rives  in  Philadelphia  to  attend, 
255;  reciprocal  esteem  of  Ward 
and  Samuel  Adams  as  members  of 
Congress,  256;  added  tc  the  Con 
tinental  Board  of  War,  256;  on 
the  committee  of  the  Treasury 
Board  report,  256;  reflected  to 
the  Continental  Congress,  257; 
his  health  very  poor,  257;  on  a 
committee  to  try  to  bring  Han 
cock  to  a  reckoning  of  the  funds 
of  Harvard  College,  257,  note; 
scores  Hancock  for  neglect  of 
state  affairs,  258;  on  the  "Grand 
Committee"  of  states,  259;  re- 
elected  to  Congress,  but  declines, 
260;  returns  to  the  Massachu 
setts  House  of  Representatives, 
261 ;  elected  Massachusetts  sena 
tor,  but  declines,  261  ;  appointed 
Judge  of  Probate  of  Wills,  but 
refuses  to  accept,  261 ;  on  many 
legislative  committees,  261 ;  on 
the  committee  to  visit  Hampshire 
County  to  inquire  into  the  unrest 
there,  264-267;  the  committee 
thanked  by  the  Hampshire  County 
convention  and  commended  by  the 
legislature,  267;  his  comment  on 
Washington's  letter  concerning  a 
proposed  movement  against  Pe- 


INDEX 


333 


nobscot,  269;  his  opinion  of  Han 
cock,  270;  Timothy  D  wight's 
tribute,  271;  Speaker  of  the 
House,  281 ;  enlarges  his  home  by 
the  addition  of  the  "New  Part," 
281 ;  harangues  the  insurgents  of 
Shays'  Rebellion,  285;  warned 
that  the  insurgents  plan  to  retali 
ate  on  him,  292;  Governor  Bow- 
doin  writes  for  his  suggestions 
and  advice,  294;  candidate  for 
Representative  to  the  United 
States  Congress,  300;  defeated, 
300;  again  a  candidate  for  Repre 
sentative  to  the  United  States 
Congress,  301 ;  elected,  301  ; 
aligns  himself  with  the  Federal 
ists,  302;  his  opinion  of  the  elec 
torate,  303;  supports  many  Wash 
ington  policies,  305;  his  remarks 
concerning  speechmakers,  306; 
rejoices  at  the  victories  of  the 
French  revolutionists,  307,  312; 
reelected  to  the  third  United 
States  Congress,  308;  supports 
Washington  in  preventing  war 
with  England,  309,  311;  European 
policies  separate  him  and  Samuel 
Adams,  309;  his  sympathies  with 
all  those  struggling  for  political 
freedom,  309;  terminates  his  po 
litical  career,  314;  his  views  of 
"Southern  politics,"  316;  defends 
"Jay's  Treaty"  with  Great  Brit 
ain,  316;  ends  his  long  career  as  a 
judge,  319;  his  death,  321 

Ward,  Joseph,  asks  for  government 
office  and  transmits  alleged  plans 
of  revolutionaries  in  New  Eng 
land,  90,  note;  secretary  to  Ward, 
90 

Ward,  Martha  (mother  of  Artemas 
Ward),  3;  her  parentage,  4 

Ward,  Nahum  (father  of  Artemas 
Ward),  3;  a  man  of  importance 
in  his  community,  4;  his  stories  of 


early  days  in  Massachusetts,  5; 
purchases  the  Yellow  House  and 
surrounding  property,  10,  note; 
deeds  the  Yellow  House  and 
farm  to  Artemas  Ward,  n,  note; 
his  death,  13 

Ward,  Captain  Nahum  (son  of  Ar 
temas  Ward),  247 

Ward,  Thomas  Walter  (son  of  Ar 
temas  Ward),  246,  281 

Ward    Homestead.     See  Artemas 
Ward  House 

Ward's  Order  Book,  99,  note 

"Ward"  township,  250 

Warren,  James,  wishes  the  minute- 
men  had  never  been  organized, 
108,  note;  testifies  that  "we  dare 
not  supercced"  Ward,  112,  162, 
note,  163;  his  criticisms  of  Ward, 
142,  162-163;  President  of  the 
Provincial  Congress,  151;  cited  by 
Bancroft,  154;  his  petulancy,  163, 
note;  on  a  committee  to  discover 
tory  plans,  239;  appointed  to  the 
command  of  the  militia  ordered 
to  Rhode  Island,  244;  refuses  to 
go  and  resigns  his  commission, 
245 

Warren,  Joseph,  his  "Suffolk  Re 
solves,"  68 ;  his  early  views  on  the 
fortification  of  Bunker  Hill,  105; 
writes  of  the  peril  of  anarchy, 
no,  note;  in  the  Chelsea  engage 
ment,  114;  rides  to  the  battle-field 
of  Breed's  Hill,  129;  his  death  on 
Bunker  Hill,  134;  untrue  that  he 
considered  Ward  inefficient  as 
commander-in-chief,  154—158 

Washington,  George,  submits  ar 
ticles  for  a  Virginia  non-importa 
tion  agreement,  44;  impresses  the 
Continental  Congress,  68;  his 
election  as  commander-in-chief  of 
the  continental  army,  147,  148, 
note;  arrives  in  Cambridge,  151; 


334 


INDEX 


dines  with  Ward,  152;  takes  com 
mand  of  the  army,  152;  holds  his 
first  formal  council  of  war,  1655 
rendered  reckless  by  inaction, 
170;  wishes  to  attack  Boston  by 
rowboats,  171;  his  failure  to  im 
press  professional  military  stand 
ards  on  his  army,  172;  estrange 
ment  between  Washington  and 
Ward,  174,  222;  perplexed  by 
Howe's  movements,  185;  unjustly 
criticized  for  inactivity,  188;  luke 
warm  concerning  the  occupation 
of  Dorchester  Neck,  193,  198; 
proposes  a  musket  attack  on  Bos 
ton,  194;  the  fortification  of  Dor 
chester  Heights,  195-205;  his 
comments  on  Ward's  resignation, 
216-217;  asks  Ward  to  take  the 
command  in  Boston,  218;  requests 
Ward  to  remain  despite  the  ac 
ceptance  of  his  resignation  by 
Congress,  223;  feels  that  "the 
game  is  pretty  near  up,"  237; 
wins  at  Trenton  and  again  at 
Princeton,  238;  forces  the  surren 
der  of  Cornwallis  at  Yorktown, 
261 ;  asked  to  drive  the  English 
from  Penobscot,  268;  could  not 
comply,  268;  suspicious  of  Great 
Britain's  part  in  Shays'  Rebellion, 
289-290;  as  the  first  President, 
visits  New  England,  301 ;  Fed 


eralist,  302;  unanimously  re- 
elected  President,  307;  his  stand 
for  neutrality  in  the  European 
conflict,  309;  his  charge  against 
the  Democratic  Societies,  313; 
his  policy  of  secrecy  concerning 
the  provisions  of  "Jay's  Treaty," 
315;  ratifies  the  treaty,  315;  is 
grossly  reviled,  315 

Webb,  Samuel  B.,  139,  note 
Whiskey  Insurrection,  313 

Whitcomb,  Asa,  drives  the  English 
ships  from  Boston  harbor,  225— 
226 

Whitcomb,  John,  lieutenant-colonel 
in  the  Ticonderoga  campaign,  18; 
sixth  Massachusetts  general  of 
ficer,  81;  first  Massachusetts 
major-general,  161,  note 

Winter  Hill,  105,  134,  135,  note 

Worcester  County  Convention,  6l- 
62,  63,  64-67,  69-70,  79-80; 
closes  the  county  courts,  65-67 

Yellow  House,  10;  presented  to 
Ward  by  his  father,  11,  note; 
Ward's  home  court,  12;  pur 
chased  by  the  Reverend  Joseph 
Sumner,  28,  note 

Yorktown,  the  surrender  of  Corn 
wallis,  261 


? 


DIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 


